wholesome severity reconciled with christian liberty, or, the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience here you have the question stated, the middle way betwixt popish tyrannie and schismatizing liberty approved and also confirmed from scripture and the testimonies of divines, yea of whole churches : the chiefe arguments and exceptions used in the bloudy tenent, the compassionate samaritane, m.s. to a.s. &c., examined : eight distinctions added for qualifying and clearing the whole matter : and in conclusion a parænetick to the five apologists for choosing accommodation rather than toleration. gillespie, george, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing g ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) wholesome severity reconciled with christian liberty, or, the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience here you have the question stated, the middle way betwixt popish tyrannie and schismatizing liberty approved and also confirmed from scripture and the testimonies of divines, yea of whole churches : the chiefe arguments and exceptions used in the bloudy tenent, the compassionate samaritane, m.s. to a.s. &c., examined : eight distinctions added for qualifying and clearing the whole matter : and in conclusion a parænetick to the five apologists for choosing accommodation rather than toleration. gillespie, george, - . [ ], p. printed for christopher meredith ..., london : . attributed to george gillespie. cf. blc. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng williams, roger, ?- . -- bloody tenent yet more bloody. walwyn, william, - . -- compassionate samaritane. liberty of conscience. freedom of religion -- england. a r (wing g ). civilwar no vvholsome severity reconciled with christian liberty. or, the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience. he gillespie, george f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vvholsome severity reconciled with christian liberty . or , the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience . here you have the question stated , the middle way betwixt popish tyrannie and schismatizing liberty approved , and also confirmed from scripture , and the testimonies of divines , yea of whole churches : the chiefe arguments and exceptions used in the bloudy tenent , the compassionate samaritane , m. s. to a. s. &c. examined . eight distinctions added for qualifying and clearing the whole matter . and in conclusion a paraenetick to the five apologists for choosing accommodation rather then toleration . imprimatur . ia. cranford . decemb. . . august . contra primam gaudentii epist. c. . absit autem ut ista persecutio dicenda sit hominum , cum sit potius pro hominibus liberandis persecutio vitiorum , qualem facit aegris etiam diligentia medicorum . idem contra epist. parmen. lib. . cap. . prius enim preb●●● se non esse haereticos vel schismaticos , ●●…m demum de indignis poenis suis lividam emittant vocem , &c. nos corporum persecutores vocant , se animarum interfectores non vocant . london , printed for christopher meredith , and are to be sold at the signe of the crane in pauls churchyard . . to the christian and courteous reader . it cannot be unknown to any , except such as are ignorant of satans devices , and altogether strangers to the histories of former times , that when ▪ the church commeth out of idolatry , and out of bitter servitude and grievous pressures of conscience , all her storms are not over her head , but she begins to be assaulted and afflicted more then before with heresies , schismes , and home-bred disturbances . which through the manifold wisdome and over-ruling dispensation of god , who worketh all things according to the counsel of his will , is englands lot this day , that this may be to those in whom the lord hath no pleasure , a stone of stumbling , and a rock of offence , that they may goe and fall backward , and be broken ; & snared , and taken : that others , who are approved , may be made manifest ; yea , that many may be purified , and tried , and made white ; and that in the issue god may have the greater glory in making a soveraign remedy out of poysonfull ingredients , and his people may say , blessed be the lord god of israel who only doth wondrous things . but now will the sectaries be contented ( as christs witnesses in former times were ) to be examined and judged according to the word of god , and if they be found to be what they are accused to be , then to suffer accordingly ? nay , if so , they fear they shall run too great a hazard . therefore they cry out for toleration and liberty of conscience , hereby going about not only themselves to fish in troubled waters , but to improve at once the manifold advantages of sympathising with the principles of the most part of men amongst us ; for as it is a common plea and bond of union among all hereticks and sectaries , how many soever their divisions and subdivisions be among themselves ; yea , they give ( in this ) the right hand of fellowship to the prelaticall ▪ and malignant party , for they also put in for liberty of conscience : and as carnall and prophane men desire nothing more then that they may not be compelled to any religious duty , but permitted to doe what seem good in their own eies . so liberty of conscience is a sweet and taking word among the lesse discerning sort of godly people , newly come out of the house of bondage , out of the popish and prelaticall tyranny ; i say the lesse discerning sort , because those of the godly who have their senses exercised to discern good and evill , know that liberty of heresie and schisme is no part of the liberty of conscience which christ hath purchased to us at so dear a rate . but is there no golden hook and taking bait for the magistrate ? yes sure ; for his part he is told that he may punish any breach of peace or civill justice , or a trespasse against the state and against civill authority , but yet not put forth his power against any man for heresie or schisme , being matters of religion and of conscience . as if both polititians and divines had been in a great error when they said that the end and use of magistracy is to make bonum hominem , as well as bonum civem , a good man as well as a good commonwealths man . shall i adde further , that all who wish well to the publike from principles either of religion or policy , want not here their own tentations , perswading to a toleration of sectaries , in regard of the necessity of an union against the common adversary , and the great hazard , if not certain ruine , of the cause , by our own ruptures ? vnder these fair colours and handsome pretexts doe sectaries infuse their poyson , i mean their pernicious , god-provoking , truth-defacing , church ruinating , & state-shaking toleration . the plain english of the question is this : whether the christian magistrate be keeper of both tables : whether he ought to suppresse his own enemies , but not gods enemies , and preserve his own ordinances , but not christs ordinances frō violation . whether the troublers of israel may be troubled . whether the wilde boars and beasts of the forest must have leave to break down the hedges of the lords vineyard ; and whether ravening wolves in sheeps clothing must be permitted to converse freely in the flock of christ . whether after the black devil of idolatry and tyranny is trod under our feet , a white devill of heresie and schisme , under the name of tender consciences , must be admitted to walk up and down among us . whether not only pious and peaceable men , ( whom i shall never consent to persecute ) but those also who are as a pestilence ▪ or a gangrene in the body of christ , men of corrupt minds and turbulent spirits , who draw factions after them , make a breach and rent in israel , resist the truth and reformation of religion , spread abroad all the ways they can their pernicious errors , and by no other means can be reduced ; whether those also ought to be spared and let alone . i have endeavoured in this following discourse to vindicate the lawfull , yea necessary use of the coercive power of the christian magistrate in suppressing and punishing hereticks and sectaries , according as the degree of their offence and of the churches danger shal require : which when i had done , there came to my hands a book called the storming of antichrist . indeed , the recruting of antichrist , and the storming of zion , ( if so be that i may anabaptize an anabaptists book ) take one passage for instance , pa. . and for papists , saith he , though they are least to be borne of all others , because of the uncertainty of their keeping faith with hereticks , as they call us , and because they may be absolved of securements that can arise from the just solemn oaths , and because of their cruelty against the protestants in divers countries where they get the upper hand , and because they are profest idolaters , yet may they be born with ( as i suppose with submission to better judgments ) in protestant government , in point of religion , because we have no command to root out any for conscience , &c. why then ? is this to storm antichrist ? or is it not rather a storming of this party , in the prevailing whereof god will have far more glory then in the prevailing of the popish and prelaticall party , as himself speaketh , pa. . and if he will storm , sure some of his ladders are too short . if any one rail against christ ( saith he , p. . ) or deny the scriptures to be his word , or affirm the epistles to be only letters written to particular churches , and no rule for us , and so unsettle our faith , this i take may be punished by the magistrate , because all or most nations in the world doe it . that all the nations ▪ in the world doe punish for these things , i am yet to learn : and those that doe , doe they not also punish men for other ways of unsetling the grounds of faith besides these ? the declining of some of the epistles as being letters written upon particular occasions , and no rule for us , is an error which hath been pretended to be no lesse conscientious then those errors which now he will have indulged . lastly , if he would needs storm , why would be not make some new breach ? i find no materiall arguments in him for liberty of conscience , but what i found before in the bloudy tenent , the compassionate samaritane , and m. s. to a. s. so that my ensuing answers to them shall serve his turn . and now reader buy the truth , and sell it not . search for knowledge as for hid treasures . if thou readest with a unprejudiced mind , i dare promise thee through gods blessing a satisfied mind . the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience . concerning this question there are three opinions ; two extreams , and one in the middle . so it is resolved not only by d. voctius , in his late disputations de libertate conscientiae , but long before by calvin , in his refutation of the errours of servetus , where he disputeth this very question , whether christian judges may lawfully punish hereticks . the first opinion is that of the papists , who hold it to be not only no sin , but good service to god , to extirpate by fire and sword , all that are adversaries to , or opposers of the church and catholick religion . upon this ground gregorius de valentia tells us there were . of the albigenses burnt under pope innocentius the third ; and in the councell of constance were burnt john hus and hierome of prague . suarez de triplice virtute , tract. . disp. . sect. . layeth downe these assertions . . that all hereticks who after sufficient instruction and admonition , still persist in their error , are to be without mercy put to death . . that all impenitent hereticks , though they professe to be catholicks , being convict of heresie , are to be put to death . . that relapsing hereticks , though penitent , are to be put to death without mercy . . that it is most probable , that heresiarchs , dogmatists , or the authors of an heresie , though truly penitent , yet are not to be received to favour , but delivered to the civil sword . . that a heretick who hath not relapsed , if before sentence past against him , he convert of his owne accord , he is not to bee punished with death , but with some smaller punishment , such as perpetuall imprisonment , or the like . ibid. tract. . disp. . sect. . hee saith , that schismaticks may be punished with almost all the punishments of hereticks . azor. institut . moral . tom. . lib. . cap. . vtrique verò , tum relapsi , tum alii , quando pertinaces sunt , vivi igne exuruntur : si verò pertinaces non sint , prius strangulari solent , & postea comburi . see the like , becan . summa part . . tract. . quaest. . & . turrian . in am ● disp. . dub . . some of them also maintaine the compelling of infidels to be baptized , as scotus in lib. . sent. dist. . quaest. . and they who follow him . the second opinion doth fall short , as farre as the former doth exceed : that is , that the magistrate ought not to inflict any punishment , nor put forth any coercive power uppon hereticks or sectaries , but on the contrary grant them liberty and toleration . this was the opinion of the donatists , against which augustine hath written both much and well , in divers places : though himselfe was once in the same error , till he did take the matter into his second and better thoughts , as is evident by his retractations , lib. . cap. . & epist. . in the same error are the socinians and arminians . see peltii harmonia , artic. . nic. bodecher . sociniano . remonstrantismus . cap. . see also grotii apologeticus , cap. . pag. . theoph. nicolaid . refut . tractat. de ecclesia , cap. . p. . the very same is maintained in some bookes printed amongst our selves in this yeare of confusion : viz. the bloudy tenent : liberty of conscience : the compassionate samaritan : john the baptist : and by mr. goodwin in his ●eomaxia , pag. . and in his innocencies triumph , pag. . in which places he denyeth that the magistrate , and particularly that the two houses of parliament may impose any thing pertaining to the service and worship of god under mulcts or penalties . so m. s. to a. s. pag. . . . &c. disputeth against the coercive power of the magistrate to suppresse heresies and sects . this power the presbyterians doe ascribe to the magistrate , as i shall shew by and by : therefore i still averre , that m. goodwin in denying and opposing this power , doth herein ( as in divers other particulars ) ascribe much lesse to the magistrate then the presbyterians doe : which overthroweth that insinuation of the five apologists pag. . the third opinion is , that the magistrate may and ought to exercise his coercive power , in suppressing and punishing hereticks and sectaries , lesse or more , according as the nature and degree of the error , schisme , obstinacy , and danger of seducing others , doth require . this as it was the judgement of the orthodox ancients , ( vide optati opera , edit. albaspin . pag. . . ) so it is followed by our soundest protestant writers ; most largely by beza against bellius and monfortius , in a peculiar treatise de haereticis à magistratu puniendis . and though gerhard , * brochmand , and other lutheran writers , make a controversie where they need not , alledging that the calvinists ( so nicknamed ) hold as the papists doe , that all hereticks without distinction are to be put to death : the truth is , they themselves say as much as either calvin or beza , or any other whom they take for adversaries in this question , that is , that hereticks are to be punished by mulcts , imprisonments , banishments , and if they be grosse idolaters or blasphemers , and seducers of others , then to be put to death . what is it else that calvin teacheth , when he distinguisheth three kindes of errors : some to be tolerated with a spirit of meeknesse , and such as ought not to separate betwixt brethren : others not to be tolerated , but to be suppressed with a certaine degree of severity : a third sort so abominable and pestiferous , that they are to be cut off by the highest punishments ? and lest it be thought that this is but the opinion of some few , that the magistrate ought thus by a strong hand , and by civill punishments suppresse hereticks and sectaries : let it be observed what is held forth and professed concerning this businesse , by the reformed churches in their publicke confessions of faith . in the latter confession of helvetia , cap. . it is said that the magistrate ought to root out lies and all superstition , with all impiety and idolatry . and after ; let him suppresse stubborne hereticks . in the french confession , art . . therefore he hath also delivered the sword into the hands of the magistrates , to wit , that offences may be repressed , not only those which are committed against the second table , but also against the first . in the belgick confession , art . . therefore hath he armed the magistrate with the sword for punishing them that doe evill , and for defending such as doe well . moreover it is their duty not only to be carefull and watchfull for the preservation of the civill government , but also to defend the holy ministery , and to abolish and overthrow all idolatry , and counterfeit worship of god . beza de haeret , à magistr. . puniend , tells us in the beginning , that the ministers of helvetia had declared themselves to be of the same judgement , in a booke published of that argument . and toward the end he citeth the saxon confession , luther , melancthon , brentius , bucerus , wolfangus capito , and bullinger . the synod of dort , ses . . in their sentence against the remonstrants doth not only interdict them of all their ecclesiasticall and academicall functions , but also beseech the states generall by the secular power further to suppresse and restrain them . the arguments whereby this third or middle opinion is confirmed ( that we may not build upon humane authority ) are these . first , the law , deut. . , , , . concerning the stoning and killing of him , who shall secretly intice people , saying , let us go after other gods . if it be said , that this law did bind the jews only , and is not morall nor perpetuall . i answer , jacobus acontius , though he be of another opinion concerning this question then i am , yet he candidly and freely confesseth , that he seeth nothing in that law , which doth not belong to the new testament , as well as the old ; for saith he , the reason and ground of the law , the use and end of it , is morall and perpetuall , ver. . all israel shall hear and fear , and shall doe no more any such wickednesse , as this is among you . but yet , saith acontius , this law doth not concern hereticks , who beleeve and teach errors concerning the true god or his worship ; but only apostates who fall away to other gods : * in this i shall not much contend with him ; only thus far , if apostates are to be stoned and killed according to that law , then surely seducing hereticks are also to receive their measure and proportion of punishment ; the morall equity of the law requireth thus much at least , that if we compare heresy and apostasy together , look how much lesse the evill of sin is in heresy , so much and no more is to be remitted of the evill of punishment , especially the danger of contagion and seducement , being as much or rather more in heresy then in apostasy ; yea , that which is called heresy being oftentimes a reall following after other gods . but the law , deut. . for punishing with death ▪ as well whole cities as particular persons , for falling away to other gods , is not the only law for punishing even capitally grosse sins against the first table . see exod. . . he that sacrificeth unto any god , save unto the lord only , he shall be utterly destroyed , exod. . . every one that defileth the sabbath , shall surely be put to death , levit. ● . . and he that blasphemeth the name of the lord , he shall surely be put to death , deut. . , , ▪ . if there be found among you within any of thy gates , which the lord thy god giveth thee , man or woman , that hath wro●ght wickednesse in the sight of the lord thy god , in transgressing his covenant , and hath gone and served other gods and worshipped them , &c. thou shalt bring forth that man or that woman unto thy gates , even that man or that woman , and shalt stone them with stones till they die . it will be asked , but how doth it appear that these or any other judiciall laws of moses doe at all appertain to us , as rules to guide us in like cases ? i shall wish him who scrupleth this , to read piscator his appendix to his observations upon the , , . chapters of exodus , where he excellently disputeth this question , whether the christian magistrate be bound to observe the judicial laws of moses , as well as the jewish magistrate was . he answereth by the common distinction , he is obliged to those things in the judiciall law which are unchangeable , & common to all nations : but not to those things which are mutable , or proper to the jewish republike . but then he explaineth this distinction , that by things mutable , and proper to the jews , he understandeth the emancipation of an hebrew servant or handmaid in the seventh year , a mans marying his brothers wife and raising up seed to his brother , the forgiving of debts at the jubilee , marying with one of the same tribe , and if there be any other like to these ; also ceremoniall trespasses , as touching a dead body , &c. but things immutable , and common to all nations are the laws concerning morall trespasses , sins against the morall law , as murther , adultery , theft , enticing away from god , blasphemy , striking of parents . now that the christian magistrate is bound to observe these judiciall lawes of moses which appoint the punishments of sins against the morall law , he proveth by these reasons . . if it were not so , then it is free and arbitrary to the magistrate to appoint what punishments himself pleaseth . but this is not arbitrary to him , for he is the minister of god , rom. . . and the judgement is the lords , deut. . . chron. . . and if the magistrate be keeper of both tables , he must keep them in such manner as god hath delivered them to him . . christs words , mat. . . think not that i am come to destroy the law or the prophets , i am not come to destroy , but to fulfill , are comprehensive of the judiciall law , it being a part of the law of moses ; now he could not fulfill the judiciall law , except either by his practice , or by teaching others still to observe it ; not by his own practice , for he would not condemn the adulteresse , joh. . . nor divide the inheritance , luke . , . therefore it must be by his doctrine for our observing it . . if christ in his sermon , mat. . would teach that the morall law belongeth to us christians , in so much as he vindicateth it from the false glosses of the scribes & pharisees ; then he meant to hold forth the judiciall law concerning morall trespasses as belonging to us also : for he vindicateth and interpreteth the judiciall law , as well as the morall , mat. . . an eye for an eye , &c. . if god would have the morall law transmitted from the jewish people to the christian people ; then he would also have the judiciall law transmitted from the jewish magistrate to the christian magistrate : there being the same reason of immutability in the punishments , which is in the offences ; idolatry and adultery displeaseth god now as much as then ; and theft displeaseth god now no more then before . . whatsoever things were written af●retime , were written for our learning , rom. . . and what shall the christian magistrate learn from those judiciall laws , but the will of god to be his rule in like cases ? the ceremoniall law was written for our learning , that we might know the fulfilling of all those types , but the judiciall law was not typicall . . doe all to the glory of god , cor. . . mat. . . how shall christian magistrates glorifie god more then by observing gods own laws , as most just , and such as they cannot make better ? . whatsoever is not of faith is sin , rom. . . now when the christian magistrate punisheth sins against the morall law , if he doe this in faith and in assurance of pleasing god , he must have his assurance from the word of god , for faith can build upon no other foundation : it is the word which must assure the conscience , god hath commanded such a thing , therefore it is my duty to doe it , god hath not forbidden such a thing , therefore i am free to doe it . but the will of god concerning civill justice and punishments is no where so fully and cleerly revealed as in the judiciall law of moses . this therefore must be the surest prop and stay to the conscience of the christian magistrate . these are not my reasons ( if it be not a word or two added by way of explaining and strengthning ) but the substance of piscators reasons : unto which i adde , . though we have clear and full scriptures in the new testament for abolishing the ceremoniall law yet we no where reade in all the new testament of the abolishing of the judicial law , so far as it did concern the punishing of sins against the morall law , of which heresy and seducing of souls is one , and a great one . once god did reveal his will for punishing those sins by such and such punishments . he who will hold that the christian magistrate is not bound to inflict such punishments for such sins , is bound to prove that those former lawes of god are abolished , and to shew some scripture for it . . that iudiciall law for having two or three witnesses in judgement , deut. . . heb. . . is transferred even with an obligation to us christians , and it concerneth all judgement , as well ecclesiasticall as civill , mat. . . cor. . . and some other particulars might be instanced in ▪ which are pressed and enforced from the iudiciall law , by some who yet mind not the obligation of it . to conclude therefore this point , though other judiciall or forensecall laws concerning the punishments of sins against the morall law , may , yea , must be allowed of in christian republikes and kingdomes ; provided always , they be not contrary or contradictory to gods own iudiciall laws : yet i fear not to hold with junius , de politia mosis cap. . that he who was punishable by death under that iudiciall law , is punishable by death still ; and he who was not punished by death then , is not to be punished by death now ; and so much for the first argument from the law of god . a second argument we have from divers laudable examples in the old testament ; moses drew the sword against idolaters , exod. . . the children of israel resolved to go out to war against the reubenites and gadites , when they understood that they were building another altar . jos. . . elijah commanded to slay the priests of baal , kings . . in asa his time there was a covenant for putting to death such as would not seek the lord god of their fathers , chro. . . iehu slew the priests of ahab , and the worshippers of baal , kings . . . first , searching and making sure that there were none of the servants of the lord among them , ver. . iosiah sacrificed the priests of samaria upon their own altars , kings . . nebuchadnezzar , though an heathē , being convinced that there was no god like the god of israel , made a decree , that whosoever speaketh blasphemy , or uttereth any error against god , shall be cut in pieces , and their houses made a dunghill , dan. . . as for those whose errors and corruptions in religion were not so great , there was some ( though not the highest ) severity used against them : moses was so angry with the people that were seduced into idolatry , that he burnt the ●alf which they had worshipped , and ground it to powder , and strewed it upon the water , and made the children of israel to drinke of it , exod. . . thereby teaching them ( as hierome and others give the reason ) to abhorre that idolatry , while their idoll did passe from them among their own excrements . asa did remove his mother maachah from being queen , because of an idoll which she had made in a grove , kings . . josiah caused all that were present in jerusalem and benjamin to stand to the covenant . chron. . . which could not be without either threatning or inflicting punishment upon the transgressors ; there being many at that time disaffected to the reformation . o but saith m. s. to a. s. pag. , . idolatry and idolaters were the adaequate object of that coercive power in matters of religion , whereof we reade in the old testament . nor doe we read that ever the iewish kings or magistrates attempted any thing against sectaries or schismaticks . i answer , . the object of that coercive power of josiah , chron. . . was generally the matter of the covenant , that is , the taking away not only of idolatry , but of all abominations , and a walking after the lord , and keeping of his testimonies , and statutes , and commandments , ver. . . nehemiah did drive away the son of eliashib the high priest , not for idolatry , but for marying the daughter of sanballat , and thereby defiling the covenant of the priesthood , nehem. . , . ezra made the chief priests , the levites , and all israel to enter into a covenant and to swear , that they would put away the strange wives , and that it should be done according to the law , ezra . . . and whosoever would not come to ierusalem for this thing , was not only himself excommunicated from the church , but all his goods forfeited . v. . artaxerxes decreed punishment for all who should oppose the law of god , and the building of the temple : wherein he is so far approved , as that ezra blesseth god for it , ezra . , . whosoever will not doe the law of thy god , and the law of the king , let judgement be executed speedily upon him , whether it be unto death , or unto banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or imprisonment , &c. which doth not concern idolatry only , but generally the laws of god , v. . set magistrates and iudges which may judge all the people , all such as know the laws of thy god . he who wrote liberty of conscience . p. . . is so far confounded with this laudable decree of artaxerxes , that he can say no more to it , but that it was the commandment of god , not an invention of men which artaxerxes did thus impose , which is as much as we desire . but . sects and schismes are to be punished as well , though not as much as heresy and idolatry . there are degrees of faults , and accordingly degrees of punishments . augustine wrote an epistle to bonifacius upon this occasion , to shew that the donatists had nothing to doe with the arrians , and so were not to be punished with such rigour and severity ; yet he adviseth that moderate mulcts and punishments may be laid upon them , & that their bishops or ministers may be banished . in his epist. he intercedeth most earnestly with the proconsul of africk , that he might not put to death the donatists , but represse them some other ways . we have also a scripture example for punishing sectaries who are not hereticks . it is agreed among interpreters , there were in iudah two sorts of high places , some on which god was worshipped , others on which idols were worshipped , & it is most manifest from chro. . . and from the reconciling of chro. . . with ch. . . . the one sort was the high places of idolatry , the other , the high places of wil-worship ; yet the priests of the latter , as well as of the former , were punished by iosiah , as tostatus proveth from kings . and the text it self is clear , for he put to death the priests of sama●ia , who had sacrificed in the high places of idolatry , vers. . but as for those who sacrificed in the high places of wil-worship , because they sacrificed to the lord only ( as the word is , chron. . . ) therefore iosiah did not put them to death , only he caused them to goe out of all the cities of judah , and to cease from the priests office , so that they durst not come up to the altar of the lord at jerusalem , only they were permitted to eat of the unleavened bread among their brethren , ver. , . which is parallel to that law , ezek. . ver ▪ , , , , . a prophecy concerning the christian temple , and the times of the new testament , wch reacheth a blow to another silly & short-sighted evasion , used both in the bloudy tenent , and in m. s. to a. s. that all this coercive power exercised in the old testament was typicall , & therefore not imitable now in the new testament . whereunto i further reply , . the reason of all that coercive severity was morall and perpetuall , as was shewed before from deut. . . next , why did they not prove that it was typicall ? shall we take their fancy for a certainty ? they have neither scripture nor interpreters for it . . they confound the judiciall lawes of moses with the ceremoniall , making the judicatories and justice typicall no lesse then the ceremonies . . they doe utterly overthrow the investiture of christian princes and magistrates with any power at all in matters of religion , from the old testament . so that one may not argue thus : the godly kings of judah did remove the monuments of idolatry and superstition , therefore so should the christian magistrate doe . the most arrant malignant may answer in the words of mr. williams , chap. . that the civill power or state of israel , so farre as it attended upon the spirituall , was meerly figurative : or in the words of m. s. pag. . there are two reasons very considerable why the kings of judah might be invested by god with a larger power in matters of religion , then kings or magistrates under the gospel have any ground or warrant to claime from them . first , they were types of christ ( but by the way how doth he prove that asa , jehu , and josiah were types of christ ? ) which no king under heaven at this day is . secondly , not the people onely , but the very land over which they ruled were typicall . . the punishment of persons was a part of their reformation , as well as the destruction of monuments , and why must we follow their example in the one , more then the other ? if we smart under both their diseases , we must apply both their remedies , or neither . the third argument is drawne from the new testament . the magistrate beareth not the sword in vaine , for he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evill , rom. . . but i assume ; hereticks and sectaries doe evill , yea much evill , especially when they draw many others after them in their pernicious wayes . it was the observation of one of the greatest politicians of this kingdome , that heresies and schismes are of all others the greatest scandalls : yea more then corruption of manners . one of his reasons is , because every sect of them hath a diverse posture or cringe by themselves , which cannot but move derision in worldlings , and depraved politicks , who are apt to contemne holy things . i know it will be answered , if any sectary make a breach of peace , or disturb the state , then indeed the magistrate ought to redresse it by a coercive power . so john the baptist , pag. . so mr. williams , chap. . answereth , rom. . . is not meant of evill against the christian estate , but of evill against the civill state . m. s. pag. . . tells us that he is not for the toleration of sects and schismes , except only upon this supposition , that the professors or maintainers of them be otherwise peaceable in the state , and every wayes subject to the lawes and lawfull power of the civill magistrate . i answer , the experience of former times may make us so wise as to foresee that heresie and schisme tendeth to the breach of the civill peace , and to a rupture in the state as well as in the church . what commotions did the arrians make in all the easterne parts ? the macedonians in greece ? the donatists in africke ? how did the anabaptists raise and foment the bloudy warre of the boores in germany , wherein were killed above men ? tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum . how satanicall was julians designe to bring the christians to nought , by granting liberty of conscience to all the hereticks and sectaries that were among them ? but suppose the commonwealth to runne no hazard by the toleration of heresies and schismes , i answer further , . the text , rom. . . speaketh generally , and we must not distinguish where the scripture doth not distinguish . . those that are in authority are to take such courses and so to rule , that we may not onely lead a quiet and peaceable life , but further that it be in all godlinesse and honesty , tim. . . the magistrate is keeper of both tables , and is to punish the violation of the first table , as well as of the second . . willany man , saith angustine , who is in his right wit , say to kings , doe not care by whom the church of god in your kingdome be maintained or opposed : it doth not concerne you in your kingdome , who will be religious , who sacrilegious : to whom notwithstanding it cannot bee said , it doth not concerne you in your kingdome , who be chaste , who whorish , &c. is the soules keeping faith and truth to god a lighter matter , then that of a woman to a man ? he confesseth in the same epistle , that he and some other african divines were sometime of that opinion , that the emperour should not at all punish the donatists for their heresie or error , but such of them only as should be found to commit any riot or breach of peace , especially the furious and violent circumcellions . but afterward he confesseth that the emperour had as good reason to represse their pernicious error , as their furious violence . a fourth argument is drawne from the names which the scripture giveth to hereticks and sectaries , holding forth the extreame danger of tolerating and letting them alone . they are called ravening wolves , matth. . . and grievous wolves not sparing the flocke , act. . . theeves and robbers , john . . their word eateth as a canker , tim. . . and is as a little leaven leavening the whole lumpe , gal. . . they are troublers of israel , act. . . gal. . . shall the troublers of the state be punished , and the troublers of israel go free ? shal physitians cut off the member that hath a gangrene in it , because it indangereth the whole body , and shall the great state physitians suffer the gangrene to spread in the church ? shall mens bodies , goods , and purses , be so farre cared for , that theeves and robbers must not be suffered , but justice done upon them ; and shall those have immunity who steale away soules from christ , and rob us of the pearle of truth ? nay shall the poore sheepe be so much looked to , that the wolfe must not be spared ; and shall we suffer the soule-destroying wolves to enter , yea abide peaceably among the dear-bought flock of jesus christ ? other arguments might be added , but let these suffice at this present . i come next to answer all the materiall objections which i have either read or heard ( to my best remembrance ) alledged against this coercive power of the magistrate in matters of religion . first , the parable of the tares is objected : christ will not have the tares to be pluckt up , but to grow together with the wheat untill the harvest , mat. . . . in this argument mr. williams in his bloudy tenent putteth a great deale of confidence . but i am as confident to discover the strength of it to be lesse then nothing . for first he taketh the tares to be meant neither of hypocrites in the church , whether discovered or undiscovered ; nor yet of those who are scandalous offenders in their life and conversation , but only of antichristian idolaters and false worshippers : which is a most false interpretation . christ himselfe expoundeth it generally , vers. . the good seed are the children of the king dome : but the tares are the children of the wicked one . and vers. . the tares are expounded to be all that offend , and which doe iniquity . this being the cleare meaning , it will follow undeniably , that if the magistrate must spare those who are meant by tares in the parable , then he must spare and let alone all scandalous offenders , murtherers , adulterers , drunkards , theeves , &c. when any such are discovered in the visible church . but this cannot be the meaning of the tares in the parable , saith mr. williams , chap. . that wicked livers , opposite to the children of god , should be understood . for then , saith he , when christ saith , let the tares alone , he should contradict other ordinances for the punishment of evill doers by the magistrate . but this is a base begging of the question : for he well knew that those against whom he disputes hold that his exposition of the parable contradicteth the ordinance of god for punishing idolaters and hereticks , the question being whether this be not an ordinance as well as the punishment of scandalous livers . besides , if the tares be antichristian idolaters , and they must not be pluckt up , but suffered to grow till the harvest , as he expoundeth , this contradicteth other scriptures , which say that the sword must be drawne against antichristian idolaters , and they thereby cut off , revel. . . and . . but i proceed to a second answer . if by tares i should suppose only to be meant idolaters , hereticks , and false worshippers ( which is a glosse contrary to the text , as i have demonstrate ) yet their argument will not conclude the forbearing or sparing of such , except onely in such cases , and so farre as the true worshippers of god cannot be certainly and infallibly dignosced from the false worshippers , as the wheat from the tares : as jehu would not destroy the worshippers of baal , till he was sure that none of the servants of the lord were among them , king. . . the reason why the tares are not to be pluckt up , is , lest while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them , vers. . now when a man is sure that he plucks up nothing but tares , or rather thornes , without the least danger to the wheat , how doth the parable strike against his so doing ? if m. s. will not beleeve me , let him beleeve himselfe , pag. . for my part , saith he , when the civill magistrate shall be farre enough out of this danger of fighting against god , i have nothing to say against his fighting with superstition , heresie , schisme , &c. thirdly , what if i shape yet another answer to the argument out of mr. williams owne words ? chap. . i acknowledge , saith he , this command [ let them alone ] was expresly spoken to the messengers or ministers of the gospel , who have not civill power or authority in their hand , and therefore not to the civill magistrate , king or governour . now therefore what a blockish argument is it , to reason from this parable against the coercive power of the magistrate in matters of religion ? if there must be a forbearance of any severity , we must forbeare church censures and excommunication a way of rooting out the tares , which mr. williams himselfe justifieth as much as we doe . fourthly , and if the utter extirpation and plucking up of hereticks by capitall punishments , should be understood to be forbidden in the parable , ( as it is not ) yet the stopping of their mouths , the dissipating and suppressing of them , some other coercive way , is not forbidden , as chrysostome noteth upon the place , whom euthymius and theophylactus doe follow in this , allowing of coercive , though not capitall punishments . fifthly , calvin , beza , and our best interpreters , take the scope and intent of that parable , not to be against the immoderate severity of magistrates , but against the immoderate zeal of those who imagine to have the church rid of all scandalous and wicked persons , as wheat without tares , corn without chaffe , a flock of sheep without goats , which hath been the fancy of novatians , donatists and anabaptists . the parable therefore intimates unto us ( as bucerus upon the place expoundeth it ) that when the magistrate hath done all his duty in exercising his coercive power , yet to the worlds end there will be ( in the church a mixture of good and bad . so that it is the universall and perfect purging of the church , which is put off to the last judgement , not the punishment of particular persons . neither doe the servants in the parable aske whether they should pluck up this or that visible tare , but whether they should goe and make the whole field rid of them ; which field is the generall visible church sowed with the ●eed of the gospel ; and so much for that argument . another negative argument is this . such a coercive power in matters of religion , maketh men hypocrites and seven times more the children of hell . christs ordinances put upon a whole city , or a nation , may more civilize and moralize , but never christianize them ; saith m●williams , chap. . i answer , this argument doth utterly condemn josiahs reformation as sinfull , for the caused all judah to stand to the covenant , as we heard before from chron. . . yet iudah became thereby more hypocriticall . treacherous iudah hath not turned unto me with her whole heart , but fainedly , saith the lord , speaking of those very days of iosiah , ier. . . . . this argument maketh also against the punishment of adulteries , murthers , thefts , robberies , &c. for unlesse filthy lust , hatred , and covetousnesse in the heart be mortified , and men convert freely and sincerely , the reducing of them to a morall conversation maketh them hypocrites , and neerer hell then before . . there are two sorts of christs ordinances : some for the communion of saints : others , for the conversion of sinners : it is far from our thoughts to admit , much lesse to compell , a whole city , or nation promiscuously , to the use of the former . but yet converting or reducing ordinances may and ought to put upon all whom they concern . the means must be used and mens hearts left to god . object . . this doctrine of the magistrates coercive power , maketh many to stumble at the presbyterian reformation , as a bloudy reformation , as a building of zion with bloud , and ierusalem with iniquity , mic. . . answ . . we have not so learned christ , we abominate the popish and prelaticall tyranny . we know that the servant of the lord must not strive ; but be gentle unto all men , apt to teach , patient : in meeknesse instructing those that oppose themselves , if god peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth , tim. . , . yet he who said so , could also say , i would they were even cut off which trouble you , gal. . . it is my souls desire that the secular coercive power may be put forth upon those only who can by no other means be reclaimed , & who can be no longer spared without a visible rupture in the church , and the manifest danger of seducing and misleading many souls . a presbytery is not so ill a neighbour , that no man who hath the least differing opinion may live beside it . but . this objection doth as much strike against the new england government , as against the government of the neighbouring reformed churches . for in new england there hath been severity enough ( to say no worse ) used against hereticks and schismaticks . and here i must appeal the consciences of those who now plead so much for liberty of conscience and toleration in this kingdome , were they able to root out the presbyterians and their way , & could find civil authority inclinable to put forth the coercive power against it , whether in that case would they not say , that the magistrate may represse it by strong hand , if it cannot be otherwise repressed . it is not without cause that i put this quere to them ; for m. s. pag. . ( a passage before cited ) doth allow of the magistrates fighting against a doctrine or way which is indeed superstition , heresy , or schisme , and only pretendeth to be from god , when it is indeed from men . also that pamphlet called as you were , p. . tels us that it was neither gamaliels meaning nor mr goodwins meaning , that every way pretending to be from god must be let alone , but that only we are to refrain & let alone , till we are certain that we are out of danger of fighting against god , while we endeavour to overthrow it . now i assume , there are some who plead for liberty of conscience , who professe that they are certain and fully assured , upon demonstrative proofs , that the presbyteriall way is not from god , nor according to the mind of jesus christ ( which is hinted to us both in the pamphlet last cited p. , . & in {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} pag. . ) therefore according to their principles they must allow of the putting forth of the civil coercive power against the presbyteriall way . and if so , what a grand imposture is this ? what a deceiving of the world ? what a mocking of the parliament and of the kingdome ? to plead generally for liberty of conscience , when they intend only liberty to themselves , not to others that are opposite to them . which appeareth yet further by the compassionate samaritane , pag. . he saith that no man is to be punished or discountenanced by authority for his opinion , unlesse it be dangerous to the state , pag. , . he discourseth against the opinion of presbyterians as most dangerous to the state . therefore he would have the presbyterians discountenanced and punished by authority , and intendeth liberty only to the separatists , anabaptists , and the like . i have done with three objections , but i have three words more to speak with the compassionate samaritane , i● answer to his three arguments for liberty of conscience , in which though all the strength of his discourse doth lie , i hope to make him ashamed of them , if he can at all blush . his first argument is this , whatsoever a mans reason doth conclude to be true or false , to be agreeable or disagreeable to gods word , that same to that man is his opinion or judgement , and so man is by his own reason necessitated to be of that mind he is : now where there is a necessity , there ought to be no punishment , for punishment is the recompence of voluntary actions , therefore no man ought to be punished for his judgement . answ . . the question is not whether a man ought to be punished for his judgement , but whether a man ought to be punished for such professions or practises in religion , as are found to be pernicious , hurtfull , and destructive , to the glory of god , the truth of the gospell , the ordinances of christ , the reformation of religion , the peace of the church . i know he will be ready still to set on foot his argument , for that a mans judgement and reason doth so necessitate and conclude him that he cannot chuse but professe and practice as he doth . therefore i adde . this argument of his striketh against the justice of the parliament done or to be done upon malignants , for as much as their judgement bindeth them , and their reason doth necessitate them to judge and speak and act as they doe . . it striketh at the very justice of god upon reprobate and unbeleeving men , for as much as they cannot receive the things of god , cor. . . cannot hear the words of christ , joh. . . cannot receive the spirit of truth , ioh. . . but . the formall solution is this ; there is a grosse fallacy in the argument , for we must distinguish necessity , there is a naturall necessity , which takes away the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and a morall necessity , which takes away the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of a mans being of another judgement or way . again , there is an absolute necessity , and a hypotheticall necessity . now the necessity of a hereticks judging thus , because his reason concludeth him thus , is not a morall necessity or obligation upon him , as if it were not lawfull to him to judge or doe otherwise , ( nay he ought and is bound by the word of god to judge otherwise , and doe otherwise ) but it is a naturall necessity , ( i meane of sinfull nature ) and that not simple and absolute , neither , but hypotheticall only , and upon this supposition that he hath not yet opened his eyes to receive more light , nor set his heart singly and in the feare of god to seeke more light . so that the plaine english of this samaritan argument is this : though gods word bindeth a man to such a duty , yet if his owne erroneous , perverse and corrupt judgement conclude him so farre that his opinion cannot agree with the word of god , and himselfe cannot be brought to the practice of that necessary duty ; such a man ought not to be punished . or as if one should argue thus : he that hath borrowed from me a thousand pound , hath by his owne sault disabled himselfe to pay it : therefore i may not call him to an account for it . but let us see whether this samaritan be happier in his second argument . which is this : it 's knowne that the fathers , generall councels , nationall assemblies , synods and parliaments in their times have beene most grossely mistaken : and though the present times be wiser then the former , &c. yet since there remaines a possibility of error , notwithstanding never so great presumptions to the contrary , one sort of men are not to compell another , since this hazard is run thereby , that he who is in an error may be the constrainer of him who is in the truth . answ . . farewell parliaments , if this argument hold good . the parliament may fine no man , imprison no man , banish no man : they may compell no man to assessements , taxes , excise , billeting of souldiers &c. and why forsooth ? because they may not presume of an infallible and unerring spirit , but may erre , and have erred as well as other men . he argueth from the hazard of compulsion , it may fall out that he who is in the truth may be constrained and persecuted . true : it may fall out so ; and the lord save us that we never be accessary to the persecuting of any who is in the truth , for so it may be againe through mens corruption and abuse of the magistrates power , ( so the best things may be abused . ) but the liberty of conscience which he pleadeth for , runs a farre greater hazard , even the hazard of not only shaking but overturning truth , and peace , and religion , and ordinances , and church , and soules , and all . to the ruine of all these , and to a thousand mischiefes , this kinde of liberty prepareth a broad way , and openeth a wide doore ; and it is better , as he said , to live where nothing is lawfull , then where every thing is lawfull . . it followes not that because parliaments may not presume of an unerring spirit , therefore they cannot be certaine that they are in the truth concerning this or that particular , so that they may confidently compell men to it , without feare of fighting against god . the acknowledgement of a possibility of error , and that we know but in part as long as we are in this world , may well consist with mens fulnesse of perswasion from the light of gods word , concerning this or that truth to be beleeved , or duty to be done . i make haste to his third argument . to compell me , saith he , against my conscience , is to compell me against what i beleeve to be true , and so against my faith ; now whatsoever is not of faith is sinne : to compell me therefore against my conscience , is to compell me to doe that which is sinfull . and , againe i am counselled by the apostle to be perswaded in my owne minde of the truth of that way wherein i serve the lord , &c. answ . . this also shaketh loose parliamentary authority ; though the gentleman who wrote these arguments pretendeth to stand for it , as much as any other . his argument will conclude ( if it concludeth at all ) that the parliament may not compell malignants , disaffected persons , rebels , to any thing which they are not perswaded in their own minds to be right . it is against my conscience , wil the antiparliamentary malignant say , to contribute to the war , to acknowledge this for a parliament , as long as the king doth not acknowledg it ; to reveal such a design , or to confesse this or that plot against the parliament , whē i am examined ; therefore i shal sin if i do so , for whatsoever is not of faith is sinne , and the parliament shall compell me to sinne , if they compell me to doe so . for though the thing may be in it selfe good , yet if it doe not appeare to be so to my conscience , the practice thereof in me is sinfull , which therefore i ought not to bee compelled unto , saith the samaritan . if hee say his argument is only concerning matters of religion , i answer , whatever his intention be in offering the argument , the very nature and force of the argument it selfe driveth universally against the compelling of a man to any thing whatsoever which is against his owne conscience , except he will say that it is a sinne to serve god against my cons●ience , but it is no sinne to serve the parliament against my conscience . saith not the apostle , whatsoever is not of faith is sinne : and , he that doubteth is damned ? but . when the apostle saith so , he doth not exclude all manner of doubting , as the casuists well observe , but only practicall doubts : for a man may have his conscience morally and practically certaine , so that he may doe such a thing lawfully , and with confidence that he is doing the will of god , and yet withall he may be perhaps fluctuating in some speculative doubts concerning that very thing . for instance : a christian may come to the lords table with so much faith ( i meane not now the faith of the person which justifieth before god , but the faith of that action ) as maketh his comming lawfull , though his thoughts be exercised with some doubts concerning the truth of his repentance and faith . a souldier may in faith goe out to warre , being assured that what he doth he may doe without sinne , but yet he hath happily his owne speculative doubts concerning the nature , causes , and ends of the warre . a man may with freedome and perswasion of minde ( so farre as concerneth his practice ) submit to presbyteriall government , who yet perhaps hath not throughly satisfied himselfe concerning the grounds and warrants which it hath from the word of god . the samaritan will reply ( it may be ) that he hath no faith at all concerning the practice it selfe , and that he may not be compelled to doe any thing against his conscience , for that were to compell him to sinne . to take off this , i adde . if the thing be indifferent , i confesse no man is to be compelled to it against his conscience , for this hath beene the tyranny of papists and prelats , to compell men against their conscience to certaine rites which themselves acknowledged to be meerly indifferent , setting aside obedience to authority in such things , which ( say they ) is not indifferent . but if the word of god either directly or by necessary consequence , make the thing necessary , and such as we cannot leave undone without sinne and breach of duty ; if there be such an obligation from the word , then may a man bee compelled to it , though against his conscience . but then you will say , i am brought into a necessity of sinning , for if i obey not , i refuse a duty ; if i obey , i doe it against my conscience . answ. this necessity is not absolute , but hypotheticall , is not perse , but per accidens , so long as a man retaineth the error of his conscience , which he ought to cast away . you will say againe , supposing that my conscience cannot be satisfied , nor made of another opinion then now i am of , whether in this case , and so long as it standeth thus with me , may authority compell me to obey against my conscience , and so to sinne ? or whether ought they not rather permit me not to obey , because my conscience forbiddeth me . answ. the thing being necessary , as hath been said , it is pars tutior , yea , tutissima , that a man be compelled to it , though it be against his erring and ill informed conscience . i know so long as he hath such an erring conscience he cannot but sin in obeying . but the sin of not obeying is greater and heavier : for this is a sin in the fact it self ; that a sin in the manner of doing only , being not done in faith : this is a sin of it selfe , that is a sin only by accident : this is a sin materially ; that is a sinne only interpretatively to him , because he thinks so : this is a sin for the substance ; that a sin for the circumstance : this cannot be made to be no sin , for the nature of the duty cannot be altered ; that may cease to be a sin , for the mans conscience may through gods mercy and blessing upon the means , be better informed . so that there can be no doubt but this is every way a greater sin then that , and consequently more to be avoided . and thus i have dispatched the samaritane who did undertake to pour oyl into the wounds of the separation . medice cura teipsum . the next thing comes in my way , is an argument brought for liberty of conscience , from gamaliels speech in favour of the apostles , act. . , . refrain from these men & let them alone : for if this counsell or this work be of men , it will come to nought . but if it be of god ye cannot overthrow it , lest haply ye be found even to fight against god . the strength of his argumentation did lie in this d●lemma ; this doctrine or way is either of men , or of god . if it be of men , you shall not need to represse it , for it will come to nought of it self , which he proves by two historicall instances of judas and theudas . if it be of god , it is in vain to strive against it , for it must prevail , and the counsell of heaven must stand . therefore be what it will be , there is no danger to let it alone . but on the other side , if ye goe about to represse it , ye runne the hazard both of fighting against god , and of provoking the displeasure as well of the romanes who have not permitted unto you the liberty of capitall punishments , as of the people of the jews who magnifie these men and their way . this is the whole substance , sense , and scope of that speech of gamaliel in the councell . hence did some argue for a toleration to servetus and other hereticks . and though this their way was then discovered to be their folly , yet their posterity approve their sayings . the same argument is used in that pamphlet called liberty of conscience , p. , . upon the same foundation doth mr goodwin build in his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and the paraenetick for christian liberty , pag. . and . supposing the credit and authority of gamaliels speech , for matter of truth to be one and the same with other scriptures , and that there is nothing in all that speech but what is fully consonant with the word of god , unquestionably so acknowledged . so mr goodwin affirmeth , p. . and after him one p. p. which is by interpretation , poor pamphleter , fals in the same ditch ; he might well call it as you were , for he makes that party to be never a jot more in the right . first of all he will contend with us that protestant interpreters doe commend gamaliels speech , and justify m●goodwins doctrine . sure i am , calvin takes gamaliel to be a godlesse polititian , and a neutralist , and his speech to have a great error in it . so saith pelargus upon the place . but to save me a labour in looking upon other interpreters , because the poor pamphleter appealeth first to piscator and beza , and afterwards to gualther , ( as mr goodwin did before him ) let him be judged by these and no other . p●scator saith plainly , that gamaliels speech was not right , while he saith , if this counsell or this work be of men , it will come to nought , his meaning being that therefore they should let it alone . beza thinks gamaliel spake not from love to the apostles , but from fear of the romanes . gualther thinks it a most pernicious tenent which some build upon this place , concerning the toleration of heresies and errors . yea , beza de haereticis à magistratu puniendis , citeth and approveth calvins judgement , condemning gamaliel for neutrality , and his speech of error . these learned divines have so well opened and cleared the point , that there is no place left for what the poore pampleter hath said , yet two things more i must take notice of in him . he saith it was not for any fear of the jews or romanes that gamaliel gave this advice . not for fear of the people of the jews , for that would be but at the apostles apprehension , not execution . what non-sense is here ? the people were angry at laying hands on the apostles , but there was no fear of their wrath if the apostles should be killed . not for fear of the romanes wrath , which , saith he , they often regarded not , as acts . . a place which confuteth himself , for when the jews would have killed paul , claudius lysias came with an army and rescued him : a danger which we must think the wisdome of gamali●l & the councell could better foresee , then that rude and furious multitude , which would have killed paul . next he will not yeeld so much as that gamaliel did doubt whether the apostles doctrine were from god or not , and that he made it an uncertain case . in this sir you have faced about , sure you are not as you were , for mr goodwin himself ΘΕΟΜΑΞΙΑ , pag. . saith , that gamaliel in point of judgement or conscience , was still but where he was , doubtfull and in suspence with himself about the businesse . well , but why hath he now denyed that gamaliel made it a doubtfull and uncertain case ? he might , saith he , and in all likelyhood did thus expresse himself for fear or policy : so did hushai strangely for an honest heart in that case of davids , in his counsell to absalon , sam. . yet hushai made a round lie , even against his knowledge . look about you my masters , know whom ye trust ; here 's a generation of men , pretending to a more perfect and saint-like reformation then others , but yet they think it no fault to lie and dissemble for good ends . nay that 's not all , pag. . answering to an objection made against those who doe commend and magnifie themselves , for greater gifts and graces then other men have ; he tels us it is no fault for a man not only to compare , but preferre himself to another , and that on purpose to heighten his own estimation . which how sweetly it agrees with pauls doctrine , phil. . . in lowlinesse of mind let each esteem other better then themselves ; let every sober and moderate spirit judge . how now , poor pamphleter ? is it not enough for you to defend a lying tongue , but you will needs defend pride too ? those are two ( i am sure ) of the seven things which are abomination to the lord , prov. . , . and here i leave the poor pamphleter with this black mark upon him ; i will not proceed to answer a fool in his foolishnesse , lest i be like unto him ; thus far i have answered , lest he be wise in his own eyes . only i adde one thing more in answer to that argument for liberty of conscience , from acts . , . suppose gamaliels principles to be good , and this speech to be of truth and authority , ( which i have proved it is not ) yet it is not applicable to the toleration of hereticks and sectaries now , that case of the apostles being extraordinary , and great miracles wrought by them , to the conviction of their most malignant opposites , act. . . some it may be will object further from isa. . . a place objected in the paraenetick , pag. . they shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountaine . and luke . . and when his disciples james and john saw this , they said , lord wilt thou that we command fire to come downe from heaven , and consume them , even as elias did ? but he turned and rebuked them , and said , ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of , for the sonne of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them . a place objected by nicolaides refut . tract. de eccl. cap. . answ. that prophecy concerning the christian church , isa. . . is not to be understood generally , as the word soundeth , for then adulterers , murtherers , &c. are not to be hurt and destroyed by the christian magistrate . the meaning therefore is , that those who have formerly been as lions & wolves to the poor lambs of christ , shall either be renewed and changed in their nature , or ( which is more probable ) shal be so restrained and overawed by the power and providence of god , that it shal not be in their power to hurt or destroy any of the saints for the truth or the gospels sake . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , neither shall they bee able to destroy any : so the septuagints . god shall so preserve and protect his church , that she shall be like a lamb among wolves , or like a kid among leopards , or like a childe putting his hand on the cockatrice den , and yet shall not be hurt nor destroyed thereby . and as this prophecie guardeth and protecteth none but those who are in gods holy mountaine , professors and lovers of the gospel , and the ordinances of jesus christ : so our lord christs rebuke , luke . , . striketh not against any just and necessary severity , but against a private vindictive spirit , and carnall blinde zeale : it being the purpose of christ , then , most of all other times , not to exercise violence , ( as tyrants doe in conquering new dominions ) but to conquer and subdue soules by his doctrine and miracles , with a spirit of meeknesse , especially having to doe with the samaritans , or any other who had never yet knowne nor received the gospel . even those who say most for a coercive power to be put forth against heretickes and schismaticks , doe not allow of the compelling of infidels , pagans , or jewes , by externall punishments to receive the gospel . but now after all this debate upon the question in hand , and after all these arguments for the affirmative and for the negative , some will happily desire and expect some further modification and explanation of the matter in certain positive conclusions or distinguishing assertions . for whose satisfaction i say , first , there are five sorts of toleration proceeding from five different principles . . of indifferency . . of policy . . of pretended conscience and equity . . of necessity . . of charity . the first is when the magistrate is a nullifidian , neutralist , and adiaphorist , esteeming as gallio did , questions of the law and of the ordinances of christ , to be of words & names , or things which he careth not for , acts . , . the second is when the magistrate tolerateth hereticks and sectaries for his own profit , or some such interest of policy , such as maketh the pope to tolerate the jews in italy , yea in rome it self , where they have their synagogues , circumcision and liturgies , because his profit by them is greater then by the very courtizans ; yea , besides their certain tribute , he doth sometimes impose on them a subsidy of ten thousand crownes extraordinary for some service of the state , as europae speculum , pag. , . hath represented to us . and whether the states of the united provinces do not grant tolerations upon the like interests of their own profit , i leave it to the judgement of their own consciences . the third is the toleration pleaded for here , by mr williams , the compassionate samaritane , &c. as if justice , equity , duty , and conscience should make the magistrate forbear all coercive power in matters of religion . all these three i utterly condemn , and the former arguments doe strongly militate against them . the fourth kinde of toleration , arising from necessity which hath no law , may well be mourned for as an affliction , it cannot be condemned as the magistrates fault . even a david may have cause to complain that the sons of zerviah are too strong for him . in such cases as these , our divines have given a relief to the conscience of the christian magistrate , purging him of the guilt of this kind of toleration ; provided always , that he hath endeavoured so farre as he can to extirpate heresies , and to establish the true religion only . which hath nothing to doe with that principle now defended , that the magistrate though he may never so easily , yet he ought not nor cannot without sin exercise a coercive power in matter of religion . the fifth and last is that kind of toleration whereby the magistrate when it is in the power of his hand to punish and extirpate , yet having to doe with such of whom there is good hope either of reducing them by convincing their judgments , or of uniting them to the church by a safe accommodation of differences , he granteth them a supersedeas ; or though there be no such grounds of hope concerning them , yet while he might crush them with the foot of power , in christian pity and moderation , he forbeareth so far as may not be destructive to the peace and right government of the church , using his coercive power with such mixture of mercy as createth no mischief to the rest of the church . i speak not only of bearing with those who are weak in the faith , rom. . . but of sparing even those who have perverted the faith , so far as the word of god and rules of christian moderation would have severity tempered with mercy : that is ( as hath been said ) so far as is not destructive to the churches peace , nor shaketh the foundations of the established form of church government , and no further : these last two kinds of toleration are allowed ; the first three are wholy condemned . my second distinction is concerning the punishments inflicted by the magistrate upon hereticks . they are either exterminative , or medicinall . such as blaspheme god or jesus christ , or who fall away themselves and seduce others to idolatry , ought to be utterly cut off according to the law of god . but as for other hereticks , they are to be chastened with medicinall punishments as mulcts , imprisonments , banishment , by which through gods blessing they may be humbled , ashamed , and reduced . not that i think the proper end of civill and coercive punishments to be the conversion and salvation of the delinquent , ( which is the end of church censures & of excommunication it self ) but that the right method of proceeding doth require that the magistrate inflict the smaller punishments first , that there may be place for the offenders bringing forth of fruits worthy of repentance , and he may be at least reduced to externall order and obedience , being perswaded by the terror of civill power , which may and doth ( when blessed of god ) prove a preparation to free obedience , as the needle is to the thread , or the law to the gospell , servile fear to filiall fear : and that the magistrate step not up to the highest justice till other punishments have proved ineffectuall : which made constantine punish the hereticks of his time not with death , but with banishment , as is manifest by the proem of the councell of nice . in such cases it may be said to the heretick of the magistrate ▪ he is the minister of god to thee for good , more good i am sure , then if the golden reins of civill justice should be loosed , and he suffered to doe what he list . therefore augustine likeneth this coercive punishing of hereticks to sarah her dealing roughly with hagar , for her good and humiliation . i conclude , connivence and indulgence to hereticks is a cruell mercy : correction is a mercifull severity , and a wholesome medicine , as well to themselves as to the church . thirdly , we must distinguish betwixt the coercive power of the magistrare in matters of religion , and the abuse of that power ; when we justifie the power , we justifie not the abuse of it ; and when we condemn the abuse , we must not therefore condemn the power . acontius stratag. stat. li . . pag. . buildeth much upon this notion , let a man imagine that his lot is fallen in those times when the truth is persecuted by authority , when the magistrate justifieth the wicked and condemneth the godly , ( which hath been the more ordinary condition of the church ) and then let him accordingly shape the resolution of the question concerning the magistrates punishing of hereticks . will not a man think ( saith he ) it had been better that hereticks had not been punished , then that upon pretence of coercive power against hereticks , the edge of the civill sword be turned towards the preachers and professors of the truth ? but notwithstanding of all this , truth must be truth , and justice must be justice , abuse it who will . parliaments and synods have been many times enemies to the truth , and have abused their power in matters of religion : must we therefore deny the power of parliaments and synods ? or must we cast off any ordinance of god because of the abuse of it ? if the thing were indifferent , the abuse might take away the use : not so , when the thing is necessary . i adde ( which is well observed by calvin ) when jeremiah was accused and arraigned as worthy to die , his defence is not this , you ought not to vindicate religion with the sword , nor put any man to death for the cause of conscience , but this is it , know ye for a certain , that if ye put me to death , ye shall surely bring innocent bloud upon your selves , and upon this city , and upon the inhabitants thereof : for of a truth the lord hath sent me unto you to speak all these words in your ears , jer. . . neither did ever the apostles ( though often persecuted ) plead the unlawfulnesse of persecuting men for heresie , but they pleaded the goodnesse of their cause , and that they were no hereticks . fourthly , i distinguish betwixt bare opinions or speculations , and scandalous or pernicious practices , as mr burton doth in his vindication of the independent churches , pag. . you must distinguish , saith he , betwixt mens consciences and their practises . the conscience simply considered in it self is for god , the lord of the conscience alone to judge , as before . but for a mans practises ( of which alone man can take cognizance ) if they be against any of gods commandements of the the first or second table ; that appertains to the civill magistrate to punish , who is for this cause called custos utriusque tabulae , the keeper of both tables : for this he citeth rom. . , . and addeth . so as we see here what is the object of civill power , to wit actions good or bad , not bare opinions , not thoughts , not conscience , but actions . and this is his answer to the interrogatory concerning the lawfull coercive power of civill magistrates in suppressing heresies . in which he handsomely yeeldeth the point , for who doth advise the parliament to punish men for their thoughts , or bare opinions , or for conscience simply considered in it self ? it is for preaching , printing , spreading of dangerous opinions , for schismaticall , pernicious and scandalous practises , for drawing factions among the people contrary to the covenant , for resisting the reformation of religion , for lying and railing against the covenant , the parliament , the assembly of divines , or against the reformed churches . fifthly , we must distinguish the persons who are in the error , whether heresiarchs and ring-leaders , or whether followers only , and such as do actiagere ; whether schismatizing , or schismatized ; whether more weake , or more wilfull ; whether seducers , or seduced ; whether pious , or prophane , or pharisaicall ; whether peaceable , moderate , calme , docile , or turbulent , factious , fierce , railing , obstinate , incorrigible . so that when the thing is brought from the thesis to the hypothesis , there is very much to be trusted to the prudence , circumspection , and observation of those who are in authority , to set apart those for punishment who resist reformation , as jannes and jambres did resist moses , tim. . . and are said to trouble the churches , act. . gal. . . & . . and to trouble them more or lesse , as they are more or lesse troublers of israel . let not the magistrate feare to say to every achan , why hast thou troubled us ? the lord shall trouble thee this day , jos. . . other seduced ones the magistrate is to command sub poena , and cause them stand to the covenant of god , as iosiah did , if they cannot be perswaded to doe it willingly . if the magistrate miscarry in a misapplication of his coercive power , let him answer to god and his conscience for his error . it is not in my thoughts either to plead for or allow of the persecuting of pious and peaceable men . sixtly , as the reformation and preservation of religion differ much from the propagation of religion : so the coercive power put forth in the suppressing of heresie or schisme , is a thing of another nature then the compelling of infidels by the sword to receive the gospell . let the pope , and the spaniard , and mahomet propagate religion by the sword ; that is not it i plead for . none of the gentiles was of old compelled to be circumcised , but being circumcised he might be compelled to keepe the law of moses . also if strangers of the gentiles were sojourning or trading in the land of israel , they might be compelled to abstaine from the publicke and scandalous breaking of the morall law , nehem. . . . exod. . . which things did belong to the preservation , not to the propagation of religion . seventhly , to establish by a law the toleration , liberty and immunity of such a sect or way , so as all that will may joyne in it , is a thing of most dangerous consequence . but to permit such or so many persons of a sect to enjoy the liberty of their owne consciences and practices , with such limitations as shall be found necessary , is a tolerable toleration , i meane a thing though not to be wished , yet to be allowed . the romans in their heathenish way did put a difference betwixt these two : when they abolished the bacchanalian festivity and discharged it , they granted no toleration to such as pleased still to observe it : only they were content that some few upon leave first obtained from the senate , and upon certaine conditions , might be permitted to continue their owne practice , as to their part . eightly , there is also a great difference betwixt toleration and accommodation . by accommodation i understand an agreement of dissenters with the rest of the church in practicall conclusions , so that if any difference be , it is in their principles , not in their practices , and so not obvious , apparent and scandalous to people . i had rather goe two miles in an accommodation , ( yea as many as the word of god will suffer me ) then one mile in a toleration . for in that way there is no schisme , no rent in israel , but the lord one , and his name one . in this way there is temple against temple , and altar against altar , manasseh against ephraim , and ephraim against manasseh , and they both against judah : a mi●esy from which the lord deliver us . i doe not deny but if a safe and happy accommodation be impossible , such a toleration as i have formerly spoken of , is not to be disallowed . but the accommodation is a more excellent way , and that which is to be rather embraced , yea endeavoured for and followed after , according to the apostles rule , phil. . , . ( which isidorus pelusiota did long since observe to be the best and happiest way of putting an end to divisions and dissentions in the church ) let us therefore as many as be perfect be thus minded : and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveale even this unto you . neverthelesse whereto we have already attained , let us walke by the same rule , let us minde the same thing . if it be said , quorsum haec ? what doe i conclude from all this ? it is to leave this confirmed and sealed truth in the bosome of the high court of parliament , and of all inferiour magistrates according to their place and interest , under them , that it is their duty , without respect of persons , to endeavour the extirpation of heresie and schisme , and what soever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godlinesse , left they partake in other mens sinnes , and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues ; and that the lord may be one , and his name one in the three kingdomes : and to endeavour the discovery of all such as have beene or shall be evill instruments , by hindring the reformation of religion , or making any faction or partice amongst the people , contrary to the solemne league and covenant , that they may be brought to publick triall , and receive condigne punishment , &c. which as they had great reason to sweare and covenant , so now they have greater reason to performe accordingly ; and as it is in it selfe a duty , and we tyed to it by the oath of god , and his vowes that are upon us , as ●●rai●ly as ever the sacrifice to the hornes of the altar : so we are to take speciall notice of the unhappy consequents which follow upon our slacknesse , slownesse and sl●●thfulnesse , in fulfilling that sacred oath , viz. the hindring of uniformity , the continuing and increasing of a rup●ure both in church and state , the re●arding of reformation , the spreading and multiplying of heresies and sects , while every one doth what is right in his owne eyes ; the great scandall given both to enemies and friends : to enemies , who are made to thinke worse of our covenant , because we doe not performe it : the review of the covenant , printed at oxford , upbraideth us with this : that heresie and schisme was never more suffered , and lesse suppressed in london , then since we sware to endeavour the extirpation of the same : to friends also , who are mightily stumbled by our promising so much , and performing so little in this kinde : which the wallachian classis in their late letter to the reverend assembly of divines at westminster ( printed before apollonius his booke ) doth sadly and seriously lay to our consciences . a paraenetick . before i end , i have a word of exhortation for the five apologists , and such others as shall ( i trust ) agree with the churches of both kingdomes , not only in one confession of faith , but in one directorie of worship . me thinks i heare them calling to me to say on . et tu mi fili ? said caesar . and must you also brethren , give a wound to the body of christ ? doe not , o doe not involve your selves in the plea of toleration with the separatists and anabaptists . do not partake in their separation , lest you partake in their suppression . let us heare no more paraeneticks for toleration , or liberty of conscience : but as many as you will for a just and mercifull accommodation : a thing mentioned by that author , pa. . but not sought after . if you be the sonnes of peace , you shall be characterized by this shibboleth , you will call for accommodation , not for toleration ; for one way , not for two . let there be no strife betweene us and you , for we be brethren : and is not the canaanite and the perizzite yet in the land ? o let it not be told in gath , nor published in the streets of ashkelon , let it not be said , that there can be no unity in the church without prelacy . brethren i charge you by the roes and by the hind●s of the field , that ye awake not nor stirre up jesus christ till he please ; for his rest is sweet and glorious with his welbeloved . it shall bee no griefe of heart to you afterward , that you have pleased others as well as your selves , and have stretched your principles for an accommodation in church government , as well as in worship , and that for the churches peace and edification ; and that the eares of our common enemies may tingle , when it shall be said , the churches of christ in england have rest , and are edified , and walking in the feare of the lord , and in the joy of the holy ghost are multiplyed . alas , how shall our divisions and contentions hinder the preaching and learning of christ , and the edifying one another in love ! is christ divided ? saith the apostle . there is but one christ , yea the head and the body makes one christ , so that you cannot divide the body without dividing christ . is there so much as a seame in all christs garment ? is it not woven throughout from the top to the bottome ? will you have one halfe of israel to follow tibni , and another halfe to follow omri ? o brethren , we shall be one in heaven , let us packe up differences in this place of our pilgrimage , the best way wee can . nay , we will not despaire of unity in this world . hath not god promised to give us one heart and one way ? and that ephraim shall not envy judah , and judah shall not vexe ephraim , but they shall flee upon the shoulders of the philistims toward the east , they shall spoile them of the east together ? hath not the mediator ( whom the father heareth alwayes ) prayed that all his may be one ? brethren , it is not impossible , pray for it , endeavour it , presse hard toward the marke of accommodation . how much better is it that you be one with the other reformed churches , though somewhat straitned and bound up , then to bee divided though at full liberty and elbow-roome ? better is a dry morsell and quietnesse therewith , then a house full of sacrifices with strife . doth not the solemne league and covenant binde you sincerely , really , and constantly to endeavour the nearest ( marke nearest ) uniformi●y and conjunction in religion : and that you shall not suffer your selves directly or indirectly to be withdrawne from this blessed union and conjunction . i know there is a spirit of jealousie walking up and downe . o beware of groundlesse feares and apprehensions . iudge not , lest you be judged . iudge not according to appearance , but judge righteous judgement . many false rumours and surmises there have beene concerning the presbyterian principles , practices , designes , expertus l●quor . i am perswaded if there were but a right understanding one of anothers intentions , the accommodation i speak of would not bee difficult . brethren , if you will not hearken to wholsome counsell , you shall be the more inexcusable . i have in my eye that law of god , thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart : thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sinne upon him . faithfull are the wounds of a friend . therefore love the truth and peace . yea , seeke peace and pursue it . consider what i say . the lord guide your feet in the way of peace . and o that god would put it in your hearts to cry downe toleration , and to cry up accommodation ! amen , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- see the review of the covenant . notes for div a e- in am ▪ ● disp. . quaest. . punct. . . * brochmand . de magist. polit. cap . quaest. . dub . fatemur idololatras istos crassos , qui a●●os seducunt , ●●●dendos esse . et in●●a . haereticos qui è territorio principis exire jussi , detrectant obsequium , ac pacē publicam turbant , vita plecti posse , damus faciles . et infra . haereticos tanquam falsarios , castigandos & pu●endos esse censemus , sed non morte , verùm carcere , exilio , excommunicatime . vide cal●in . refut . error . mich. serv●ti , pag. . inter opusc. scimus tres esse errorum gradus : & quibusdam fatemur dandam esse veniam , aliis modicam castigationem suffic●re , ut tantum manifesta impietas capital . suppl●cio plectatur . fideles saepius paulus ●ortatur ut se invicem tolerent , quamvis aliqua sit inter eos dissensio : nempe siqua levis superstitio & inscitia simplicium men●es occupat ; ut ●am patientia corrigere potiùs studeant , quàm intemperanter ad vindictam e●●erveant . secundum errorum genus , etsi castigationem meretur , mediocr●● tamen adhibenda est severi●as : tantum ne indulgentiâ alatur eorum improbitas & contumacia qui fidei unitatem scindere cuperent . sed ubi à s●is fundamentis convellitur religio , detestandae in deum blasphemiae proferuntur , impiis & pestiferis dogmatibus in ●x●tium rapiuntur animae ; denique ubi palam defectio ab uni●o deo , purâque doctrinâ tentatur , ad extremum illud remedium descendere necesse est , ne mo tale venenum longius s●rpat . this treatise is approved by bulling●r in an epistle to calvin . vide calv. epist. p. . where he addeth : dudum d. vrbanus regius un● cum omn●bus luneburgen . ecclesiae ministris , edito etiam l●bro germanico , ostendit jure divine & humano coerceri haereticos . concerning moderation he saith after : scio tibi nec crudele essè ingenium , nec te ullam atrocitatem approbare : quis n●sciat etiam hîc modum adhibendum esse ? at quomodo serveto lernae haerese●n & pertinacissimo homini parci potuerit , non video . when monfortius had stated the question thus : sunt quidam qui volunt omnes hereticos , hoc est , ab ipsis dissent entes , interfici , &c. beza answereth him : ergo si potest , vel unum nominet qui a●t omnes haereticos censuerit interficiendos , aut ita sibi placuerit ut alios omnes diversum sentientes pro haereticis habuer●t . stratag. satan . lib. . pa. , . sed sunt qui tantum usque ad christum viguisse ●am legē putent , &c. et poenam illam corporalem aeternae damnationis typum fuisse , &c. quae quidem conjectura a●eo mihi non inepta visa est , ut quamobrem rejici possit non inve●irem ; nisi ei●●atin in lege posita refragaretur . est en●m in lege : vt omnis israel audiens timea● , neque 〈◊〉 ▪ ac quicquam admittat ej●smodi . quae certe ratio perpetuo v●get . * pelargus in deuter. qui blasphemi sunt , qui ecclesiam & rempub. aperte t●●●bant , qu se 〈◊〉 sunt m●ritas incurr●●● poeras : cae●●●● corrige●di sunt , modisque alas 〈◊〉 , ex●mplo theodosii & justiniani imperatorum , apud socratem lib. . c. . theodosius {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} u●be ej●cit . tom. . ep. . see bacous essayes pag. , . epist. . nonnull ●●fratribus videbatur , in quibus & ego eram , quam vis donatistarum rabies usquequaque saeviret , non esse petendū ab imperatoribus , ut ipsam haeresim juberent omnino non esse , paenam constituendo eis qui in illa esse voluissent : sed boc potius constitueren● , ut eorum furiosas violentias non paterentur . notwithstanding he acknowledgeth a great mercy of god in inclining the emperors heart another way . hive ergo factum est ut imperator religiosus & pius perlatis in notitiam suam talibus causis , mallet piissimis legibus illius impietatis errorem omnino corrigere , et eos qui contra christum christi sign● portarent , ad unitate●● catholicam terrendo & coerceudo redigere , quàm saeviendi tantummodo auferre licentiam , & errandi ac percundi relinquere . calv. re●ut . error . mich. serveti . porro crudelis est ista quam laudant clementia , oves exponere in praedam ut lupi● parcatur . et infra . quid enim absurdius est , quam furta severè puniat judex , sacrilegiis licentiam dare ? quam suum cuique honorem salvii tueatur , lacerandā impiis exponere dei gloriā ? tossanus in locun . sunt qui hoc loco abutuntur ut probent non esse sumend em supplicium de baereticis . cart. wright . hist. christi ex . evaig . lib. . p. . sed hoc 〈◊〉 haereticorum patroni ad clientum s●or● in●unitatem aserendum abut●ntur . quibus vel ex hoc ipso loco resistitur . et primum quidem quoniam hoc loco de to â improborum universitate extirpanda agitur . nihil igitur impedit quominus quidam ex improborum turbâ del bati , supplicio trad●ntur . quo ●nisi●ita sit , quo fundamento verbi dei fares , homicidae , pr●ditores , & c●nsimiles ●orte mulct●n●r ? nam si salva hujus parabolae doctrina , ●i in crucem agi aut capite truncari possint , nedum baer●tici multo magis mortis poenâ plectantu● . si enim peritura bona & hanc vitam ●ripi●n●●s , &c. si principie majestatem v●olans , &c. n●dum , &c. deinde modo ita evellantur ut triticum non n●à eradicetur , bonâ cum parabob●● veniâ , ex●mi posse liquet . 〈◊〉 writing upon this par●b●e moveth this do●b● : si proh●be●ur eradicati● , 〈…〉 ad messem●enenda est pati●●is , quomodo ej●c●eadi su●t quidam de med●o nostrum ? i 'le answereth inter triticum et zizania qued nos appellamus la●ium , quamdiu bed a est & nondum culmus venit ad spicam grandis simil●tudo est , & i● d●sce●endo aut nulla aut perdiss●●● dista●ia . praemanet ergo dom●nus , ne ubi quid ambiguum est , cito s●●entiom proferamus , sed deo jud●ci terminum reservemus . th●s doth augustine argue against the donati●…s who pleaded so much for liberty of consc●…ce to themselves , and yet gave no liberty of conscience to others where they were able to hinder it . c●nt●aluer . petil. ● . . c. . noli●rgo●d . ce . c , absit ▪ absit à nostra cōsciertia , ut ad n●stram fidē aliquem compell●mus facitis enimubi potestis ; ubi autem non facitis , non potestis , sive legii sive invid●ae timore , sive resistentium multitudine . an es de cons● . l●b. . cap. . agere saepe lc●t , man●nte dub●tatione speculativa . calv. refut . error . m. serveti . gamalielis authoritas perperam abillis adducitur , &c. gamaliel amb●g●ns quid rectu● sit , quasi caecus in tenebras , neque buc n●que illuc se con●er●e audet : sed saspendi● senteatiam . in erim ex veris p●incipiis malam conseque●tiam clicit , nihil adbiben lum esse co●sisi● , quia deus quod suum est tuebitur : quod autem ab hominibus est , p●ssum ibit , &c. putidius est quam ut refu●ati●ne ind●g●a● , quod quidam ex prophanorum ho●…mnum dictis colligu●… , si de cultu dei & legis doctrina hab●tur quaestio , non esse crimen morte aut vinculis dignum . p●●●rgus in act. . sic in causae qualitate s●spensus haeret ; nec proba●e ●n●c improbare potest apostolicam doctrinam . et infra . ex judicio hominis in foro prudentis , n●utiquam theologice conclud●ndam , quod à paenis & correctionibus sit cessandu● , quia deus ad scandala tolle ida & m●la prorsus eradicanda ipse sufficiat . magistratus enim officium ex rom. v. . & aliunde notum est . piscat. non suit rectum ( gamaliclis consilium ) ratione illius connexi , si●est ex hominibus consilium sic eopu ho , disse●●tur● q●atcaus voluit collegas inde college e , ●●mig●tur esseipsis clahorandum ut opus illud dissolvant . nam etsi novationes bumano consilio & aulac●●â sasceptae , tandem dissolvnn●ur : tamen officium magistratus est , operam dare ut illas compes●ant & prohibeant , & ejusmodi novatores pro merito pumant , sed prae●u●te legitima c●gn tione causae . beza , noncertè quod evangelio faveret ( gamalicl ) nisi discipuli sui sauli fait dissimilis , ( infra . . ) sed quod homo esset moderatus & vereretur ne caedem apost●hrum contra roma●orum authoritatem factam , gravius aliquid sequertur . gualiher . perniciosissimi dogmatis occasionem hinc venantur , quo nullius conatus quantumvis improbes , nullius etiam err●res quantumvis impios & blasphemos vi coercenlos esse c●amant . vnde aliud sequi non potest quam universae disciplinae ●um politicae tum ecclesiasticae cen●ulsio : frustra enim geret magistratus gladium . kekerman . curs . philos. disp. . probl. . doth agree to these words of the jesuit becan●s . ta●●tsi princeps aut magistratus catholicus omnibus modis impedire debeat , libertaetem rel●gionis , ●t dictum est : si tamen i●l facere non pessit sine graviori incommodo boni publici , potest eam tolerare tanquam minus malum , ad evitandum majus , quod ●alioqui sequetur . polan . com . in dan. . . magistratum christimum d●cet veram rel●gionem , &c. in 〈◊〉 repub. constit●ere , & quidem solam , &c. incidunt lamen nonnunquam tempora quibus optimi reges ac magistratus , pa●is publicae retinendae causi , vita●darumque intestinarum seditionum necessitate a●ducti , c●gun●r exemplo peritorum 〈…〉 veluti tempestati cedere , & superstitiosos errantesque f●rre : ut potius aliqua & respub. & rel●gio habeatur quam nulla . both these writers doe purposely frame this answer to the question concerning toleration . calv. be●ut . error . mich. servet● . 〈◊〉 hic tene●●a est prudentia & moderatio , ne vel pro causa 〈◊〉 tamul●u 〈◊〉 esserveant principes , vel immani sevit a●d sanguinum 〈◊〉 imrua● . 〈…〉 . &c. sed timor dei , aequitas & prudentia judicis intelliget ex circumstantis quomodo punienda 〈◊〉 sedactoribus & seductis 〈…〉 & pervicax rebellio , 〈…〉 & minime 〈…〉 . magisilla persequebatur saram superbiende , quàm illam 〈…〉 : illa enim dominae 〈…〉 i●juriam , ista impen●bat superbiae disciplina . ep . beza de haeret. à magistr. . puniend. . tacco quod toties adversus 〈◊〉 istas & circumcell●●nes augustinus testatur experientia ipsa ●doctus , pl●rosque ●o esse inge●io ut nulla re magis quàm severitate in efficio contincantur : a●●ò ut quod initio poenae formidine vitae unt , id ipsum postea libenter fugiant , & asperitatem illam sibi saluberrimam faisse tes●entur . bullinger . ubi supra . dum enim fides falsa in animo sepulta latet , no● inficit quenquam nisi infidelem , puniri●● potest infidelis : ubi autem fid●s laten erumpit in blasphemias , ac deum palam ●●cerat & proximos quosque infi●it , coercendus est blasphemus & seductor , ne malum latius serpat . the papists fall very farre shor● in distinguishing the persons , and proportioning the panishments . for instance see tannerus theal . schol tom. . disp. . quaest. . dub . . n. . hac poena ( mortis ) ubi recepta est , affici , tumon nes r●lapsos , etiamsi couverti denuo veli●t , tum omnes post admonitione pert●nace● , etiamsi nunquam relapsi sint . a●● veroqui nec re●apsi sunt , nec in pertinac●a perseverunt , nec ali●s perverterunt , licet in r●gore mortem nihilominus promereantur , ordinariè tamen mortis poena assici non s●len● , sed carceris perpetui . as for that punishment commonly called irregularity , he will have it to fall not only upon the hereticke himselfe but upon his sonnes and nephewes . ib. n. . t. livius decad . l●b. . p. . edit. basil . . datum deinde consulibus negotium est , ut omnia bacchana●ia romae p●imum , deinde per to●am italiam derac . e●t : extra quau si qua ibi vetusla●ara , aut sig aum c●nsecratu● esset ; in reliquum deinde s. c. c●u●um est , ne qua bacchanalia romae , neve in ital a essent . si qui●tale sacrum s●l●nne & necessarium duceret , nec sine religione & piacul●se id omittere pisse apud prae●orem urbanum profi●er●tur : praetor senatum consuleret si ci permissum esset , cum ●n senatu centum non minus esse●t , ita id sacrum faceret , dum ne plus quinque sacrificio inttressent . judicent conscientiae vestrae , quomodo omne haeresium genus inultum permitti , multifaria schismatum scmina impunè spargi , & prophana er●orum dogmata passim in vulgus proferri possint i●●llacivitate , quae tam expresso , sancto & severo juramento sese coram d●o devinxit , ad omnes errores , h●rese , schismata è domo d●i ejicienda . gen. . , . cant. . . act. . ● . jer. . ● . ezech. . . isa. . . . joh. . . pro. . mat. . . joh. . . lev. . . pro. . . zech. . . pet. . . a proclamation england and wales. sovereign ( - : james ii) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing j estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a proclamation england and wales. sovereign ( - : james ii) james ii, king of england, - . paterson, william, - . sheet ([ ] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, and reprinted by thomas newcomb for s. forrester ..., edinburgh : . at head of title: by the king. dated: day of june, . extends the king's proclamation of february for further liberty of conscience in scotland. "extracted forth of the records of his majesties council by me sir william paterson, clerk to his majesties most honorable privy council." reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- scotland -- early works to . scotland -- church history -- th century -- sources. scotland -- proclamations. broadsides -- scotland -- edinburgh (lothian) -- th century - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - spi global rekeyed and resubmitted - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion j r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king , a poclamation . james r. james the seventh , by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and sundry our good subjects whom these presents do or may concern , greeting . whereas by our royal proclamation of the date the th day of february / . we were graciously pleased , for the causes , and on the terms therein mentioned , to grant our royal toleration to the professors of the christian religion therein named ; with and under certain restrictions and limitations ; all which are in the said proclamation more at length expressed . we now taking into our royal consideration the sinistruous interpretations which either have , or may be made , of some restrictions therein mentioned , have thought fit , by this our royal proclamation , further to declare , that we will protect our archbishops and bishops , and all our subjects of the protestant religion , in the free exercise of their protestant religion , as it is by law established , and in the quiet and full injoyment of all their possessions , without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever . and we do likewise , by our sovereign authority , prerogative royal , absolute power , suspend , stop ; and disable all penal and sanguinary laws made against any for nonconformity to the religion established by law in that our ancient kingdom , or for exercising their respective worships , religions , rites and ceremonies ; all which laws are hereby stopt , suspended , and disabled , to all intents and purposes . and to the end , that by the liberty thereby granted , the peace and security of our government , in the practice thereof , may not be endangered , we have thought fit , and do hereby straitly charge and command all our loving subjects , that as we do give them leave to meet and serve god after their own way and manner , be it in private houses , chappels , or places purposely hired or built for that use , so that they take care that nothing be preached or taught among them which may any ways tend to alienat the hearts of our people from us , or our government , and that their meetings be peaceable , openly and publickly held , and all persons freely admitted to them , and that they do signifie and make known to some one or more of the next privy counsellors , sheriffs , stewards , baillies , justices of the peace , or magistrats of burgs-royal , what place or places they set a part for these uses , with the names of the preachers . and that all our subjects may enjoy such their religious assemblies with greater assurance and protection , we have thought fit , and do hereby command , that no disturbance , of any kind , be made , or given unto them , under pain of our royal displeasure , and to be further proceeded against with the outmost severity ; provided always , that their meetings be in houses or places provided for the purpose , and not in the open fields , for which now , after this our royal grace and favor shown , ( which surpasses the hopes , and equals the very wishes of the most zealously concerned ) there is not the least shadow of excuse left ; which meetings in fields we do hereby strictly prohibit and forbid , against all which we do leave our laws and acts of parliament in full force and vigor , notwithstanding the premises ; and do further command all our judges , magistrats , and officers of our forces , to prosecute such as shall be guilty of the saids field conventicles , or assemblies with the outmost rigour , as they would avoid our highest displeasure ; for we are confident none will , after these liberties and freedoms we have given to all , without reserve , to serve god in their own way , presume to meet in these assemblies , except such as make a pretence of religion , to cover their treasonable designs against our royal person , and the peace of our government . and lastly , to the end all our good subjects may have notice of this our royal will and pleasure , we do hereby command our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , macers , pursevants , and messengers at arms , to make timeous proclamation thereof at the mercat-cross of edinburgh : and besides the printing and publishing of this our royal proclamation , it is our express will and pleasure , that the same be past under our great seal of that our kingdom per saltum , without passing any other seal or register . in order whereunto , these shall be to the directors of our chancellary and their deputs , for writing the same , and to our chancellor , for causing our great seal aforesaid to be appended thereunto , a sufficient warrand . given at our court at windsor the day of june , . and of our reign the third year . by his majesties command . melford . edinburgh , july . . present in council james earl of perth lord high chancellor . john lord archbishop of glascow . the lord marquis of athol privy seal . duke of hamilton . duke of gordon , earl of arran . earl of linlithgow lord justice-general . earl of dumfermling . earl of strathmore . earl of landerdale . earl of southesk . earl of airly . lo. viscount tarbat . lo. viscount strathallan . lo. livingston . lo. president of session . lo. advocate . lo. justice-clerk . lo. castlehill . general leiutenent dowglas . niddrie . the above-written proclamation from his most sacred majesty , being read in his privy council of scotland , was in pursuance of his majesties royal commands ordered to be publised with all due solemnities . extracted forth of the records of his majesties council by me sir william paterson clerk to his majesties most honourable privy council . will. paterson . god save the king . edinbvrgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , and reprinted by thomas newcomb , for s. forrester , in kings-street westminster , . davvnings of light wherein the true interest of reformation is opened in generall, and in particular, in this kingdome for the establishment of weaker judgements, and many other things impartially hinted, to a further discovery of truth and light in many of our present controversies : with some maximes of reformation / by john saltmarsh ... saltmarsh, john, d. . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing s ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) davvnings of light wherein the true interest of reformation is opened in generall, and in particular, in this kingdome for the establishment of weaker judgements, and many other things impartially hinted, to a further discovery of truth and light in many of our present controversies : with some maximes of reformation / by john saltmarsh ... saltmarsh, john, d. . [ ], [i.e. ] p. printed for r.w. and are sold by g. calvert ..., london : . errors in paging: p. - skipped in the numering; p. - repeated in the numbering. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng church of england -- controversial literature. liberty of conscience -- england. great britain -- church history -- th century. a r (wing s ). civilwar no davvnings of light: wherein the true interest of reformation is opened in generall, and in particular, in this kingdome, for the establishme saltmarsh, john d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion davvnings of light : wherein the true interest of reformation is opened in generall , and in particular , in this kingdome , for the establishment of weaker judgements : and many other things impartially hintted , to a further discovery of truth and light , in many or our present controversies . with some maximes of reformation . cor. . . for now we see through a glasse darkly , now i know in part . cor. . . but when that which is perfect is come , then that which is in part , shall be done away . by john salymarsh , preacher of gods word , at brasteed , in the county of kent . london , printed for . r. w. and are to be sold by g. calvert , at the black-spred-eagle near pauls . . to the honourable , the knights and burgesses for the county of yorkshire , in the commons house of parliament , viz. the lord generall fairfax , sir william strickland , sir philip stapleton , sir henry cholmley , sir william alison , mr. henry darly , m. hoyle , m. alured , m. pelham , &c. i should exceed an epistle , to speak of you in your severall spheres of activity , for the advancement of the cause of god ; some of yee have jeoparded your lives in the high places of the field ; some of yee offered your selves , willingly among the people . when the great work of god is finished , the names of those shall be sought for that have acted for him , and it shall be said , what honour and dignity hath been done to mordeca● for this ? you that work both for god & your countrey , shall bee recorded both in the chronicle of heaven & earth : and ye are the more eminent in this , that ye have sate out the aposta●ies , and unfortunate failings of so many ( preserved through the power of christ ) they went out from ye , because they were not of yee : and such is the quality of your employment , that ye may learne to be at once both saints , and statesmen , in this work : for the daily opening of the secrets of affairs before ye , both religious and civill , may make your house a senate and a temple ; and the more spiritually ye work in state-affairs , ye act in a higher capacity then common statesmen , or former parliaments . my prayer is for ye , that ye may be stedfast and unmoveable , alwayes abounding in the work of the lord , knowing that your labour shall not be in vain in the lord . so prayes your servant , john saltmarsh , to the worthy and eminent committee in the county of kent . i have through the providence of god been seated in the influence of your government , where i have enjoyed , as others of that place have done , a peace and security , while many places of the kingdome hear the alarms of war , and put on garments rolled in blood . the lord , who is the mighty counsellour ; hath poured out a spirit of wisdome and counsell upon you and so long as you act in the strength of him , and in relation to him , you see you have salvation for wals and bulwarks . you have much experience of god ( as i have observed ) in the conduct of your affairs , which hath not only been advantagious to the publick , and to the peace of your own countrey ; but exemplary to others abroad , and the more you go on to involve your selves into the cause of god , the greater share you may look for in the honour , and happiness● , and successe of it . you know well ( nor need i remind you ) how the interest of your county is wrapped up in that publick and parliamentary association , wch while you preserve ( through the blessing of god ) as you do , in that constitution , you may expect to live by the same line of prosperity you have done . and so prayes , your servant , iohn saltmarsh , to mr. tho. fuller , the author of a book entituled , truth maintained : at oxford , or elsewhere . as you accused me once of haste in my observations upon your book , so you may now charge a delay upon me for the answer i am preparing to your second treatise : my interruptions have bin many , yet the truth i defend , i hope will overtake you at length , though you set forth long before me : i shall deale better with you , then you have done with me , to let you see our usage on this side of oxford hath more charity ; for i shall fairly interpret the good , and candidly reject the bad : i could wish you would prevent me in comming over to our present reformation , and so you may satisfie the question better . yet , sir , we might both do better to hearken to our learned umpire , mr. herle , who tels us , how needlesse further d●sputes were about reformatian , by how much reformation is necessary . the preparatory . i have in this short discourse lalaboured to give you rather the spirits and extractions of things , then to write at large ; and to point only to the advancement of truth amongst us : for i saw so many plunged in the controversies of our times , that it had been good some of them were either well out , or had never come in ; for the disputes which only before warmed us , have now set us all on flame , and we have reasoned our judgements much beyond those boundaries in the word , of godly peace , and edification : discourses of this nature ought to be free and peaceably bold ; for the soule is more at liberty for debating , where the lesse ingagement or interest appears , else the enquiries can be but narrow and impartiall : i hope i need make no larger apology for my plain dealing with all . i have writ little conclusive or positive : determinations being not the proper work of us that stand below , who only aime at oyling the wheeles in this great work ; and whilest we are but on the way to reformation , in peremptory conclusions , and finall inferences , there may be more haste then good speeed . i thought , that openings and discoveries of this nature would help to a more solid and clear firmation in the truths received ; for there is nothing brings greater unsettlement , then arguing things halfe way : and therefore our reverend assembly are not to be accused of any unnecessary delay in things of so high consideration . i have writ in expressions not popular , for we should not be too much the peoples , till the light we hold out were well quit of the vapours that darken it ; not that i decline the multitude , save only in order of time , and there are certain cautions in the vvord for not revealing or communicating too suddenly . hast thou faith ● have it to thy self before god , rom. . . take heed left by any means this liberty of yours become a stumbling block to them that are weak , cor. . i have yet many things to say unto you , but you cannot bear them now , iohn . . and he communicated only privately , with some that were of reputation , acts . if i be thought by any to speak too favourably of things so generally dissented from : i desire such to take notice in what capacity i write ; not as one that delivers positions to the world , but as one that would fain see what is the grounds or secret that the prelates and some amongst us are concen●red in this , to call all other hereticks and schismaticks , who may be found perhaps to differ but as the stronger and weaker christians , who though one eat herbs , and another regard a day , do it both to the lord . considerations in reformation . consider , that the controversies of our times amongst some , take up the application of them so wholly , as a few particular truths are made their only businesse , and the positive work of salvation little advanced ; these ought we to have done , and not to leave the other undone . consider , that the measure of grace is not equal in all , nor the degrees of light the same ; and this hath ever brought forth in the practice of the godly , according to the examples in scriptures , an indulgency and godly prudence towards one another ; and this would be a seasonable consideration in these times of reformation , where all cannot bear the truths revealed to some ; and in the establishment of reformation to come , where if all the truths be not setled that many desire , yet so much may bee setled as ought rather to bee the object of godly indulgency & praise , then scandall and murmuring ; and to blesse god for our very removes from popery & prelacy into the reformation to come , yet so , as this be no caution against the peaceable testimony of those , for the greater advancements in the worship or government of god , whom god shall stir up . consider that the warres in the severall states of christendome , as germany , denmark , italy , ireland , england , &c. are but pieces of the great work , and preparatories , and fall in their severall degrees and orders into the designe of god for his church , and the ruine of antichrist , and are not to be lookt upon as pieces and splinters that brake out from confused troubles : therefore when you hear of wars and rumours of wars , be not troubled , for the end is not yet . consider , that unlesse we be a people more sanctified by the successe and meanes wee have , our enemies shall not fall through any divine favour to us , but through the provocation of their own sinnes , and then their ruine will scarcely be our salvation , but they shall only have the precedency to be first in the judgement : yet here we may look up at the prerogative of gods mercy working sometimes above sins and provocations , he went on frowardly in the way of his heart , i have seene his wayes and will heale him . and there is to this too a supplement in the holinesse of the representative of our state , or parliament , though the body or people of the kingdome be not so disposed as we could wish ; and this saved a kingdome in iosiahs and ezekiahs times , and may save ours . consider , that our dayes of fasts , &c. as they ought to be exceedingly advanced , we having experienced much by them , so they may be possibly made to take up the reall and substantiall reformation that ought to be , if our ministers looke more to their own designe , then gods in them , and so the dayes and duties may almost devour the power of godlinesse in the practise ; for the reformation of a day is the easier duty , then that of a whole life , and sooner done : and it would be well observed , whether we rise up equally in this , that they bee not mistaken , as it were , for the occasional antidotes of our weekly sinning ? and then if people once think an extraordinary day the only remedy provided , they will soone grow remisse in their constant practice . this i speak that we keep not up a standing sinne , with a standing remedy : that it may be considered , that god lose not any thing through mans additionall of circumstance in worship , and because i see the very formality of the duty is as much lookt upon by some as the duty , and the duty , as him to whom it refers , and carries almost the glory of our successe from christ himself , at least is made by some indistinctly a competitor in our deliverances : these things would bee rightly and clearly stated to the people , god and duties must have their right places ; and that may not only keep many right , but save some from going wrong in this point : let us be as much in these extraordinaries of humiliation as we can , so we hold up god and christ in their glorious preheminencies in them , and the people be taught to be as constant in the power of godliness , as occasionall , & to know christ for the only power , both of the duty and deliverance . consider , whether our provocations under so many protestations and covenants , be not equivalent to that excellent duty of our first obligations ; and whether the humiliation for this , ought not to be as solemne as the league and covenant , and as nationall . consider , that our debates and disputes about worship and government , have not been assisted with any publick or particular acknowledgement of former and present superstitious inclinations both in ministery and people , and with any publick or particular seeking god , for revealing his will in this present reformation to us : thi● may make us so long in seeking . consider , whether all of prelacy be removed , as well as their vitiousnesse and superstitions , and that none of their pride , superciliousnesse , and self-seeking be left behinde in us , and any of our own ministers , especially any that stand above others in place of reformation : and if so , let us endeavour the extirpation of it by vertue of our covenant . dawnings of light . wherein the true interest of reformation is opened . the interest stated . being to treat of the interest of the creature only , i shall not speak of the interest of the creator , of god himself , which is so deeply and unsearchably laid in his own essence , each person in the godhead subsisting in the same infiinite onenesse or being , and so acting abroad adessentially , and intrinsecally upon the creature . there is not any thing created , but it hath an interest , there is a naturall or physicall interest , that which consists in such a being or cause , or in severall causes which are in consociation , to the producing and improving such and such effects ; and this interest is strengthened and improved by the putting forth the effects and causations . . there is a political or civil interest , and that is the strength of every state : as sampson had his locks wherein his might lay , so there is no kingdome or state but they have their locks , some complication where their power is twisted and takes root , and like vines cast out themselves in severall veins and sinews of negotiation , and so acquire improvements . but there is a supernaturall interest , and that is it which i aim at in this place , or an intorest of reformation : this interest is considerable , either towards god , or towards men . the interest towards god is increated , divine , more immediate , more immanent , more pure , and primary . the interest towards man is more incorporated , more complicated , more circumstantiated , more secondary . these two parts , if well studied , might be exalted into a transcendent science , and it is pitty that now when severall ages of reformation draws on , few or none that i know , elder or more modern , that have much enquired into the mystery & sublimity , whereas every variety here below is drawn up into systemes and aphorismes , only this wanders incompleatly under the shadow of the science theologie , which is so universall , that there is not that perfection attained in it , as there might be , if like other sciences it were taken in , or inclosed , and so studied ; for then some whose spirituall ingeny might be of a complexion fitter for such or such a part in divinity , would apply thither , when as now they wander up and down in the unbounded wastes of theologie , and like the philosopher , who laying himself out to nature at large , sits down with a narrow satisfaction ; whereas the ●stronomer , or any other single scienced person , knows every star and circle , and variation , and hath a more exact and particular knowledge , then such an universall contemplation can give him . the increated interest : first then for the interest of reformation , as it relates to god , i mean the supernaturall interest , or the increated interest : and we must know it lies radically in the counsels of god , and subsists in his power and infinity , and takes not degrees and improvements here below , as other interests naturall and politicall do : and therefore it is , that the interest of reformation rayes out in some ages gloriously at its very first rise , & then when it seems to have the least ingagement or complication below , but seemes rather to flow from new created springs and originals , so as that scripture holds forth , things which are seen , are not made of things which do appeare : and though sometimes other contraries may seem to have anticipated all the interest , and taken up the advantages beforehand , yet on a sudden god lets out an effusion of light , and spirit , and in a moment disinteresses and dispossesses all the former , and this appeares in that , when the people which sate in darknesse saw great light , and to them which sate in the region and shadow of darknesse , light is sprung up : for as the appearance of christ to judgement , is implied to be momentary , as the lightning that lightneth out of the one part of heaven , shineth unto the other part , so shall also the son of man be in his day : now the son of man is thus in his day of reformation , as well as condemnation ; and as in light there is not that graduall alteration , and propagation , and working for interest in the aire , but a transfusion and illumination in such an interminate subject or body , because there is not in it any quality contrary , or obstructive , that can put any impediment to so immateriall a thing as light : so it is in the spirituall transfusions of grace and reformation , when the power and will of god carries it and applies it irresistibly , efficaciously to such and such a season or state , or people ; for god being as it were more immediate , and indistant , and intrinsecal in this work , he will not sometimes admit of any such grosse or inferiour artifice , and preparings , and consociations , which argues an impotencie in the agent and work : but as he is infinite , and the creator , so he commands the creature to make room , and the creature in an obedientiall and passive capacity opens and entertains his dispensations , this is then when he would make bare ( as it were ) his glory , and shew himself to his people , and put off the creature , and as it were devest himself of his interests here below , & act more immediately upon the world , and then his light and dispensation is carried on without reluctancy or disputings in the creature , there is a melting at his presence , this divine work is sweetly insinuated in that scripture , his lightnings enlightned the world , the earth saw and trembled , the hills melted like waxe at the presence of the lord : the earth trembles , the earth , or the most grosse and opace impediment● , the hils , or high obstructions flow down , and are powred out , when god powres out himselfe in any strong activity upon them . the work of reformation being of this nature in part , and such an immediate efflux of god in christ , we should rise into higher conceptions and contemplations concerning it , and find out the interest on which it turns , in the most spirituall motions and beginnings . the more spirituall effluxes of the interest , with a caution . and these are the very same which god brought his dispensations into the world by at first , and carried on his truths on a naked power , witnesse all his miraculous actings for his law and church then under moses & joshua , god carrying them on by a mighty hand , and after under several judges , & by such sudden lightnings of mercy , when all their own interest was lost & overflowed by the enemies , as the scriptures intimate ; then the lord raised them up a deliverer . the sudden restoring of the worship under asa , jehoshaphat , hezekiah , josiah : and so the raising of the temple under cyrus and darius , the expressions all hold out the most high , and divine risings , and actings , as those concerning cyrus , the lord stirred up the spirit of cyrus , and then rose up the fathers of benjamin , and judah , with all them whose spirit god had raised to go up : and as these concerning artaxerxes , and the king granted me ( sayes nehemiah ) according to the good hand of god upon me , and then i told them of the hand of my god which was good upon me : and in the time of mordecai , and in that very day that the e●●mies of the jews hoped to have rule over them it was turned to the contrary , and the jews had rule over them . and thus the reformation under the gospel was carried on by a pure heavenly work , and immediate concurrence ; the lord ( saith the scripture ) working with them , and confirming the word with signes following , and many of them which heard the word beleeven , and the number of the men was about five thousand , all on sudden : thus the interest of reformation , or the gospel , lay then most in the naked and immediate power of god , subsisting in his very omnipotencie , and so in divers ages to this ; though in a particular account from ecclesiasticall story , we may soon be led into some false experiments of this interest ; for it was a luxuriancie in some of them , to put down some miraculous passages , or stories , which indeed are very questionable ; for the mysterie of iniquity working higher every age then other , the learning of after times , partly in an easie and corrupt piety , and partly in a policie to preserve the reputation of so divine an interest , kept up many legends to this day : but for later centuries , in france , and gormanie , scotland , and our own kingdom , god hath brought in himself according to the former scriptures , with an high hand with signes and wonders , with raising and stirring up the spirits of his people , working even immediately by himself ; casting out the interest of antichristianisme and prelaecie , and placeing his owne there , as at this day , we experience in the late opening of heaven , and radiation upon this kingdom , when the prelaecy was at highest , and interweaving it self into popery , and fastening its interest at the very foot of the chair in rome . how the increated interest works to be discerned below . this increated interest of the gospel lying thus in the counsels , wisdom , and power of god , it comes abroad sometimes on the wheele of some omnipotency , when god hath a purpose to undo or dissolve the gatherings , and strong holds , the wisdom of the world , and to exalt himself to the eyes of his people and his enemies , wonderfull things did he in the land of egypt in the field of zoan : and here we may rise into this enquiry , how god may be discerned in such a work ? though best by the spirit , which searches the deep things of god . first , god , in making any clear discovery of this interest , must assume such agents as may not seem to stand in the way of his omnipotency , i mean , by casting any shadow upon it , but they must be such as he may be seen in , even to a carnall eye , as the magitians of egypt , who could then only discern god , & but his finger neither , in the judgement of lice ; of this nature were those things he made use on , as moses rod , and aarons , both blossoming with miracles al●ke , the waters of jordan , rams horns , lamps and pitchers , a sling and a pible stone , the jaw bone of an asse , clay and spittle , handkerchiefs and shadows , a gideon or poorest family in manasseh , and he the poorest in his fathers house , and thus the gospel had its rise and increase , god choosing the base things , the weak things , and foolish things , fishermen , and women , and laying aside whatsoever might exalt it self , so as not many wise men after the flesh , nor many mighty , nor many noble were called : nay , in the great and finall work for his church , his very word , which he cals ( in the name of the world ) the foolishnesse of preaching , shall be acted by that omnipotency , as all the power of ●abylon seems only to fall at the noise of that : i dispute not here , what other concomitant god may annex , yet the word carries the reputation ; and it is most reasonable , in this way of the lords working , that god should overthrow them by that , which they in their own wisdome reputed but foolishnes . the interest suffers no change from the creature . now this interest is only and entire in god , and the designe works only below for compleating the body of christ ; and this body is made up of all nations and kindreds , and though in some nations where the gospel is , god may not equally dispence successe or advancement to it , but may often in his own wisdom let the interest seem to dye out , as in our own kingdom , and that of scotland , he hath formerly done , and in that of ireland of late ; yet even then we must look at the designe of reformation , as it is in god , and not in the creature , and not think so far below such a glorious businesse , as if the perishing or wasting in any particular had put any stop to the work of god , as if any thing of the world had power to disorder the uniformity of such a work , and should put god about , but we must know that god hath fully and from eternity made up the glory of this businesse : and though there may be unevennesse on the worldly side of it , yet on the heavenly side of it there is none ; as in former interruptions , not only when god dwelt in curtains , and in a temple made with hands ; but after , when he took up a more spirituall habitation in his people , for even then their churches were scattered abroad throughout the regions of judea , and samaria , except the apostles : & here the spirit hints to us , how god sometimes locks up or layes up his interest in some remainder , as here in the apostles , when the rest were scattered , the word it self was hid in the root of jesse , and the branch , the tree in the vision had a stump left in the earth , and god had seven thousand unknown to the prophet , which had not bowed to baal , and the woman which he lodged in the wildernesse , to whom he gave the wings of an eagle . my thoughts are not your thoughts , neither are your wayes my wayes ; god hath divers ends in making overtures of light , and withdrawing it , in gods work there is nothing lost nor in vain , and when the wisdom of man is not able to make any thing of disadvantages , the wisdom of god can . christ is the same yesterday , and to day , and for ever , nor in him is any variablenesse or shadow of change . i shall here for a further advancement to this , make a discovery of such secret principles , as if clearly discussed , might prove of powerfull advantage , to some present and succeeding controversies . a right stating of the churches interest , of great concernment to some present controversies . if the churches interest hath been alwayes below , ( i speak now of the period from christ ) then this saves the birth of a new ministery , or ordinances , and all this may stand good : viz. of receiving them out of mysticall babylon , as the jews did the golden vessels , then it would be discussed whether any such way of arguing did strengthen that of a necessary visibility , and whether it did as fully advance the attributes of god : viz. his omnipotencie , &c. and equally comply with the revealed designe of god in his word , of alwayes preserving a church ; and whether the defection , or ap●●tacie , and the slaying of the witnesses could stand with such a church-nterest , and how the temple of god , on which antichrist sits , her golden cups or jewels , may be in the spirits sense the true church or ordinances in bondage , or only a counterfeiting or resembling ; and what the tabernacle of god coming down may imply , whether such a continued inter●st or no ; and whether the scriptures themselves , being the ark of gods revealed will , be not the conservatory of the interest in such intervals , and whether th●● hur●h or scriptures be the fitter subjects , according to gods method and rule of working , for preserving and propagating such an interest . and if the church hath alwayes had an interest , whether this interest hath been alwayes the same from the first , because some do so quarrell that , and call it a going to moses from christ , a seeking for gospel to the law ; and indeed , if some stronger labours were of this nature in full , not in broken treatises , then as yet we have seen , they might heale many an objection about our ministery and ordinances , which for want of it , some may think lie too open : and here might be opened the severall administrations god took up for such seasons , and how far such administrations were intended to be answerable to each other , both before the law , and under the law , and how the law is fulfilled in the gospell , and whether there be not a fulfilling by way of eminency ; and if so , then whether there be any such speciall or particular relating in the ordinances under christ , abraham , and moses : and this done , the subject and circumstances of one ordinance which fals under so peremptory a precept ( i mean circumcision ) will sooner clear up to the weaker judgements . and in this it would be observed what latitude such proof allows , whether papists can take any of the same shadow to sit under for proving any thing of their hierarchy , ceremonies , and musick , to be a fulfilling of that part of the law , the priesthood and service . all these things deserve large and powerfull discourses , because from these such consequences spring up as may trouble our ages more then they yet have done , especially we being now laying our corner stones , and beginning to build : and this i should recommend to the pens of the most godly learned of our age , by way of speciall advancement to the cause of god at this present . the contemplation of this interest very strengthening , and the higher , the more safe . i intend at this time but to let out a glimpse of this interest of reformation , to awaken us into a closer pursuit and enquiry after it , for i know not any that have taken pains in this , except godly bucer ; and he hath not pursued this interest under this notion ; nor higher then into the next organicall part of it , concerning the kingdom of christ in its severall administrations ; and believe it , if this part were rightly and supreamly discussed , and held forth in such ages as this , when god is casting out new beams every day to the world , till at length all be on a pure light , and our day be like the first day of the creation when god said , let there be light , as if all the stars and luminaries of heaven were disbanded , and let out from their orbs , when the light of the moon shall be as the light of the sun , and the light of the sun as the light of seven dayes : if this part , i say , of the the reformation were methodically heightned and drawn into principles , and aphorismes , it would raise up the soules of gods people in all seasons , and would be a subliming and strengthening to faith , even the very substance of things hoped for , and the evidence of things that are not seen and such a spiritualizing to the soul , that we might live in the same region with the apostle , whose conversation ( as he sayes ) was in heaven , in the same region with enoch , who walked with god , and with all the blessed saints & patriarchs , who studied the science of this interest more then any ; and therefore it is , that they stood firm & higher then all the lower regions of providence , even in a serene firmament all the time of losses , and tempests , and miscarriages , & declinings , as seeing him who is invisible , and looking for a city which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is god . but this is not the interest we look so much after in this age , men are carried by lower and more naturall interests , which draw and entice the soule into the senses , and so incarnates the contemplations and graces of the soul , and when we should live a life even hid wi●h christ in god , we are hiding our life in the things below , rising and falling , ebbing and flowing with the ordinary providences , not being able to attain to that spirituall consistencie of soule which the former agents in reformation had , nay , you shall see , that even the holy men of god , while they let themselves down into these outward providences , they would often decline some degrees , as david , i shall one day perish by the hand of saul : and as paul , sirs , i perceive that this voyage will be with hurt and much damage , not only of the lading of the ship , but also of our lives ; but when he had conversed more above , and had seen a vision from god , he then could say , sirs , i now exhort you to be of good cheer , for there shall be no losse of any mans life among you , for this night there stood by me the angel of god , whose i am , and whom i serve . the reason that there are so many doubtings , and despondencies , and discouragements , is only this , many look too much upon the naturall interest of reformation , not upon the supernaturall , and that which is the more hidden and secret , which though it be invisible , and not so discernable to a carnall eye , yet it is the only unchangeable , eternall & sure interest , hid and involved in god himself , and in his power and wisdome ; but the soul and spirit of man being in union and correspondencie with something more corporeall then it self , the body inclines after interests that are corporeal too , as outward power and forces , and successe , and excellencie of agents and instruments , and strength of contributions , and auxiliaries , and whatsoever may conduce to the advancing and propagating the cause below ; and if once they look about , and see not the workings , the relations , advantages , contextures , and fulnesse of things below as they expect , and saw usually before , they are presently cast down , and never on the wings of comfort , but when things have a strong and naturall interest , and are on wing too ; as the weak spouse could then only delight her self abroad , when she could see the floures appeare on the earth , and heare the singing of birds , and the vo●ce of the turtle , and see the figtree putting forth , and the vines with the tender grapes . these puttings forth , and blossoms , and outward appearance , and visibility of things is the support and only comfort of the spouse : thus she was raised too , when she saw but her lover putting in his finger at the holes of the door . so it is with the spouse now , with the church and people of god now , they can only delight themselves abroad , in the providences of god , then , and to look about towards reformation , then , when the grapes appear , and the fig-tree putteth forth , and the singing of birds is come , when there is any chearfull budding and blossoming providence , and any musick of successe , and advancement : this was gideons errour , an overlooking and neglecting the spirituall and supernaturall interest , and fixing his eyes too much on the naturall : oh my lord , sayes he , 〈◊〉 god be with us , why th●n 〈◊〉 all this befallen us ? and where he all the miracles our fathers told us on ? but now the lord hath forsaken us , and delivered us into the hands of the midianites : and yet we know , even then , the divine and supernatural interest was working most strongly for their deliverance from the midianites . but i shall set down , before i take off my pen , my observations concerning the naturall and politicall interest which reformation hath in this age of ours , even that visible interest which is undeniable and apparant : but yet with this caution , that i do not lay these open , as affirming any unquestionable , necessary successe , but as probable und deducible a successe as ever age had , because i know there may be withdrawings and retirings in god respectively to a particular state and church , and yet his church have a fair and eminent interest both there , and elswhere in other states and kingdoms ; for as a nation is not dead in the funerals of a few persons , nor an house ruined in the falling of a pillar or tyle , no more is the church , which is a catholike , invisible , spirituall body , by any particular declination in such a city , or state , or nation ; though i must affirm this , that there is a most clear , visible , powerfull and mighty interest which reformation hath in the christian world , and this kingdom at this time , and if it succeed not here , i can accuse no want of supernaturall , naturall , or political interest , for we are able enough in these , but i must accuse some speciall sinnes that have done it , which have separ●ted betwixt us and our god , and have withheld good things from us , and made our god refuse to shew us the pattern , and his will , for here are conditionals implied , if the h●●●se of israel sh●●● be ashamed of their iniquities , i will shew them the form of the ●●●●e : and ag●●● , if any man will do his will , he shall know of the doctrine , whether it be of god or no . at what instant i shall speak concerning a nation , and concerning a kingdome , to pluck up , and to pull down , and to destroy it , if that nation , against whom i have pronounced , turne from their evil , i will repent of the evil that i thought to do unto them . severall secrets in the interest . . the interest in christ . this interest is laid up in christ from all eternity , and here we may rise into most spirituall apprehensions concerning it , for though god causes the interest to beam forth into the things below , yet it is in christ like light in the body of the sun ; god doth so dispence himself into christ , that there is not any thing of god stowes beside him , but all in him , and through him , all things that the father hath are mine : for christ , as he was the word , was with god in the beginning , and was god , without him was not any thing made that was made , in him was life : in these expressions the spirit lets us see how god made himselfe over to christ : and further , he was the image of the invisible god , he is before all things , and by him all things consist , and he is the head of the body , the church , who is the beginning , being also the b●●ghtnesse of his glory . and the scripture opens this mysterie further yet : god was in christ , reconciling the world unto himself , and in him the fulnesse of the godhead dwels bodily : and when christ that eternal word came to apply the interest neerer the creature , he grew up before him , as a tender plant , and as a root out of a dry ground ; yet the lord possessed him in the beginning of his way before his works of old , he was by him , as one brought up with him . the holy spirit holds out the mysterie of laying up the interest in christ yet more , and writes to the church to comfort her in the acknowledgement of the mystery of god , and of the father , and of ●hrist , in whom are hid all the treasures . but if we would see a further glimpse of this interest , sweetly opened by christ himselfe , let us heighten our meditations upon these scriptures , where christ discourses with his father , implying the spirituall interest all the way . all mine are thine , and thine are mine , and i am glorified in the● , and as thou father art in me & i in thee , that they also may be one in us , and the glory which thou gavest me , i have given them , i in them , and thou in me , that they may be made p●rfect in one . so as now god being thus in christ , and the church adopted so near to that infinite unity , of god in christ , the interest is unchangeably , and eternally preserved ; and to t●e all fast with the heavenly cordage of love , god holds our himself in ●ovena●t , in an everl●sting c●venant : and thus it hath pleased the father , that in him should all f●lnesse dwell , and all our interest should be treasured in him , even to that of grace and glory , that our life should be hid with christ in god . ii. the spiritual interest in allegory . that we may discern the interest more nearly it is conveyed to us on the scene of allegories , for god being invisible in himself , and more immediate approaches , makes himself appeare through such expressions as the●e . thou shalt hide them in the secret of thy presence , thou shalt keep them secretly in a pavilion . i sate down under his shadow with great delight . the name of the lord is a strong tower , the righteous run unto it and are safe , under the shadow of his wings will i make my refuge . come my people , enter thou into thy chambers , and shut thy doors about thee , hide thy self as it were for a little moment : walk about sion , go round about her , tell the thereof , mark ye well her bulwarks , consider her palaces . my beloved hath a vineyard , &c. he fenced it , and built a tower in the midst . and i will fasten him as a nail in a sure place . o my dove , thou art in the clifts of the rocks in the secret places of the stairs . thus god hides his interest in these allegories , clefts , in rocks , and secret places and chambers , and wings , and shadowes , and bulwarks , and palaces , and towers , and fences , and pavilions , and the secrets of his presence , for god is so indistant , and present with his , that they are safe in the midst of dangers , and he holds these invisible sanctuaries over them : lo , he goeth by me , and i see him not ; he passeth on also , but i per●eive him not . thus said job , when his sight was dim with affliction , that he could not see into the interest beyond the creature . iii. the recipients of the spirituall interests . those things which are of neerest capacity to the receiving of the interest , are first the covenant , or eternall paction and ingagement , wherby god stands bound of his meer free grace to his church or people , and by this interceding act he and his people are brought together . the next is the scriptures of god , or the word , whereby the interest is propagated , being the power of god unto salvation . the other is the church of god , which is the fountain sealed , the garden enclosed wherein all the sweets & fragrancies of grace breath forth . iv. the recipients of the interest . the prophetical truths in the prophets , and the revelation of john , are the severall orbs and spheres the interest works in , and hence follow the severall degrees of radiation that the truth of god casts out in the ages past , present , and to come . the operations & fluxes of the spirit , of which there are , as the apostle sayes , diversities of gifts , & diversities of administrations , inspirations , illuminations , instincts , motions , created powers and mights , for effecting successes , preservations , deliverances , advancements , &c. the purer ordinances of praying , preaching , prophesying , worship and government , holy treatises , writings , discourses , or any other divine faculty , like a golden candlestick conveying the heavenly light abroad . v. the engines the interest works by . there are certain created powers , & qualifications spiritual , natural , and civil , which the infinite supreme agent makes use on here below ( as i hinted before ) the vertues , gifts and graces , likewise the policie , power and authority , and consociations , all these god takes up , & carries on his interest by them in states and kingdoms , nor was there ever r●form●tion , but god set it on by such wayes of application , either by eminencie of gifts and inspirations , or by eminencie of power , and some of these he used more eminently at one time , then at another , as in iosiahs and asaes , when the coercive authority was the greatest wheel in the reformation . to conclude this , god improves reformation by created meanes and entities , which are like wheeles and springs , and god moves by these , sometimes in the way of his omnipotencie , sometimes more connaturally , and according to his way of moving , the improvements are ; if he move in a connaturall way , he works with the creature little further then its own capacity , and then things may go slowly on , because he puts not out his hand to bring on the creature faster then its own strength will carry it : see this in iosiahs , asa's , ezra's reformation , in edward the sixth's , elizabeth's , where the reformation went on gradually from one obstruction to another . god having thus laid in qualifications of severall orders for advancing his great work , they all work in their proper subserviency & subordination , for the whole creation serves but this glorious end , that god may have his church compleated through so many severall ages & providences , according as he hath drawn it out in kis e●●rnall model or idea , which is , his own wisdome or counsel ; and when god is upon his work of reformation , you may observe all the lower interests are set a going , the stars shal fight against sisera in their course , thus shall the natural interest help on . cyrus , and artaxerx●● shall send out commissions & letters to their princes and ministers of state ; thus shall the politick interest help on . h●gga● zechariah , the people of god , shall pray and prophesie , so shall the more spiritually-organicall means help on . vi . the obstructions , and how removed . the spirituall obstructions are intrinsecall , and forain , and extrinsecall ; the intrinsecall are malignity of nature , carnall reasonings , idolatrous , superstitious principles , principles of atheisme , libertinisme ; there are but two wayes of removing these , by a power spirituall , and a power civil , or of magistracie , and the disciplines and orbs where both these powers work , and influence ; and here it would be well inquired how far this latter of magistracie may be improved to remove the more spirituall obstructions , and to compell up to a reformation , and how neer the interests of moses and aaron are , seeing they were at first in one subject or person , and after in two , but never to be found any more in one , as the papists & ●relates would have incorporated them again : and it s said , we clearly see not the right interest of christian magistracie by any practical truth in the gospel , and that which makes it so dark is this , that no nations were wholly converted in christ's and the apostles times , by which we might have experiments of their power in cooperating with the apostles , and what the true subserviencie of such a power is to a spiritual interest , and in what latitude , is not yet clear to some . and surely here we are too low of late in our treatises , for we should first state the interest of magistracie , as we find it in the gospel , and under the law respectively , and then enquire into the secret of gospel-propagation , and why the the gospel begun below , and went up , and not as c●sar first , and so down ? and whether it equally respect both administrations ? and how far that scripture that is not thought on in such case may be consulted ? you are not c●me un●● the mountain that burned with fire , but ye are come unto mount si●n ? and it would be clearly stated , whether spirituall perswasion , and conviction , and the evangelicall ordinances , be the onely mediums , or means , which were then imployed for carrying on the gospel ? and the auxiliary of miracles then annexed for compelling reputation ? and now that of miracles cea●ing , whether magistracie ought not to ●●ply ? these are yet not beaten out so in our discourses , as they might be . the forain or extrinsecal obstructions are , some lawes , customes , traditions , adversaries or enemies to truth , confederations with princes and states abroad , a people of forain interests in their own nation . these are removed by suspending ●tatutes , opening pulpits , presses , and letting out the holy dispensation of the gospel freely , by state agencie , and vigilancie , and a kind of sending out hushaies to sit at councel table with achitophels ; and if this hath too much of david in it , yet the iewes which dwell neer them may be treated with for intelligence , as nehemiah did . instances of mixtures in scriptures , as that of corinth , those seven of asia , the parables improved , mat . , , of the tares and wheat . when these and such like are urged in case of separation , and mixt communicating in ordinances ; it would be further enquired , whether such a sense come up more directly or obliquely to the holy spirit ? and whether church-corruptions , as corinth's , and ephesus &c. were intended any more for proofs , or arguments , or rules , then personal corruptions , as davids lusts , and moses p●ssions , and peters fears ? and whether all such examples be not rather set down as cautions , and written for our admonition , that we should n●t lust , as they also lusted ? & further , whether the name church be not sometimes to be taken in the same sense under the gospel , as the ark and ●emple was tak●● under the law still for the places of 〈◊〉 ●●●idence , though sometimes he was not so ●●●●bly ther● ? ●nd whether the ●oly ●pirit for●ore not to 〈…〉 them , because the fault was in some particular practices about ordinances rather then in the essential , or first form of church constitution , which they had perfecter then we ? and whether this be a rule for the judgements of gods people , who are to go by the clear and visible rules in scripture , according to which churches are made up , or have constitution ? and whether the holy spirit would have reputed them still churches , had they gone on in the toleration of such corruptions , for all their first constitution , as appears in that caution to ephesus , repent , or i will c●me unto thee quickly , and remove thy candlestick ? and whether the parables of mixture of tares and wheat , and good fish and bad , be so as may make for toleration of visible mixtures anywhere then in the world because they are shut up with the mention of the worlds dissolution ? and whether such church censures as ●hrist hath provided against sinnes and scandals , import not an outward purity in all such as would pretend to be members of his visible body ? these things , because they are the hinges of certain debutes amongst us , would be more fully opened . separation enquired after . and for separation , i find it not rightly stated : for , withdrawings , and particular communicatings apart of the godly , that separate only upon grounds , not so clearly or fully condemned in the word , or commended , ought not to be presently reputed schisme , or separation , neither by those that so withdraw , nor those from whom the pretended separation is made , if we would study the common peace of christians : and if this were rightly discussed , and the true scripture principles made clear which bear it , there would be no such division , as there is separation , but it would be only a suspending one from another , as in the intervals of uncleannesse under the law , till christ had revealed even this unto them . and indeed it would be well enquired , seeing god reveales his ●●uths in severall degrees in nations , and persons , whether such a national conformity be fully agreeable to such a method of revelation , and that all ought to conform outwardly , that conform not inwardly ? and whether such an unity may not have equally its inconveniences on the right hand , as formality hypocrisio , &c. as well as the other on the left , errors , divisions , &c. and yet all state inconveniencies must be taken in here , which may spring from the want of such a conformity ; alwayes provided that the rule in scripture be fully consulted , lest we make church businesse bend further toward the maximes of state , then there is just grounds in the word : and it would be well weighed , whether such separation hath not foundation enough for more spiritual correspondencie , then some on all sides practise ? and whether such differences in those that pretend all to come out of babylon , ought to be esteemed other than the severall complections and features of so many members of the same body ? some are more honourable then others . and here we might do well to observe better that great engine of sathans , which he useth against the people of god , that of severall titles , and notes of distinction , as of presbyterial , independent , brownist , anabaptist : for by putting us thus under paul , and apollos , or cephas , he drawes us into scandal , and offence , and sidings , and parties , amounting almost to the disinteressing and unclasping our selves one from another , and letting us out into these severall channels , and then our stream must needs slow more weakly against the banks of the common enemy , and the power of hell and darknesse . i conclude thus , that these scriptures would be further searched . now i beseech you &c. that you all speak the same thing , &c. and that you be perfectly joyned together in the same same mind . let us therefore as many as be perfect , be thus minded , and if in any thing you be otherwise minded , god shall reveale even this unto you . neverthelesse whereunto we have already attained , let us walk by the same rule , let us minde the same things . we then that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weake , and not to please our selves . let every one of us please his neighbour , for his good to edification . for one believeth that he may eat all things , another who is weak eateth herbs . let not him that eateth , despise him that eateth not . in these scriptures are almost the full latitude of christianity : in the first , the perfect rule of unity is commended ; in the other , the severall degrees to this unity are opened , and commanded . christ's interests , and the worlds . me thinks , in stating severall controversies of late , we go not high enough , but we strive in the vallies , where the mist is thickest , whereas we might see better and farther , if we could go up higher , to the interest of christ : the disciples saw more of him when he took them up with him , then they saw before . this interest would be well cleared and held forth in its glory and spirituality , and abstracted from all other worldly interests which complicate with it : the kingdom of christ and the world are two , in their fundamentals , policy , lawes , governours , ends , designes , and the more the world insinuates any of its policy into the kingdom of christ ▪ the more is the kingdome of christ darkned , and corrupted ; and as it is in a civill state , the more of arbitrarinesse that comes in , the more is the established government subverted ; so in christs , whose government is more one and unchangeable , by how much a kingdome in a spirituall notion , is more perfect , then a kingdome in a temporall or worldly . and if we observe well , we shall see that the great mysterie of iniquity is no more then a meer spirituall arbitrary government . the worldly interests works much in mixed aggregations and counsels , authoritative power , in servile dependencies and subordinations , in promiscu●us unity and conformity , and universality , in blinde and implicite obedience , in falsely pretended antiquity , as appears in the popish and prelaticall p●licy . the interest of christ is in a spirituall freed me or priviledging , in ●nction or knowledge , in consociations , in homogentall unity , in directive and supe●intending , in perswasive , and reprehensive administrations or ordinances , and the government of christ seems to be so framed , as neither tyranny should get in at any consociation , nor anachy or libertinisme get in at any dissociation , or particular gathering , and at this beam we may weigh our controversies of this age . and they that argue for any complication of interests , must look well to the spirituality of the kingdom , and that god in this latter dispensation applies not so to the outward man , as he did in the former , and that simplicity , paucity , pers●icuity , humility , ●enity , and visible sanctity , are the proper orbs , where the evangelicall light moves . and yet here i would be rightly understood , for i make but overtures for enquiry , while things are making to their constitution amongst us , which if once constituted , all ought to be either actively or passively obedient . the disputes for liberty improved . there are great disputings now for libert● , and this springs from a mutuall jealousie in each party , the one fearing the others establishment will endure no other interest near its own , and the more prevalent fearing the insinuations & encroachments of a tolerated interest that is diverse from it . now we should enquire here , whether these jealousies be the more proper passions of states , or christians , and how far christ , who is protector of his church , is to be trusted with the defence of his own government in such cases , and yet the true evangelicall latitude is not found out ? some plead upon such principles as would bring in an universall toleration , and while they would open a door only for themselves , they set in all promiscuously . therefore it would be enquired here if all must be tolerated , for fear of persecuting the truth through ignorance ; then whether doth not this ground argue for a plenary liberty , for all to propagate their interests equally with that , which is the commonly received truth of that place ; for a truth , i conceive , may be no more suppressed ignoran●ly , then it may be persecuted ignorantly : and it was as great a sin , if not greater , in that councel , to charge the apostles they should not teach the people in his name , as to whip them for the doctrine they taught . again , it would be further enquired if such a liberty be the gospel way , what use of the reserves of martyrdome and persecution , which christ hath made into such a glorious condition , as if he intended it as a blessed supplement to that of liberty , and it would be enquired whether such a m●lky way as that of liberty be always consonant to the estate of the church , being a lilly among thorns . and it would be enquired too , whether such a liberty be fully christs minde , because the enemies of the truth , heathen empires , and popish states as well as others are and have been abe●tors of it , and so it be rather a state principle tolerating only those which either the necessity of some evill consequence or some state expedients , or the experienced innocency of the tolerated religion hath produced : and yet on the other side , it would be enquired further , whether they that desire this liberty be not such as are on the same fundamentals with us , and brethren in the lord , and may be brought to meet with us in certain common principles , walking by the same rule , minding the same thing in that whereunto we have attained , and may not let out themselves unto mutuall peace and edification , their dissentings , having a certain orbe or spheare allowed them , wherein they may move , that still upon occasion , we may all fall into one common society against the publick enemy of the gospel , as abraham and lot , who though they lived other times at distance , yet were ever ready to relieve one another ; and here i desire to know whether such severall motions as this , which agree in the same unity of faith , of mutuall edification , and contribute together to the same publick preservation ; may not be with as little prejudice to the grand spirituall sphear , as in the naturall , wherein we see nature abounding in severall motions & orbs , and yet all these ( as occasion opens ) mutually assisting the interest of the universe or whole . and here me thinks we should study the latitudes of christianity more then we doe : especially when the scriptures holds it out to us , both in principles and practice : yet this caution i must lay down , that all our dissenting brethren be as carefull o● their parts to study things that make for common peace , as they would have authority carefull in acting against their particular peace . there is much arguing now against compulsive authority , in case of religion , and the arguments run thus : . that it is a note of persecution . . that it drives on the popish and prelaticall designe of vniformity . . that it distracts and wounds tender doubting consciences . . that it armes the enemies of the truth in their tyranny , from the magazine of true professors . . that it assumes dominion over the consciences . . that it intrudes into the place of god , and his ordinances , which immediately influence on the soule . . that it was but judiciall and politicall to the jewes . . that it runs an hazard of fighting against god . . that there is no expresse command nor example in the gospel for such compulsion . . that it is a means of keeping out truths that are yet to be revealed . . that the authority of the magistrate in scripture , reaches onely to moral and civil transgressions ; and to spirituall , as they come forth into the outward man , and so trouble the civill peace or government of the state . . that it makes formalists , and hypocrites . yet here it would be enquired further , whether there be not the same morall and and judiciall equity , for the magistrate to assist god in the designe of his church now , as there was before . . whether heresies and schismes , do not naturally bring forth such divisions , and distractions , as dash so on the power of the civill magistrate , that they justly raise up that power against them . . whether the pleaders for this compulsive power , do not over argue it , through indulgency , and the opposers argue it but half way , through jealousie ; the one having it on their side at present , and the other against them : and whether a more moderate way be not the more scripture-path viz. that the compulsive power may be found in the gospel-principles , stated with such cautions and rules from the word , as the enemies and opposers of truth , may neither triumph in an unwarrantable liberty , nor the weaker christians have cause to complain of an unwarrantable authority , whose doubtings are experienced to wound their own soules , more then the soule of states , the government . establishment of reformation . it hath not yet been far enough argued according to the principles in scripture , of what nature the establishments ought to be under the gospel & sure we ought more properly to advise with him that hath the keys of david , and knowes best how to shut and open , for else we may shut so fast , that we may be forced to have our doores broken open from heaven ; as of late under prelacy ( we sadly experience ) who had shut up all with so sure an establishment , that a truth could not get in but by violence ; and thus rome and those princes of bondage under her , as the spaniard , &c. make use of their keyes in all their dominions for shutting out , so as the gospel-truths have no visible entrance but by force , unlesse god bring them in at some other door yet unknown to us , as he seems to intend : now whether the establishment ought to be such under the gospel as may universally except all but what is received , or such as may contrive some holy prudentiall way , for trying any new revealed truths ; if such be offered clearly from heaven by the hands of men , we finde that in arts & sciences the sistemes are not such as will admit of no advancement : the profoundest agents in nature are led daily on to new experiments , and the aristotelian magistrality hath been found no little hinderance to young travellers in the regions of nature . and that which may carry us on further in this enquiry , is the possibility of not seeing all at once , strenghened by experience in our own and others reformations ; yet here we must enquire too , whether kingdomes ought to ●it so loose in their decrees , and whether the conscience of nations or parliaments are to remain still in such a constant potentiality to new degrees , and whether such a way would not keep a kingdome alwayes tottering and uncertain ? yet further , whether the potentiality of acquiring new degrees of this nature , would not bring such an alteration as were rather perfective , then corruptive , or destructive ? and if so , whether these jealousies may not be saved ? we see , that in the bodies naturall and spirituall , there is a potentiality to any perfective alteration , as in the aire to light , and in the soul to degrees of illumination , till they come to the statu●e of the fulnesse of christ . the advancers out of babylon . in our commings out of babylon , we have many fellow travellers that pretend as well to leave her behinde as we ; and these are called hereticks , schismaticks , anabaptists , separatists . now before wee be too far engaged in this , being they are such as pretend to come from the same point of advancement , or setting forth , it would be well enquired how popery and prelacy come to oppose them so directly , and their interests to be so inconsistent , if they be all enemies to the truth : i finde christs maxime tend to another sense , how can sathan cast out sathan ? yet here again , i finde that sathan may appear as well an angel of light as darknesse , and heresies may walk abroad , as well in white as in black ; and that some vices are as inconsistent and destructive to one another , as vices and vertues . however , they pretend with us to come out of babylon , so it is possible they may only mistake their way in their going out : yet we must ask further in such cases , where popery & prelacy agree with us thus in unotertio ( as appears in this one experiment of calling the others hereticks and schismaticks ) whether a godly jealousie may not do well ? for it is possible , to cast out the courser part of popery and prelacy , and yet hold it by a finer thred , as it hath been to this age in our partial reformations , when at first popery was cast out only by the head , and so gradually still holding it by some parts , for it is harder casting out a mysterie then every one conjectures at the first sight , for popery being a mysterie in the spirits sense , hath something more then a visible traine of hierarchy courts and ceremonies , there is something more spiritual in it , their mixed unity , their tyrannie , their magistrality , their universality , their implicite obedience , with others , &c. now it would be enquired what interest or remainder these may have left behinde , for it is possible for poperie to leave such roots and stumps in the ground where it hath planted so deeply , & to work again upon these hidden and occult dispositions , for the man of sin rose by such interests at first , and this the holy spirit had observed betimes , saying , the mysterie of iniquity doth already work , defections , compliancies , and ap●stasies , as we have seen , are easily obtained , when the man of sin hath such invisible interests and agents layed in to work by ; nor ●as the grosser or more visible ag●●ts the only meanes to actuate this kingdom back againe towards rome so often ( as we experience ) but these more secret and mercuriall engines which i have named . first for their unity , it hath such cold principles as freeze and congeale multitudes heterogenially together in the worship of god , and then puts the name of schisme upon all the reformed churches that will not come into the dark with them , where all colours are like . their tyrannie reaches to the most spiritual cruelty , that of compelling soules under the penaltie of martyrdome . their magistrality , in obtruding the decrees of their counsels , their infallibility , with anathema's , their lording it over the heritage . their universality , in holding out their religion for catholick , because the ten horns have given their kingdom to the beast , though no longer then untill the words of god shall be fu●fi●●d . their implicite obedience , wherein all light and liberty is denied to the people , but such as streams through their ministery & dispensations , which must needs be of their own colour , and will never be purer , comming so ; now these and such like would be enquired into further ; and our ministery may do well , a little more then they do , to set upon this part of discovery of the interests of popery and prelacie in their magistrality , unitie , and implicitie obedience ( as their covenant oblieges them ) for this i take to be the more spirituall part of it , and little studied , and thus they shall be more faithfull to their covenant , which ingages them to a universall extirpation : and now that we are upon reforming , or refining , the extractions must not be only of the grosser , the government , superstition , ceremonies ; but of the more essential , and formal , and vertual parts of prelacie and popery in the things i named ; only we must take heed , that in such extractions , the purer spirits doe not exhale with the other , and therefore in such spirituall experiments the furnace must be chimically heated , for it is possible that gods unity , order , and subordination may go out with the other , if the extractions be more violent , then the word of god , and apostolical practices will endure . the severall interests of reformation in this kingdome . i. the supernaturall interest . the supernaturall interest appears in those many great and eminent mercies since the first opening of heaven upon this nation ( i reckon now from our own late epoche of reformation . ) and first in that designe of calling a parliament , and engaging them against the kingdome of scotland , and so to have turned back the reformation in its first advancing , a designe not unlike that of herods , of killing christ in the cradle ; and here god let in some glimpses , and cast in some jealousies into that great counsel , which rescued it from such an ingagement , and for all the state artifice of court declarations , and pretences ; suspitions sprang up in the hearts of people , and though armies are levied by prerogative , and carried down , yet god takes off their spirits and successe , both in their advancings and skirmishings with scotland , and this is made by providence , a necessity of calling a parliament again , so as this inter designe of the enemies , served onely to land us upon clearer discoveries . this parliament is summoned , and excellent members elected by a corrupt commonalty , so as the voice of the lord is upon the waters . and now all things worke and turn upon heavenly engines , and the long design of keeping of parliaments , is turned into a necessity of a trien●●all one , and further , to that of an everlasting one , by an act of continuation : and god hath fastened it as a raile in a sur● place , and now reformation moves some degrees on . votes and suffrages begin to vvi properie and prelacie , gods voice is upon the waters again , petitions upon petitions from city and countries for reformation , a mighty over-powring still in the voices and votes for reformation , both in the house , and elsewhere , papists and popish cast out of interest , and place in the great counsell , the prerogative losing many state-advantages , and the prelacy many ecclesiastical . the contrary designes of jesuites and prelates disappointed , and all turned into designes for religion and liberty , and vnity with scotland . the severall plots defeated and discovered , which were still countermining . that of bringing up the army from the north at first . that of bringing the cavaliers to the doors of the parliament . that of betraying the militia of city and parliament , and surprizing all . the several endeavours of betraying cities , towns ar●i●s . the corrupting parliament agents , and getting interests in their severall counsels and forces . the attempts of unclasping us into several parties . the restoring a parliament from the day of small things , in the generall defeatures , not long since . the preserving the most famous city of london , which hath been like ezekiels potters house , the place where all the wheels of reformation moved . and to all these , an assembly of many godly and eminent men for repairing the temple , voting out prelacy and superstition in the places where they sate voting not long since to establish it , with oathes and lawes . the severall successe of battels at keinton , newbery , york , &c. the protestations and covenants , like heavenly cordage to fasten both parliament and kingdomes , and make them the more stedfast and unmoveable in the work of the lord . the many severall preservations and successes of late , as that of newcastle . thus the supernaturall interest hath wrought , and things have been as it were created and supported , by that naked power , and wisdome of god in christ , which carried on his church with signes and wonders , in the times of its first rising . the spirituall interest . the next interest i finde reformation to have in this kingdome is spirituall . and first the many interrupted assayes formerly by godly divines and others in the reign both qu. elizabeth , and king james , by petition , treatises , dayes of prayer and seeking god , the seed time of which light we now enjoy , light is sown f●● the righteous . the many assemblings of private christians , in latter times , their spirituall contributions then of prayer and humiliation . and now the means of grace powred out so effectually in preaching , and prophes●ing , and prayer amongst us . the effectual door which is opened of late , and a seeking to sion with our faces thitherward . the return of the banished , persecuted , godly . the daily seekings to heaven , in solemn humiliations . the gospel lightning from many treatises , discourses , expositions . the sending out labourers into the harvest , the springing up of many young prophets , as if this generation were the seminary for the next : and to these spirituall subsidiaries in our own kingdome , the prayers , and holy contributions of all other reformed churches of germany , geneva , new-england , the netherlands , with the churches in france , and scotland , and low ireland , these all fall in with us into the spirituall designe of reformation , we are engaged in . this spirituall interest reaches to every ordinance of god , to every minist●ation , to every grace , to every spirituall facultie , or power that makes towards heaven or god , in this kingdome , or other reformed states . this interest is yet stronger in the propheticall part of it , the fifth angel now pouring out his violl on the seat of the beast : and here i dare follow expositors to this , that babylon is falling in the near parts of it ; and for the time of the totall ruine , the prophesie runs strongly , and the interpreters too , that is not much above six years . to these , the meltings and dissolvings of customes , traditions , superstitions , for the day breaks and the shadowes fly away . the enemies filling up the measure , and ephah , by their daily sinnes , idolatries , and provocations . the work of god upon sion and jerusalem , or his people , in the present wa●s or tribulation . the st●nding spirituall remedy of many godly divines , in the conjuncture of an assembly who like aaron and hur , hold up the hands of moses . the politick or civil interest . the power and acting of the king or supreme , in a kingdome monarchically constituted , as this would soon give the reformation a powerfull and spreading interest , as we see in one cyrus , and artaxerxes , and constantine , and an edward , and elizabeth ; therefore princes are called nursing fathers , and nursing mothers , to the churches of christ : yet though we want this interest for the present , and the personall actings of a king , yet wee have in the meane time a supplement , a parliamentary regall power of two kingdomes : a strong fundamentall in the work of reformation , and a power very agreeable to the constitution of both , and very naturall , for the propagating reformation in this kingdom , and this improved by associations , and covenants . the present power , armies , and successe in most of the parts in this kingdome , but the west ; and yet some strong interests there to . the consideration with other protestant states and churches , ( though i could wish it more ) the commotions and troubles abroad , in denmark , in states of italie , germanie , spain , franc● , whose engagements gives them not time , to apply themselves to our disadvantages & distractions ; god making them to hear a rumour of war in their own land . further searchings . i. non-comm●nion , an● excommunication . seeing there is such a difference amongst us , concerning non-communion , and excommunication , that the first is not so proportionable , and ●dequate , and powerfull as the latter : now , that which may be considerable here , is , whether it appear an ordinance or no , and then all such consequences are saved , and the objections are but imaginary ; for if it be an ordinance , and spititually strenghened and armed from heaven : it is all one whether you call it non-communion , or excommunion : nor is it the weaknesse of any thing on the worldly side of it , that ought to make us prejudge it for no ordinance , because there may be an heavenly and spirituall supplement to make up whatsoever may be suspected in it . ii. nationall and congregationall . that which makes the difference here , is , a disputing about the fittest subject for church ordinances , and we differ here in point of latitude and qualification ; for on the one side , it is thought that a people nation● 〈…〉 the ●it recipi●nts of all th● 〈…〉 ; on the other side , it 〈…〉 only congre●● 〈…〉 ●●cipie●ts , and 〈…〉 di●ference ; if we 〈…〉 , we shall see that such quali●●●ations are ●●ated by both , and such cautions , as the ordinances are , but neither prostituted by the one , nor the other , but a due regard had to the predisposing , and preaccommodating to the ordinances , which are of a pure and heavenly constitution . concerning the model in scriptures . that which makes the controversie here , is the consideration of gods way of policy at the first with his church , under the tabernacle and temple , which were all so exactly & compleatly sent down from heaven , with laws , and cautionary precepts , for the just observance , and to these under the gospel the notions in scripture , of kingdom , city , family , officers , offices , church-censures , administrations , applications , with many things of spirituall policy , both in principles and practice , with necessary inference from gods first method : on the other side , all this is acknowledged , yet in a little more latitude , and godly prudence is let in , for making up some●hing where there is not a deficiency suspected : but no clear principles or rul●s revealed . pretended heresies , divisions . as we should not go about to excuse or defend any errour , clearly convicted , so not to condemn any thing for errour , which seems not to beare up equally to our received principles : and here wee must observe , that there are many , who when the notion of errour or heresie is abroad , are only pentioners to the multitude , and measure the errour or heresie , by those that are for it or against it , and are resolved however to write that way that they see the most condemn ; and these are such , who though they do not kindle , yet they blow the fire amongst us : and i have observed , that these do so overwrite a cause , that at length they improve an errour , and arme it more against the truth then it was before , by charging things on the wrong side of it , as we have seen of late : and thus while we think to gain , by letting in such a promiscuous stream of opposers , we rather lose : as in the case of some present controversies , who cōplain that they are rather oppressed then convinced , and bo●n down , then writ down : & certainly , that wch makes us on all sides so far from peace , and issue , or successe : the more we dispute , is our intemperancy and unnaturall heats , in which we spend as much paper as in the cause it self : and i am sure in some differences i could name , the truth stands by , while we wrangle beside it , and the dust that we raise in arguing , makes the truth lesse discernable ; and that which is considerable amongst us here , is the exceeding prejudice received against difference of judgement , and divisions , not considering that it is gods secret or engine for discovery , as well of truth as errour , and for advantaging the one , as well as disadvantaging the other . to instance in our late debates about government , it will appear that truth is improved , and hath received advancement frō those very principles that seemed to oppose it ; and i am sure in the case of the antinomians , that errour about free-grace hath drawn our divines into more studying and preaching it then before , and stating it clearer ; and the very heresies almost of all times , have accidentally 〈◊〉 advanced some particular scripture truth . and that very controversie about the ministery received from bishops , hath brought forth some advantage amongst many of the godly , even a deep humiliation , because it came to us with a mark of the beast with it : and let not any jealousie or fear of derogation or disparagement , cause us to fold it up without any nationall contrition or acknowledgement , now in a season when we are laying new spirituall fundamentals , as in that late act for ordination : let the prelates own designes of connivence , whose principles dare not look the light in the face . selfe indulgency : with the right use of heresies and errours . first , it is impossible but heresies and errours should be , though there be a woe upon the authors and abettors , so as one would think this prediction of christ should coole us in the heat of our tumults about them , and we should make no wonder at that which christ hath prepared us so long before hand to receive ; yet here we should do as the disciples did , when their lord had foretold them of a treachery to befall him , every one said , master is it i ? this reflective disposition , or selfe-jealousie i finde much wanting in many , while every one rather ●its armed at his own door , and will neither search his house himself , nor suffer another to go in without opposition : and thus all count their opinions truth and will not do so much as suspect their own judgements , which was not the disciples practice ; and so we are forced to confute one another , while no man will confute himself , and thus differences are inflamed . and be it , that the things we condemn for heresies and errours , be so , then there is this left us , to work up to gods designe in such cases , and to turn them into advantages for the truth , and such a work is next to gods , who takes in every sinne and distemper , and makes it act something to his glorious ends , he hath commanded light to shine out of darknesse . are they anabaptists , as they call them ? let it provoke us to awaken the scriptures more for what we do ; let us study the substance of the covenant more , let us study scripture inference and deductions more , let us study the correspodency of the seals under both dispensations more , and we shall gain this , to be able to do , what we do , upon clearer and stronger principles . are they brownists or separatists as they call them ? let it stir us up to look to our fundamentall truths better , to our ministery , to our churches , to our practices : and sure while these controversies involve us more into the scriptures , we shall only come forth more refined and clearer in judgement and practice ; and what we might possibly have taken in under the notion of tradition or authority , and so have engaged our selves implicitely to the truths we professe , we shall now give up unto god a more reasonable sacrifice . are they antinomians , as some cal them ? or these that cry down law , or duties ? let us draw this advantage , to seek out how the riches of free grace are offered , and how the law is established by the gospel , and what power of it is annulled , & how christ is to be advanced above all , and how he is all in all , and the true fountain in whom our life is hid ; and that our being in him , and he in us , is the cause of all graces and duties in us : and that our life now in grace ought to be in conformity to that we shall live hereafter in glory , where being filled with christ , we shall only live to the obedience and praise of him , for that work of justification and redemption we had by him : and let us study to give duties their right origination , order and end , prayer , repentance , obedience , &c. as gr●●●s that flow from christ into his , and back again from his into christ ; and that we interpret all scriptures that concern either christ , or the law , or sin , or obedience , or duty , into the glory of god in christ , that all our conclusions may exalt him , whom god had in designe only to exalt , to be a prince and a saviour . and thus we should drive on gods ends more then we doe , in making every thing serve his glory , and our own edification , and not dash our selves meerly one against another , and go out only in vapours of heat and opposition , which too many do . trials of god amongst us . that which is an argument of trouble , and distraction to carnall judgements , ought to be the only confirmation and strengthening to gods people , who live in a higher region , and stand on the vantage ground above the men of the world , and see how the designes of heaven are managed , and are able to discern that in the creature , which others are not , even a providence work which shines sorth in the contexture of things and affairs , like the sun beams on the wall and first let it be no wonder that god is in the midst of troubles and tumults , i will shake all nations , sayes god , and then it follows , the desire of all nations ( or christ ) shall come before me ; and when he was with israel he was in a cloud and fire at one time , in lightning and thunder at another ; and when with his prophet , there went a whirlewinde and fire before kim , and the spirit of god which knowes gods manner of presence best , sets him forth thus , our god shall come , a fire shall devoure him , and it shall be very tempestuous round about him : when he was with gideon and his people , it was so , as he could see little of him , if the lord be with us , why then is all this befallen us ? when , with his people in captivity , it was so as the prophet could say , can these dry bones live ? when with his disciples , it was so , as there was no comelinesse in him , he was not desirable : when with his apostles , he strook the room with a whirlewinde , and enlightned it with fire . see gods method and goings before amongst his people , and you shall trace him now in the same spirituall and providentiall impressions . first , in our parliamentary & divine assembly , and the rising of people to build the temple of god ; so it was before , when the temple in type was raised , and the lord stirred up the spirit of zerubbabel the sonne of shelathiel , governour of judah , and the spirit of joshua the son of josedech the high priest , and the spirit of all the remnant of the people , and they came , and did work in the house of the lord . in the beginnings of the war , when a few delinquents drew in so great a party to the kings party , & when so many revolted from the work ; so it was before in that of gibe●● , which got in the tribe of benjamin to their quarrell against all israel . and in that of abijah and jeroboam , when jeroboam was four hundred thousand men more then judah : but there were gathered to them vain men , the children of relial , who thought to withstand the kingdom of the lord , with whom was a great multitude , and golden calves , who cast out the priests of the lord but with abijah was the lord god , and the priests which minister unto the lord , and they which burn sacrifice morning and evening , and which sounded trumpets to cry alarm against ye , o children of israel . in the contributions brought into the work of the lord , as the plate , money , jewels , levies , loanes . so it was before , when some of the chiefe of the fathers gave unto the work , and the rest of the people , twenty thousand drams of gold and silver . in the divers successe the enemies had in the proceding of this war : so it was before when the sons of belial in gibeah involved a whole tribe into their quarrel , and got the better of it in divers battels . in the battels and victories we had in many places , as edge kill & york , where our multitude did not deliver us . so it was before in gideons , when god took off his army to three hundred , and then gave him the successe against his enemies . in other particular deliverances of besieged places , as bradford , hul , lime , glocester . so it was in ziph. in keilah , in jerusalem , when god caused saul and senache●ib to hear a rumour of war to divert them from the siege . in our divisions about some ●cripture truths , in our murmurings and disputings , and our wayes of conciliation by an assembly . so it was before amongst the brethren , till a councell at jerusalem reconciled them : so amongst the grecians and the hebrewes , till the brethren were called together to consider of it . in the discoveries of conspiracies and plots against parliament , and city , and armies . so it was with israel , when elisha discovered the councels of the syrians : so with nehemiah , when sanballats and to●iabs plots were revealed : so with the iewes , when hamans was discovered and defeated : so with absolons , when achitophels was tu●●●d into folly . the lord is known by the judgements that hee executes : the wicked is snared in the works of their own hands . in stirring up the younger sort into attempts against the armies and enemies of god . so it was before , when ahab said , by whom ? and he said , even by the young men of the princes of the provinces . in raising up new armies after discomfitures and losses ; as in the generall rout we had throughout the kingdome not long since , when our southern , western , and northern armies were scattered . so it was before when israel had losse after losse in their way to canaan , and still recruited by the power of their god . in carrying on the cause through windings & turnings through losses and victories , making us a mutuall scourge to one another , dashing us both in pieces , and repairing us again , and thus keeping up a standing affliction amongst us , till his work be finished on mount ●ion , & his judgement on his enemies . so it was before , when israel and iud●h were engaged against each other : ●o it was with ionahs ship , when they rowed hard to shore , but they could not , for the winde blew and was tempestuous against them . god standing in these times . they that would see god in this work , must consider the spiritualnesse of the designe , and gods way of mysterious acting , and not let themselves down into the creature , and think that the breaking of an army , or a party , breaks gods designe ; for it remains the same yesterday and today , and the same for ever ; and god takes in miscarriages , disadvantages , and improbabilities , and seeming impossibilities , and treacheries , and enemies workings , and makes them all work into his purpose : he took in a treacherie at the compleating of the spirituall designe of our redemption , and a iudas must accidentally , though wofully , help in the work of our salvation . so that if we would but study gods designe concerning his church and method , and rise up higher then the creature & the creatures method in our conceptions , and look on the other side of it , we should not be at such losses and stands , and in such despondencies and discouragements as we are : and while we grasp at the creature too fast , either at agents , or armies , or counsels , god many times ( as we experience ) drawes them either off from us , or us from them . again , we must look at gods standing amongst us : he is not now as he appeared to israel on the mountain , with a clear paved work of a saphire under his feet ; but he is now as he was before in the visions , he stands in the bottome among the mirtle trees , on a red horse , so shaded as none but his own can see him ; his spirit is in the wheeles , and one wheele within another : he walks in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks , yet none but a disciple sees him . the work of church providence is intricate and perplexed ; so it was when the iewes were his people , and now it is when the gentiles are his people too : so it was in the first part of his work about his church , and so it is in this second p●rt of his work too ; for it is all but one work , only in severall complexions and methods , to israel and the gentiles . maximes of reformation . go●s engagement for deliverance . when the people of god are under any spirituall or civill oppression , god will be sure to be mindefull of them , designing some course for their deliverance , not in the way of his common providence , but frō the engagement that he hath laid upon himself by covenant : ●nd in this his season of thoughts towards them , their sighes and complaining● of soul do move him and put him on , and actuate his wisdome into experiments . and the childre● of israel sighed by reason of bondage , & they cried , & their cry came up unto god and god heard their groaning , and remembred his covenant , and had respect unto them . eminent workin●s . when god sets himself to deliver a people , he comes towards some of them in some eminent working , and engages them to go before the people . come therefore , and i will send thee unto pharaoh , that thou maist bring forth my people . disp●si●io●s b●f●rehand . when god intends actually to enlarge a people , he layes in dispositions beforehand into the hearts of the princes and elders , so that all their motions shall fall easily into such conjunctures as tend that way . and they shall hearken unto thy voice , and th●u shalt come , thou and the elders of israel . gods designe upon obstructions . when the lord is upon the work of enlargement and bringing out his people , he often allowes the obstructions which their enemies cast in , and yet goes on to make up his glorious designe of their impediments . and i am sure the king of epypt will not let you go , n● , not by a mighty hand . mutuall concurrences . the lord in the great designe of leading forth his people , acts both the elders and ministers into mutuall concurrences and strengthnings of each other , that the failing of each may be made up by the others supply . and aaron shall be thy spokesman unto the people , and he shall be to thee in stead of a mouth , and thou shalt be to him in stead of god . some experiments eccentrick to gods time . there are oftentimes certain experiments which the people of god make in their way to deliverances before the fulnesse of time come : but still there is such a want of correspondency in the things they look for , that they make no proceeding , but faile , being eccentrick to gods time of successe . he supposed his brethren would have understood how that god by his hand would deliver them , but they understood not . successe through disadvantages . when god stirs up a people to go out from bondage , he gives the enemy the liberty of obstructing and raging , and drawes forth his people through many windings and turnings ; so as their passage is not even and direct , but their successe is made up of disadvantages , of contrarieties , and improbabilities . he brought them out , after that he had shewed signes and wonders in the land of egypt . the season of seeking god . when tidings of publick calamity are abroad , then is the season of seeking god , and enquiring after sin , and putting god in minde of covenants and engagements that hee stands in to his people . and they said unto me , the remnant that are left of the captivity there in the province , are in great affliction and reproach ; the wall of hierusalem also is broken down : and it came to passe when i heard these things , that i sate down and wept , and prayed , and i said , i beseech thee o lord remember now these are thy servants whom thou hast redeemed . relations for advantaging the cause of god . we must observe all our relations in publick times , and see how we are placed for advantaging the cause of god , and we must put forward every engagement , still keeping an eye upon him for directing our designes to his own ends . prosper i pray thee thy servant this day , and grant him mercy in the sight of this man : for i was the kings cup-bearer . when to impart the appearances of g●d . that which will exceedingly excite the spirits of people to publick endeavours , is a wise imparting the severall preparations that god hath made , and the appearances of god to the rises and beginnings that are attempted ; for men are the easilyer drawn to engage there , where they see god ingaging first . then i told them of the hand of my god which was good upon me , as also the kings words that he had spoken unto me , and they sayed , let us rise up and build : so they strengthened their hands for this good work . treating with few , and a just survey . in the first designing of reformation , it is good treating only with few at first , and that in secret , and to take as just a survey of the necessity as you can . and i arose in the night , i and some few men with me , neither told i any man what god had put in my heart , to do at jerusalem : neither was there any beast with me , save the beast that i rode upon . let your enemies see your interest . when the enemies of god are beginning to plot against the endeavours of reformation , the safest is to let them see the interest you rest on , and that your judgement and resolution is seated higher then to bee easily taken downe with contempts , or scandals , or practices . but when sanballat the horonite , and tobiah the servant the ammonite , and geshem the arabian heard it , they laughed us to scorn , and despised us , and said , what is this thing that you do , will you rebell against the king ? then answered i them , and said unto them , the god of heaven he will prosper us ; therefore we his servants will arise and build : but you have no portion , nor right , nor memoriall in jerusalem . holy preparations , foundations , for reformation . in the work of reformation , your beginnings and foundations , must be layed in prayer and holy preparations , the works of god must be advanced in the wayes of god , and reformation must go up in sanctification . then eliashib the high priest rose up with his brethren , the priests , and they built the sheepgate , they sanctified it , and set up the doors of it even unto the tower of meah , they sanctified it unto the tower of hananell . watching with both eyes . in the practices of the enemy , we must watch with both eyes , one towards heaven , & the other towards the work we have to doe ; though god is able to fortifie the weakest proceedings , and shade them from violence : yet we must not so tempt god for extraordinaries , as we take not the ordinaries he provides us . neverthelesse we made our prayer unto our god , and set a watch against them day and night because of them . the time of the strongest conspiracies . the times of the enemies strongest & most effectual conspiracies , is then , when the work of reformation appears in some successe and preparation . but it came to passe , that when sanballat and tobiah , and the arabians , and the ammonites , and the ashdodites , heard that the wals of jerusalem were made up , and that the breaches began to be stopped , then they were very wroth . when reformation is violent . when a people are superstitiously principled , and nationally converted , reformation is but violent , and formall , and they turn only by a power from without , and not within . and yet for all this , her treacherous sister iudah hath not turned unto me with her whole heart , but fainedly , saith the lord . how people coole . when the people are all on a flame in reformation , they coole as soon upon intermissions , and obstructions , for such heats are but moods and passions . o ephraim what shall i do unto thee ? o iudah what shall i do unto thee ? for your goodnesse is as a morning cloud , and as the early dew it goeth away . as in the time of elijah , when they killed baals priests one day , and would have killed elijah the next . dispensations of right principles . that a reformation which is lasting , must bee sure to abound with dispensation of right principles , and there must such courses be projected , as the light may be dispersed amongst the people , and interests must be sought for , by laying in good principles to work out the bad . and with them he sent levites , and they taught in iudah , &c. carnall reasonings in reformation . take heed of carnall reasonings in reformation , they will soonest weaken the hands , for there is scarce any reformation but it will hold out some parts which may offend the darker side of judgements or opinions , there was so much in ezekiahs as might have stumbled some , because the very serpent which moses set up was broken down ; and so much in christs , because he put down moses and the law , which god himself had given , though he did but indeed fulfill it , and so much in the apostles , because they were men without learning , which turned back the pharisees and rulers that they could not believe in him ; and so much in ours now , because old customes , and old laws , and old traditions are broken down . the designe of fixation . in times of reformation , there must be an eminent designe amongst many others , and that is the designe of fixation , which must be advanced by all spirituall and civill meanes : this kingdome hath most need of that , for they have still changed religion with the change of successors : and yet this designe of fixation must be so cautionary and provisionall , as may let them out to higher degrees of reformation , this was israels and iudahs case , a recovering and backsliding with the succession of good and bad princes ? oh iudah what shall i do unto thee ? for your goodnesse is as the morning cloud , and as the early dew it goeth away . reformation times . reformation times prove often very hard and expensive times , and times of murmuring ; yet that should not make for discouragement , but redresse . and there was a great cry of the people : some there were that said , we have morgaged our lands : some also that said , we have borrowed money . then i consulted with my self . in publick engagements particular interests must be laid by , and the yoke of oppressions taken off , and the cause of god must take up all : they that build their own houses and the temple together , are no fit workmen for a spirituall fabrick . i rebuked the nobles and elders , and said unto them , you exact usury , restore i pray you , unto them their lands and their vineyards . a sad preferment . they that are called out to the publick , ought to let all their designs and endeavours run in such a chanel as may flow thi●ther , and not to stream back , or aside , in any other course . it is a sad preferment to be enriched wth the calamity of church or state , and to build up your own ship with the broken planks of the kingdomes vessels ; or to settle your own inheritance , before the publicks . but the former governours were chargeable unto the people , and had taken of their bread and wine , besides forty shekels of silver : but so did not i , because of the fear of the lord ; i also continued in the work of the lord , i also continued in the work of the lord , neither bought we any land . no hearkening to pretences . it is no safe hearkening or turning aside to the pretences of those whom you are not assured of to be cordiall in the work : such only make out either to stand in your way , or to break the strength of your applic●cations to the publick . then sanballat and geshem sen●t to me , saying , come let us meet together : bug i sent , saying , i a● doing a great work , why should the work cease whilst i leave it ? imaginary dangers . the fears and jealousies , and imaginary dangers , are usually the contrivances of the enemy , nor ought they to be reckoned further into the common work , then cautious for strengthening ; they that account them as other serve not so much the designe of god , as the enemies : for they all made us afraid , that we might do so , and sin , and there they might have matter for an evil report . astonishment from god . the more that god is sought to , the more of astonishment will the successe have in it , and the more wonder and fear will it shed upon the hearts of the despisers . now therefore , o my god , strengthen my hands , and , o my god , think thou on tobiah . so the wall was finished , and they were much cast down in their own eyes , for they perceived that this work was wrought of god . secret workings . the greatest hinderances , are the secret and inward workings by such who hold correspondency with some without : and if the work be gods , there will be many of these : therefore relations , alliances & dependencies ought to be carefully lookt to ; for the enemy winds in at these , to betray and act by . the nobles of judah sent many letters unto tobiah , and the letters of tobiah came to them , and there were many in judah sworne unto him , because he was the son in law of shecaniah . heavenly instruments . it is the safest and most harmonious in the work of god , to imploy such agents as have much of god in them : heavenly work is the best set on by heavenly instruments . then i gave my brother hanaeniah the ruler of the palace , charge over jerusalem , for he was a faithfull man , and feared god above many , neh. . . publick designations . in publick designations to place or imployment , it is good ordering and disposing men abroad , according to their nearest relations and interests . and appoint watches of the inhabitants of jerusalem , every one in his watch , & every one to be over against his own house , neh. . . originations . in the proceedings of the business of god , he hath his speciall times of working , of new beginnings , and originations : for god is never at such a losse , but he knowes where to begin : and therefore we fall very short of gods designe , in doubtings and despondencies , seeing that he is so immediate and infinite an agent as he is . and my god put into my heart to gather together the nobles and the rulers , &c. gods treasurers . gods work is of that nature , that drawes out the strength and contribution of all sorts , and god only seems to lay up provisions amongst his people for such a time : men are but treasurers for god , and must open their coffers , when providence puts the key into their hands . and some of the c●iefe of the fathers gave unto the worke , and that which the rest of the people gave , was twenty thousand drams of gold , &c. neh , . , . also we made ordinances for us to charge our selvs yearly for the service of the house of our god , neh. . . scriptures openly consulted . it is the surest way , to consult the scriptures of god , and finde out the minde of him in every part of our way to reformation ; and to draw out those principles there , which the people are to work by : the more light the multitude see from thence , the more firmly and faithfully will they walk . and ezra opened the book in the fight of the people day by day , from the first day unto the last day he read in the book of the law of god . the mixed , or neutralists . there ought to be a godly and faithfull care in the times of reformation , to discriminate and separate those that are mixed or neutralists , for they are such as stand in the way ; and if the businesse flow into their orbe of negotiation , there it sticks and is retarded . in those dayes saw i also jewes that had maried wives of ashdod , of ammon , and moab : and their children spake half in the speech of ashdod , and could not speak in the jewes language : and i contended with them , and smote them , neh. . , . prayer beforehand . when we expect god down amongst us to do some great thing for his church , then should be the season of our holy assemblings & meetings : and it is a signe of gods immediate following , when he sends out a spirit of prayer and supplication beforehand . then returned they unto jerusalem , and all continued with one accord in prayer and supplication . act. . , . publick appointments . in publick appointments there is much godly prudence in selecting those that are not experimentally known amongst us . wherefore of those men which have accompanied with us all the time , must one be ordained to be a witnes , act. . resort and consociate . when evident dangers and obstructions are in the way , then it is good for the people of god to resort and consociate , and to make the maine part of their designe a communicating of the state of their affairs to god , for they relate most to him , and it is the fittest to impart to him those impediments what he can only remove . and being let go they went unto their own company , and when they heard that , they lift up their voyce to god with one accord , &c. acts . . differences composed . differences amongst the godly are best healed , and composed by the godly , and meetings or gatherings of the people of god are remedies very agreeable to the distemper . there arose a murmuring of the grecians , against the hebrews then the twelve called the multitude of the disciples together . spirituall provid●nce . when once the gospel hath been admitted , there must be a spirituall providence used , not only for propagating , but strengthening and establishing . heard that samaria had received the word , they sent uato them peter and john . an eminent agent . if there be any one agent whom god hath eminently engaged and prospered in his work , there ought to be an eminent care for his preservation and accommodation , least the light fall out if the candlestick be broken . and they watched the gates day and night to kill him , then the disciples took him by night , and let him down by the wall in a basket . gracious seasons . when the lord gives any gracious seasons to his people from troubles or persecutions , those times must be only spirituall , else the people of god come not up to his ends in the mercies received , and it may be just with god to break off such seasons , when they are no better acknowledged . then had the churches rest and were edified , walking in the fear of the lord . care in communicating . where any thing is acted by any of the people of god , by a more then ordinary light , there ought to be much care in communicating and clearing up to the mindes of darker brethren , the reasons and grounds of such actings , and no such disputings or contendings as may rather ravell out a controversie , then guide into any orderly information . and when peter was come up , they of the circumcision contended with him . and peter rehearsed the matter from the beginning , and expounded it by order unto them . the whole counsels of god . it is godly prudence , to prepare people in their way to reformation , with telling them as well of the crosse as the crown , and to open the true constitution of things below , and this i● to publish the whole counsels of god , and to lay in a principle of patience , and premonition before any thing come to passe . they returned again , and confirmed the soules of the disciples , and exhorting them to continue in the faith , and that through much tribulation we must enter into the kingdom of heaven . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- rom. . . joh. . . joh. . . rev. . . act. . . jer. . , . rom. . psal. . . ps. . . judg. . . chron. . . act. . . kings . . heb. . ● psal. ● . ●● mat. ● luk. . . psal. . , . jud. . . ezra . . ● n●h. . . esth. . . mark . . . act. . . cor. . . exo. . . num. . josh. . . josh. . judg. . ● sam. . . jud. . joh. . , act. . act. . judg. . . cor. . , . ma● . . . . cor. . . cor. . . acts . . dan. . king. . isa. . . heb. . . heb. . . col. . sam. . . act. . act. . , , . cant. . , . can. . . judg. . isa. . . ez. ● . joh. . . jer. . , . joh. . joh. . . ephes. . . , . heb. . ▪ cor. . . isa. . . pro. . . col. . , . job . . jer. . ezech. . . he● . . col. . . ps. ● . . cant. . prov. isa. . . psal. . , . isa. . . cant. . . chron. . . kings , . ● . judg. . ezra . . neh. . . ezra . ●eb . . . neh. . cor. . . cor. . . phil. . . . rom. . rom. . . rom. . . . luk. . joh. . . act . . cor. . , . ep● . . . joh. . . jer. . . acts . . . acts . . tim. . . tim. . . gal. . . col. . . acts . can. . . phil. . gal. . . phil. . . . bacon 〈◊〉 aug. 〈◊〉 mat. . . rev. thess. . . r●v. . psal. . . cant. . hag. . exo. . kin . . psal. . . judg. . eze. . ● . isay . ● hag. ● . . chron. neh. . judg. . s●m . . isa . ki●g . . . notes for div a e- exod. . ● , , . exod. . . exo. . ● exo. . . exo. . . acts . act. . . neh. . , , ▪ , . neh. . neh. . neh. . . neh. . . neh. . . neh. . . neh. . . cro. ● . jer. . . hos. . . cro. . , . hos. . ● neh. . ● , . , . neh. . ● , . neh. . . neh. . . ● . neh. . . , , . . neh. . . , ●ct . . , ●cts . acts . , . acts . . acts . , . acts . . ten seasonable queries proposed by a protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions. protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing t estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) ten seasonable queries proposed by a protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions. protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions. sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london? : ?] probable date and place of publication from steele. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- early works to . church and state -- england -- early works to . great britain -- politics and government -- - broadsides -- england -- london -- th century - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ten seasonable queries , proposed by a protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions . i. whether any real and zealous papist was ever for liberty of conscience ? it being a fundamental principle of their religion , that all christians that do not believe as they do , are hereticks , and ought to be destroyed . ii. whether the king be a real and zealous papist ? if he be ; whether he can be truly for liberty of conscience ? iii. whether this king in his brother's reign did not cause the persecution against dissenters to be more violent than otherwife it would have been ? iv. whether he doth not now make use of the dissenters to pull down the church of england , as he did of the church of england to ruin the dissenters , that the papists may be the better enabled , in a short time , to destroy them both ? v. whether any ought to believe he will be for liberty any longer than it serves his turn ? and whether his great eagerness to have the penal laws and test repealed be onely in order to the easie establishing of popery ? vi. whether if these penal laws and test were repealed , there would not many turn papists that now dare not ? vii . whether the forcing of all that are in offices of profit or trust in the nation , to lose their places , or declare they will be for repealing the penal laws and test , be not violating his own declaration for liberty of conscience , and a new test upon the people ? viii . whether the suspending the bishop of london , the dispossessing of the fellows of magdalen colledge of their freeholds , the imprisoning and prosecuting the seven bishops for reasoning according to law , are not sufficient instances how well the king intends to repeal his declaration for liberty of conscience , wherein he promiseth to protect and maintain all his bishops and clergy , and all other his subjects of the church of england in quiet and full enjoyment of all their possessions , without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever ? ix . whether the usage of the protestants in france and savoy , for these three years past , be not a sufficient warning not to trust to the declaration , promises or oaths in matters of religion of any papist whatsoever ? x. whether any equivalent whatsoever under a popish king , that hath a standing army , and pretends to a dispensing power , can be as equal security as the penal laws and test , as affairs now stand in england ? if any think fit to answer these queries , they are desired to do it as plainly and fairly as they are here put . of resisting the lavvfull magistrate under colour of religion and appendant to it, of the word keima, rendred damnation, rom. , reprinted : also, [brace] of zelots among the jewes, of taking up the crosse, a vindication of christs reprehending st. peter, from the exceptions of mr. marshall. hammond, henry, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) of resisting the lavvfull magistrate under colour of religion and appendant to it, of the word keima, rendred damnation, rom. , reprinted : also, [brace] of zelots among the jewes, of taking up the crosse, a vindication of christs reprehending st. peter, from the exceptions of mr. marshall. hammond, henry, - . marshall, stephen, ?- . [ ], p. printed for h.h. and w.w., oxford : . attributed to hammond by wing and nuc pre- imprints. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng church and state -- england. government, resistance to -- religious aspects -- christianity. zealots (jewish party) liberty of conscience. a r (wing h a). civilwar no of resisting the lawfull magistrate under colour of religion: and appendant to it, of the word krima, rendred damnation, rom. . reprinted. hammond, henry f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of resisting the lawfull magistrate under colour of religion : and appendant to it , of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rendred damnation , rom. . reprinted . also , of the zelots among the jewes . of taking up the crosse . a vindication of christs reprehending st. peter , from the exceptions of mr. marshall . oxford , printed for h. h. and w. w. . of resisting the lawfull magistrate upon colour of religion . in this proposall of the point for debate , there are onely two words will need an account to be given of them : . what is meant by resisting . . why the word colour is put in . for the first , resisting , here signifies violent , forcible , offensive resistance , fighting against , as hesychius the best scripture-glossary explaines it , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} all one , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and the apostle in like manner , rom. . . using {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , promiscuously for the same , and so in other places , although it is true , it is used sometimes in a wider sense ; but that will not here be materiall , when we here set down before-hand what we meane by it . for the second , the word [ colour ] is in the title added , onely for this reason , ( not to prejudge the religion , which is fought for , to be onely a colour , but ) because it is possible for a man to fight for religion , and yet not upon colour of religion ; to wit , in case the religion for which hee fights be establisht by the law of the land , for then his colour for fighting may be the preservation of law , which the magistrate is bound by oath to maintaine , and though hee fight for religion , yet it is under that other colour : whereas hee that fights upon colour of religion , making that his onely pretence of fighting , is ipso facto supposed to fight for a religion distant or contrary to that which is established by law , and so all pretence or colour of law excluded , yea , and all supposition of falling in the magistrate ; he standing for the law present , not against it ; which i desire may be the setting of the case , to exclude the fallacy , plurium interrogationum , and to distinguish the quarrell of religion from that other of law , and so to meddle at this time onely with that which is fully within the divines spheare , and leave the other to some body else . those two termes being thus explained , and so the state of the question set , the lawfull magistrate , and the establisht law of the kingdome on one side ; and some person or persons inferiour to him , upon colour of religion , i. e. for some religion not yet established by law , on t'other side , that it should be lawfull to them to take up armes against him , would seem not very reasonable , if he were but a private man , abstracted from regall power , ( which sure doth not make it more lawfull to resist him then any body else ) having broken no established law , ( as is supposed in the case ) for what legall accusation can lie against him in a point wherein hee hath not broken the law ? but then this will be more unreasonable , it moreover it be considered , that colour of religion is so wide and unlimited a thing , that no man , that is never so much in the wrong in any opinion , but thinks himselfe in the right , ( for otherwise he would not continue in that errour ) and so that colour will be plea equally good to all sorts of errours , as well as truths : and besides , he that hath not so much religion as to be in an errour , may yet have so much wit as to make use of that apology for his sedition , ( to wit , colour of religion ) and plead it as legally as the most zealous professour ; and consequently , if that will serve turne , who ever shall but pretend to beleeve contrary to the religion established in any kingdome , shall be ipso facto absolved from all bond of allegiance in foro humano , and if hee will adventure the hazard of the judgement to come , shall have no restraint laid on him by any earthly tribunall ; and so by this meanes already , the grounds of the dissolution of any government are laid by this one unpolitick principle , and the world given up to be ruled onely by the religion ( which is in effect , the will ) of every man ; whereas before , there was a state as well as a church , policy as well as religion , a power in the magistrates hand , besides that in every mans owne brest or conscience ; and yet more particularly , a restraint for hypocrites , as well as any else , i. e. for pretenders of religion , who , if this ground would hold , were left unlimited . where , if it be interposed , that such an one that fallaciously pretends religion , though by this disguise hee escape here , yet shall surely pay for it hereafter ; and that that is sufficient , because there is no other court , but of that searcher of hearts , to which the hypocrite can be bound over : i answer , that although that be true , yet it is not sufficient ; because , although there be a judgement to come for all crimes , yet it is notwithstanding thought necessary to have present judicatures also , not to leave all offenders to terrours at such a distance : and indeed , for the continuance of the peace of communities , to provide some violent restraint at the present for those , whom those greater but future deterrements cannot sufficiently work on . this every man knowes is the originall of humane lawes , yea , and of dominion it selfe , a praevision that all men will not doe their duties for love or feare of god , ( it is apparent , the jewes would not under their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and therefore for good mens sakes , and for peace sake , and for the maintaining of communities , those superadditions have been thought necessary , as some thornes in the hedge of gods law , that may pierce the hands and sides of him that shall attempt to break over or thorough it . from whence the conclusion will be evident , that the rules for the preserving of government must be such as shall have force to restraine the atheist or the hypocrite , as well as the good christian ( which sure will lesse need those restraints ) or else they are utterly unsufficient to the attaining of their end , i. e. to the preserving of government , peace , community , or protecting any that lives under it : which being supposed , it will also follow , that nothing must be indulged upon any colour of religion , ( be his religion never so true , and himselfe never so sincere in it ; ) which will open this gap or out-let to others , that may make the ill use of it : for this will be utterly destructive of the end of government ( which is , that wee may lead a peaceable quiet life , tim. . . ) yea , and of government it selfe . this argument being thus prosecuted and cleared , might be sufficient to determine this whole businesse , were it not for one rejoynder which is ordinarily made , the force of which is taken from that supreme care that every man ought to have of his owne soule , and consequently of the maintaining of his religion , on which ( to abstract from all possible disputes concerning the particular truth of it , he being perhaps not acute or artist enough to uphold it against all objecters ) he is fully convinc't , the health and salvation of that wholly depends . for the maintaining of which against all the humane power in the world , if he may not take up armes , or doe any thing , he cannot see what can be fit for him to fight for , ( nothing sure being more precious then that ; ) or consequently , why he may not take up that opinion of the beyond-sea-anabaptists , that it is not lawfull to fight at all : which if it should be yeelded to , although for the present it would produce peace , yet it would be little for the advantage of magistrates in the issue . to this i shall answer , by concession of these foure things : . that religion is to be every mans supreme care , the prime jewel in his cabinet . . that it cannot , at least in humane consideration , be expected that any man should be lesse carefull of his false religion ( if hee be really perswaded of the truth of it ) then any other is of the true . nay , . that if he doe not use any lawfull meanes to defend that false ( whilest he is convinc't it is the true ) religion , this is a sin of lukewarmnesse in him ; though indeed through prepossession not to open his eyes to greater light and revelation of the truth offered to him , and perhaps through sluggishnesse not to seek that light , be yet a farre greater sin in him . for though no man ought to defend the contrary to what he takes to be truth , yet ought he to be most ready to deposite his errour , not onely when it doth , but also when it may appeare to him to be so , and to seek to those helps that may be instrumentall to that end . . that in some cases the use of armes is not unlawfull . but then all this being thus granted , and so in effect , that all lawfull meanes may be used for the maintaining of religion , we must yet secondly deny the inference of the objection , upon this onely ground , because though armes may lawfully be used in some cases , and religion be maintained by all lawfull meanes ; yet armes are not a lawfull meanes for this end , and so may not be used in this case ; that is , by subjects against the lawfull magistrate in case of religion , at least when some other religion is by law established in that kingdome . which assertion i shall confirme onely by foure arguments : . taken from the nature of religion . . from examples of christ and christians . . from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . . from the constitution of this kingdom , which being subordinate to the other three , may deserve consideration , as farre as it agrees with them . . from the nature of religion , which is an act of the soule , which cannot be forced or constrained by outward violence ; and therefore , 't is apparent , needs no outward defence for the maintaining of it , much lesse invasion of others . a man may be as truly religious under all the tyranny and slavery in the world , as in the most triumphant prosperous estate ? they that have power to kill the body , are not able to commit them least rape upon the soule ; they may rob me of my life , they cannot of my religion ; the weakest creeple in the hospitall may defie the whole army of the philistines in this matter . but you will ask , is not the outward profession and publike exercise of religion some part of it , and that to be thus maintained , where any attempt to hinder it ? to which i answer , that the first of these , the outward profession , can no more be hindred then the former act of the soule , but rather may be most illustrious in the time of depression . i may confesse christ in the den of lyons , in the furnace , on the rack , on the gridiron , and when my tongue is cut out , by patient , constant suffering in that cause . religion is not so truly professed by endeavouring to kill others , as by being killed patiently our selves rather then we will renounce it . when i fight , it may be malice , revenge , some hope of gaine ( or impunity at least ) by the present service , any one of a hundred worldly interests , that may help to whet my sword for me ; or most clearly , a hope i may kill and not be killed : and so all this while here is no act of confession of christ in thus venturing my life , although i doe affirme i doe this for my religion ; because , though i so affirme , men are not bound to beleeve me , there being so much oddes against me , that i doe it for some-what else . but when i say down my life patiently , the sacrifice of my god , resigne up all possible worldly interests for the retaining of my one spirituall trust , this is to the eye of man a profession capable of no reasonable suspition of infincerity ; and indeed none so , but this . as for the second , the publike exercise of the true religion , it were by all men heartily to be wisht that it might be enjoyed at all times , for the advancing of gods glory , increase of charity , conversion of others , &c. but if it may not be had by the use of lawfull meanes , it will not be required of us by god , without whose speciall providence it is not , that hee permitteth us to be forbidden that exercise . till the same providence be pleased to remove such hinderance , and open to us a lawfull way of obtaining it , the primitive christians secret meetings will first be imitable to us ; and if those be obstructed also , their folitudes next . and however , that designe of obtaining free exercise of our religion , will never make any practice lawfull to be used in order to that , that before was utterly unlawfull . but are we not to take care of our children and posterity , as well as of our selves ? if our religion be now supprest , our poore children and progeny to the end of the world may in all probability be kept in blindnesse and ignorance , and so left to the place of darknesse irrecoverably . this objection sounds somewhat pathetically , and is apt to affect our bowels , more then our reason ; moves our compassion first , and thorow those spectacles is then represented with improvement to our judgement . but for answer to it , though the doctrine of election of particular men , as well and as absolutely to the meanes as to the end , might be to him that acknowledges it a sufficient amulet against this feare , and so no need of that their jealous care for their posterity , any farther then it is in their power to contribute toward them ( which sure is no more then to doe what is lawfull for them to doe ; ) yet the answer will be more satisfactory to all that acknowledge gods providence , however opinionated concerning decrees , that whosoever considers himselfe as a man , much more as a father of a posterity , must have many things to trust god with , and onely god ; and among those nothing more , then the future estate of those which are come from him . yet , if he be importunate and still unsatisfied , unlesse he himselfe contribute somewhat to the securing of his posterity in this matter , let me tell him , there is nothing ( after his prayers to god , and paternall blessing on them ) so likely to entaile his religion upon them , as his sealing it by his sufferings . this sure will be a more probable way to recommend his religion to them , ( when they shall heare , and be assured by that testimony , that their fathers thus hoped in god ) then that other so distant , that they died in a rebellion against the king ; or , that this religion had been in their time turned out of the land , had not they done something so unlawfull to protect it . besides , the greatest prejudice which but posterity ( of which wee pretend such care ) can suffer by my non-resistance , is onely to be brought up in a contrary religion , to heare that way first , but sure not to have their eares deafed against all others when they shall be represented , nor to bring the guilt of non-representation upon them if they be not . and if i bring forth reasonable creatures , i hope they will , by the grace of god , make use of the reason and his grace , to find out that truth that their soules are so much concerned in : and if ( through no default personall of theirs ) they should misse of it , i hope the invinciblenesse of their ignorance , and their sincere repentance for all their sinnes and errours knowne and unknowne , and their readinesse to receive the truth , if it were or might be represented to them , would be antidote sufficient , by gods mercy in christ , to preserve them from that poyson , so they were carefull according to their means of knowledge to escape all other dangers . and all this upon supposition , but not concession , that the religion of him that would fight for it , were the truth and only truth ; whereas indeed , there is not a more suspitious mark of a false religion , then that it is faine to propagate it selfe by violence : the turks and papists being the onely notable examples hitherto of that practice ; till some others , directly upon popish principles a little varied in the application , have falne upon the same conclusion . now secondly for the examples of christ and christians , but first of christ : his example ( as to this purpose ) is evident in three passages ( besides that grand transcendent copy , proposed from the aggregate of all his life and death , mat. . . learn of me ; for i am meek and lowly . ) the first is , luk. . . the inhabitants of a samaritan village would not receive christ , vers. . upon that , james and john remembring what elias had done in the like kind , king. . and king. . ask't his judgement of it , whether he , would be pleased that they should command fire to come down from heaven and consume them , as elias did , that is , in effect , whether they should not doe well to use whatever power they had ( and be confident that god would assist them in it ) to the destroying of those who-ever they were ( and yet that they were not their magistrates it is cleare ) which affronted them in the exercise of their religion , or indeed , which would not receive christ . to this christ answers sternly , the words are emphaticall , he turned ( as to peter when he gave him that check , mat. . . ) and rebuked them , and said , ye know not what manner of spirit you are of : that is , elias was a zelot , mac. . . ( the full importance of which will belong to another disquisition ) & jure zelotarum , might doe somewhat against baals prophets , which will not agree with that distant calling or profession of a disciple of christ , or christian ; they are mistaken if they think they may doe as elias did . from whence , by the way , is a prohibition fully legall put in against all examples of the old testament , ( if any such there were ) from being pleadable amongst christians , upon this ground of josephus his observing , that the jewes were governed by a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , god being as it were their king on earth for a long time , presiding immediately , and interposing by his oracle , and other particular directions , as well as standing law , as in that case of phinees and elias , &c. by which those acts of theirs , though authorized by no setled or ordinary law , were yet as legall as what-ever in any other common-wealth were done by authority legally descending from the supreme magistrate . which whosoever shall now apply to christians , besides that he professes himselfe an asserter of enthusiasmes , will meet with christs check to the boanerges , you know not what spirit you are of : i have not authorized you to pretend to the spirit of elias , or to doe what a zelot among the jewes might doe . the second exemplary passage to this purpose in the story of christ is , mat. . . when christ was apprehended by those tumultuous persons , at the best but servants of the chiefe priests and elders ( not againe by any power of lawfull magistrate ) peter drew the sword , and smote off one of those servants ears ; upon that , christs answer is the thing to be observed , vers. . then said jesus unto him , put up again thy sword into his place , for all they that take the sword , shall perish with the sword : the speech particular to peter , a prime disciple or christian , that he having drawn the sword in defence of christ , and in him of christianity it selfe , ( a more justifiable course then ever any man since undertook under the colour of religion ) must put it up again ; but the reason added , of an unlimited universall obligingnesse to all christians ; for all they that take the sword ( as peter did , in defence of christ , &c. or else the citation had not been pertinent to him ) shall perish by the sword . and the two parallel places which are noted in the margent of our english bibles , are somewhat considerable ; the first , gen. . . where that law was given to the sons of noah , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} concerning the effusion of bloud , which sure was not any prohibition to legall , though capitall punishments of malefactors , ( but rather the investing the magistrate with that power of the sword ) and yet is by christ urged as a prohibition to saint peter ; signifying , that effusion of bloud by him in that case to be utterly illegall , and against the intention of that old law , not abrogated ( it seemeth ) by christ . the other parallel place is revel. . . where immediately upon the repeating of those words , he that killeth with the sword , shall be killed with the sword , is subjoyned , here is the patience and faith of the saints . i. e. christian martyrs , vers. . whose faith it seems and patience must goe together ; which sure is most irreconcileable with forcible resistance . * the third exemplary passage of christ was in his suffering , wherein many particular circumstances might be observed , especially his answer to pilate , john . . in acknowledgement of his legall power given him from above . but all that i shall observe is onely in the generall , that hee that had so many legions of angels , certainly sufficient to defend him and invade his enemies , ( whatsoever will be thought of the christians strength in tertullians time to have done so too , of which more anon ) did yet without the least resistance give himselfe up to suffer death . and if it should be objected , that this was to accomplish what god hath decreed ( ought not christ to suffer these things , and thus it is written , and thus it behoved christ to suffer ) and in obedience to that decree , not as matter of example to us , or of intimation , that it had not been lawfull for him to have done otherwise . to this i answer , that as christ was decreed to that death , and non-resistance , so are christians ( if saint paul may be beleeved ) predestinated to be conformed to the image of his son , rom. . that is , to that pattern of his in suffering , not fighting for religion : and that revelation of gods will in that decree being supposed , it will follow , that though christ might have lawfully done otherwise , yet wee christians now may not , especially being commanded to learne of him particularly his meeknesse ; i. e. especially that lamb-like quality of the lamb of god in his sufferings , isai. . . so much for the examples of christ . now for the like of christians ; it will be needlesse to mention any other then those of whom tertullian and saint cyprian spake , being so perfectly home to that purpose , tertul. in apol c. . and his book , ad scapulam , wholly to this purpose : and saint cyprian in his book against demetrianus , &c. the summe of which is this , that the christians of that age had strength sufficient , either to have resisted , or avenged themselves upon their heathen persecuting governours ; but in obedience to the lawes of christ , chose rather to die , then doe so . the severall testimonies ( of which this is the abstract ) being so fully produced by many , and known by all , it will be more to purpose to vindicate them from all exceptions , and intercept all evasions , which the wit of this last yeare ( beyond all that any former age pretended to ) hath invented to evacuate those testimonies ; witnesse goodwins anticavalierisme , p. . &c. and this i shall take leave to doe at large , because it is said , many have been satisfied in the lawfulnesse of their present course , by those answers and objections which that book hath helpt them to . . it is objected , the father ( tertullian ) might easily be mistaken , in making the estimate of the strength of christians , in comparison of the strength of them that were to oppose them . this is in civill termes , to say , tertullian wrote hee knew not what ; or at the softest , hee might be ignorant of what he affirmeth he knew ; and i am confident , was more likely to know , living then , then the objecter now , seeing or conjecturing at the distance of so many hundred years ; who hath not the least authority ( which must be the judge in matter of fact ) on his side , against so distinct and cleare affirmation , not onely of tertullian in severall places ( and that in an apologie against the gentiles , who could and would certainly have tript him in so manifest a falshood , if it had been such ; and though the negative argument be not fully convincing , that they did not thus trip him , because we doe not heare or read they did , yet will this be of as much force as any he hath to the contrary : this certainly , the writing it to the gentiles , will be able to conclude , that tertullian had been very imprudent and treacherous to his owne cause , to have affirmed a thing in defence of it , which his adversaries could so manifestly have proved a falsity , if it were not so as hee affirmed ) but of cyprian also , who lived about the same time ; and no writer of that age or since produced ( i doubt not but i may say , producible ) to the contrary . of the proofes that are offered to make it appeare possible and probable , that tertullian should be so mistaken , the first is , because this was no point of faith , &c. and therefore a devout father might fall under a misprision herein . i grant he might , but that doth not prove he did ; no nor that it is probable he should be a more incompetent judge in such a matter , then hee that now undertakes to controll him : nay sure , lesse reason is there to deny the authority of the ancients in matters of fact ( which if they were not evident to them , must needs be much lesse evident to us , who have no means to know any thing of them but their relations , nor cause to suspect such relations , but either by some impossibility in the things themselves , which is not here pretended , or by some other as authentick relation contradicting it , which is as little pretended ) then of faith , the ground of which being onely the written word of god , is common with them to us ; and therefore may enable us to judge , whether that which they affirme to be matter of faith , be so indeed , to be found really in that sacred writ , from whence they pretend to fetch it . and whereas it is farther added , that no rule of charity or reason binds us to beleeve another , in any thing which belongs to the art or profession of another , and wherein himselfe is little versed or exercised : i answer , that this saying , thus applied , will take away , the authority of a very great part of those histories which no body yet hath questioned . if it were spoken of doctrines , it might hold , and sure to that belongs the axiome quoted , unicuique in arte suâ credendum est ; but in narrations it is the unreasonablest thing in the world , to require the narrator to be of that profession of which hee relates the fact ; for then no man must adventure to write a kings life but a king : and if mr. m. mr. a. or mr. s. being ministers of the word , shall write their letters concerning the parliaments victory at keinton , and relate the number of the slaine on that side , so farre inferiour to those on the kings , we must now upon this admonition retract that beliefe we then allowed them , and begin now ( though too late ) to question whether it were indeed a victory or no , which caused such solemne thanksgiving in this city . but then secondly , why this relation should so wholly belong to the profession of another , i. e. not to tertullians , i cannot yet discerne : for the maine of tertullian's testimony was , that the christians chose rather to suffer then to resist , though they were able ; because christian religion taught the one , and forbad the other : and this sure was not without the sphere of the divine . but for their strength to resist , depending on the number of christians , not as even ballancing the heathens in the empire , but as very considerable , and able to raise an army , if they would make head , i doubt not but tertullian , a presbyter , that now laboured in converting and confirming christians , and was not alwayes in his study , nay , who had lately been a lawyer , and so not unacquainted with the publike , might know and relate with farre better authority , then any who hath dared now to contradict him . for , for the art of ballancing the power of parties in a kingdome , and grounds of precise determination of such differences , ( which as the objecter denies tertullian , so he is unwilling to yeeld to the states-man himselfe ) you shall see anon that we have no need to make tertullian master of it , his relation will stand unmoved without it . the second proofe to blast tertullians relation , is the ordinary one in fashion now-a-dayes ; if any man differs in opinion from us , presently to examine his whole life , and if ever hee did or spake any thing unjustifiable , lay that vehemently to his charge , and by that defame him , and then we may spare the pains of answering his reasons , disproving his assertion ; he once lyed or sinned , and therefore it is ridiculous to expect any truth from him . the argument is this , he might mistake and miscarry in this , for not long after he miscarried so grievously , as to turne montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost , &c. just as if i should resolve to beleeve no relation of any minister ( present in either of the armies ) of the strength of that army , untill i had examined , and were assured that hee were not a chiliast , an arrian , nor guilty of any others heresie condemned by the church : yea and more , till i had some degree of assurance that hee would never be such . or , as if i should resolve this man knew no logick , because in this period he offends so much against grammar in these words , [ to turn montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost ; ] where the relative [ who ] hath certainly no antecedent ; tertullian cannot , for hee called not himselfe the holy ghost , but onely used that stile so ordinary now-a-dayes [ nos spirituales , ] and all others [ animales psychici ; ] and montanist cannot , unlesse as once areopagi signified the areopagites , so now by way of compensation , montanist must passe for montanas ; for he it was that called himselfe the holy ghost , not all or any of his followers . this way of concluding , from a slip in grammar , an ignorance in logick , ( especially being backt with the suffrage of so many unconcluding arguments ) will be as faire logicall proceeding , as to inferre , because tertullian afterward turned montanist , therefore then he spake hee knew not what . but then saint cyprian was no montanist , and yet he affirmed the same that tertullian doth , contra demetrian : as for the approving of dreames and furious phantasies for true prophesies , ( which is added to be revenged on tertullian , for contradicting this objecter ) i confesse i excuse not him , but wish we might learne any thing of him , rather then that . but i hope the narration we have now in hand , was neither maximilla's nor prisca's dreames : if it was a phantasie , it was quite contrary to a furious one . and for the close of this argument , wherein the warning is given as it were from heaven , how unsafe and dangerous it is to build on the authority of men , as i desire the reader may take it home with him , and from thence resolve to beleeve no longer any thing upon this objecters authority , so denudate of all reason ; so i doe not yet see , why hee that once erred , must never be allowed to speak truth ; the making of true narrations being compatible with the greatest heresie in the world . the third argument against tertullian's testimony , is an observation of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that there is a pronenesse of inclination in much devotion , in persons devoutly given , to over-value the workes and piety of other men . to which my onely answer shall be , that yet i hope it is not observed , that devout men are so strongly inclined to tell plaine lies , to this end , that they may make themselves over-valued by others . this must be tertullian's infirmity , ( if the objecter guesse aright ) being a christian himselfe , and in his apologie labouring to raise an high opinion of christians in the gentiles , to whom hee writes ; to which purpose , if he should forge falsities , i must confesse it were a shrewd weaknesse , very ill becoming devotion , whatever the practice of later times may say in excuse of it . the fourth proofe is from a second observation , that in the pious and orthodox fathers themselves , there are some touches and streins , some fibrae of the root of bitternesse , which afterwards grew rank in the times of popery , &c. the answ. all that i can collect from hence toward the conclusion designed , is , that this objectors sense is , that for tertullian to say there were christians enough in the roman empire to work revenge on their oppressors , was a spice of popery ; and so there is one new piece of popery more added , to the many which this age hath concluded under that title , above the inventory of the trent catechisme . and so now to debate this any further , or professe my selfe to opine as tertullian did , is to acknowledge my selfe popish , and that is as bad as prelaticall ; and so from henceforth all my arguments will but passe for temptations , which none but carnall men must submit to , be they never so demonstrative . yet must i have leave to wonder , how in the close of this section these words [ the sounder and more considerate knowledge of these latter times ] can have any reference to the point in hand : for certainly , for the strength of the then christian party , our knowledge in these latter times cannot be sounder or more considerate , then theirs that then lived amongst them : or if it be , the words [ latter times ] will be improper , for sure it will be affirmed onely of that time wherein mr. j. g. wrote this part of this book ; for i am confident he was the first that ever revealed this act of more considerate knowledge to the world . the fifth and last proof is , that what ever their number was , yet it is no wayes likely they should be fuffered to have any armes , &c. to which , and to all the prudentiall state motives whereon it is grounded , ( and so to all that section ) i shall return no answer but the very words of tertullian , which if all put together , they doe not defend their author from all their assaults , neither will i beleeve the christians strength was sufficient to buckle with their adversaries . his words are plain : first , if we would hostes exertos agere , deale like profest enemies , desiisset nobis vis numerorum & copiarum ? should we have wanted force of numbers ( i. e. men ) or armed souldiers ? ( for so sure copiae signifies . ) secondly , he saith as plainly , castella vestra , castra implevimus , we have filled your castles and camps , ( there , sure they were armed ; and so the thebaean legion , which yeelded themselves to the emperours butchery , wanted neither number nor armes to have resisted . ) thirdly , he saith , cui bello non idonei ? what war had we not been fit for ? etiam impares copiis , though we had not had so many armed men as they , qui tam libentèr trucidamur . their despising of death , ( nay , gladnesse to dye ) might have put them upon any hazard unarmed ; and hee professes the onely thing that kept them from resisting , was the doctrine which they had learnt , that it was more lawfull to be kil'd , then to kill . fourthly , hee saith , they had a way of revenge without arms , to wit , by departing from them , by that secession to have brought envie upon them ; ( as for example , upon dislike of the present state , to have gone to new-england , &c. to raise an odium upon the old ) but this they would not be so malicious as to doe neither : nay , besides , amissio tot civium ipsâ destitutione puniisset , the losse of so many citizens would have been a punishment , by making them lesse able to resist other enemies ; plures hostes , quàm cives usque remansissent , there would have been a greater number of enemies , then there would have been citizens remaining . fifthly , to put all beyond exception , he puts them in mind how one night with a few fire-brands they might have wrought their revenge , if it were lawfull for them to repay evill with evill . this one last particular being considered , is so full a demonstration of the truth now in debate , that supposing there were but one christian at liberty to use that one fire-brand , there can be no longer doubt but that there was sufficient strength to work their revenge , if their religion would have permitted them to doe so . and if their religion ( as was said out of him ) were the onely restraint , then certainly their weaknesse was not . nay , though they should after all this ( by a morally impossible supposition ) be supposed weak , yet if their religion did truly restraine them , as he professes it did , this were abundantly sufficient to decide the controversie betwixt us and the objecter . having proceeded thus farre in answer to the severall exceptions against the truth of tertullian's assertion , concerning the strength of those christians , i am invited farther by a second proffer of the objecter to make appeare , that although tertullian's assertion should be supposed true , yet it were unsufficient , it would not reach the question , or case in hand . this certainly is strange at first sight , the case in hand being , whether the reason of their non-resistance were their want of strength . which in all reason must be determined negatively , when once these two things are supposed ; first , that they had strength ; secondly , that the command of christ , or making of christianity was the cause of their non-resistance , and not want of strength . but there is no truth so evident , but the cunning of such a crafts-master will be able to transforme , both from evidence and truth ; and therefore ( though in all justice a man might vow never to have commerce with such a man more , that should undertake thus to master his understanding ; that he should beleeve and not beleeve the same thing ; yeeld the want of strength to be the cause , at the very time when hee acknowledges or supposes , first , no want of strength ; secondly , somewhat else , to wit , the command of christ , to be the cause ; ) yet i shall ( to exercise that christian meeknesse which i desire to assert by my actions , as well as words ) wait on this great artificer to the second part of his answer . the summe of which , as hee first sets it , is this , that supposing the father spake truth concerning their strength , yet on some considerations he mentions , it had been in those that were called to suffer , both want of wisdome in respect of themselves , and of charity in respect of others , if they should have made the least resistance . to which my onely answer shall be , to beseech him to consider , that this is part of tertullian's testimony , that the thing that restrained them was ( not this wisdome , but ) the doctrine of their christ ; concluding it more lawfull to be kil'd , then to kill ; and utterly unlawfull to repay evill for evill . and as for charity to others , i humbly wish that were , or may yet be considered , how much burden , &c. this resistance ( of which he is the profest a better ) hath brought on others , who are no parties on either side ; nor , i hope , ill christians , if their onely punishable crime be , making conscience of non-resistance . to the next section , in answer to a supposed reply , where he saith , that it is not probable they had any sufficiency of strength . i answer , that i cannot be so tame as thus to be caught , or so wild as to imagine that improbable , at a time when tertullian's testimony is supposed to be true , ( as now it is supposed ) the speciall part of which testimony is yeelded to be , that they had sufficient strength . and where he adds . that 't was not necessary they should be of one mind and judgement touching this sufficiency , &c. i answer , that wee doe not assert any such necessity , nor doth our cause any way incline us to it , or want that refuge : for sure we affirme not , that they did actually resist ( to which only , that concurrence would have been necessary ) but onely that they would not , though they were able ; and to the evidencing of that , the concurrence of judgement you speak of , is not materiall ; for if they that did so think of their strength , were upon grounds of christian patience and obedience , as farre from doing or attempting it as any other , these men would certainly have continued in the same obedience , though all the world had concurred with them in the opinion of their sufficiency . for , to professe christian meeknesse first , and then upon any supervenient occurrence to be ready for resistance , though it might be a character of the temporary ( that i say not hypocriticall ) subjection of our dayes , yet must not wee be so groundlesly uncharitable , as to affix it on those christians : and though the objecter should renounce his present supposition , and again contend , that tertullian lied , and so divest him of all authority as a father , of common honesty as a relater ; yet sure he will not be so severe to deny him so much of an ordinary rhetor , as to make that an ingredient in his apologie for christians , which were the highest piece of an accusation . grant but tertullian to have any skill in any of his professions , suppose him but an oratour , if not a divine , a tolerable pleader , if not a tolerable man ; allow him but skill at the deske , ( his first trade , before he was a christian ) the reputation of a little eloquence , though no sincerity , and his very pleadings will be argumentative , though his words may not . but 't is added in the third place , that having no invitation , countenance , or command from any authority , &c. their case was differing from ours . to which i answer againe , . that it was not still the want of such command or invitation , that restrained them , but the contrary command of christ ; as hath been cleare . but then secondly , i pray let me ask a question , as of one which i will in reason suppose not to be unacquainted with the sense of junius , brutus , and buchanan , and it is only this , whether , if all temporall magistrates neglect the worke of reformation , the ministers may not and ought not to attempt it , if they can hope to prevaile ? if so , then though the case be not just the same now and then , yet the difference is not materiall or pertinent ; for then sure ministers there would have been to invite , if that had been the christian way . but when it is added within three lines , that we are invited , &c. by as great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any : i must confesse , i had thought that the king and both houses had been a greater authority , unlesse the meaning be not simply , but ad hoc , as great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any , to doe what is now done ; and then sure it shall be granted by me , who professe my selfe to suppose it impossible , that any command given to this purpose should be lawfull , or able to secure any from that sentence of saint paul's , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . yet once more , it is possible that the authour , by this state may mean a republique , which though it be a word of some signification in some other countries , yet that our lawes acknowledge any such here , i have not yet been taught ; nor sure can any part of this kingdome without the king be capable of this title , till we have moulded a new forme of government , and new lawes , as the modell of that ; for undoubtedly the old ones are not acquainted with any such . but that i will hope is not the meaning , because it is added , that inferiour magistrates , &c. which seemeth to acknowledge , that the parliament without the king are but inferiour magistrates . of the agreeablenesse of that title of magistrates and rulers , to that body without the head , i purpose not to speake ; onely to that which is added , that they should be obeyed , as well as kings . i answer , ( without canvasing of the place in saint peter , which others have done ) that if they are to be obeyed ; but as well as kings , then . the king that commands not to doe it , is to be obeyed , as well as they . . not they against the king , for that the inferiority implies . an inferiour magistrate , in that that is lawfull , and within his commission , and not thwarted by a superiour , is to be obeyed as well as if he were superiour in that , or as well as the superiour in any thing else ; but sure not to the despising of the superiours lawfull commands , when they doe interpose ; for that were more then as well . when the king commands that which god and the law doth not forbid , it may be said , that his commands are to be obeyed as well as gods ; which the apostle intimates , when he saith , you must be subject for conscience sake ; and the ground of this truth is , because indeed god the supreme , commands that subjection to the king in such matters . but sure for all this the king is not to be obeyed against god , or where any countermand of his hath intervened ; for this were , in saint peter's phrase , to obey men ( not as well , but ) rather then god . thus is it in that other case , the inferiour is to be obeyed , as well as the superiour , ( in things lawfull , and not contradictory to the superiours commands ) upon that ground of necessity of obedience to the superiour , from whom he hath his commission , and as saint peter saith , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is sent of him ; i. e. of , or by that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , supereminent person , the king ; but sure this holds not against the superiour , as in the other case it did not . . not they , when they command to take up armes against him whom saint paul bids me not resist , upon pain of damnation ; and by my oath of allegiance ( if it were otherwise lawfull ) i have bound my selfe that i will not . whereupon it is observable , that the assertors of this warre are now brought to undertake , that damnation , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. . shall not signifie damnation , ( poor men , what a weak threed doth the sword hang in , that is just over their soules ? and what a sad condition would it be , if to one that dyes a confident martyr in this warre , damnation at the day of doome should prove to signifie damnation ? ) but some temporary mulct ; and yet withall , that this warre is not against the king ; ( when yet that other against the earle of essex his army , is not doubted to be against the parliament ; ) which two so strange , and yet distant holds , ( for if it be not against the king , what need of that other evasion from the damnation that belongs to resisters ? or if resisters shall carry it away so easily , why may not warre be avowed against the king , by any that will adventure his wrath ? ) doe sure signifie mens consciences to be strangely grounded , and themselves very groundlesly confident , which are satisfied upon no better principles , and whose practices are capable of no better security . upon these grounds thus laid , of obedience due to inferiour as well as superiour ( supreme it should be , for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must here signifie , and i hope that our king amongst us is such ) magistrates , the objecter puts a case , that the inferiour governour requires that which is onely honest , &c. as to doe our best to defend our selves against those that contrary to law and conscience assault us , the superiour that which is contrary to both , viz. to sit still , &c. in this case hee resolves it is most cleare on his side , for ( whether the lawfulnesse or necessity he intimates not of ) resistance against the superiour . to this i answer , that it is hard to beleeve that the objecter did not purposely intend to deceive his reader by that phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] for that is a very doubtfull sense ; it may signifie , that nothing else were honest , and then it is in that sense apparently false ; for if it were honest to take up armes against a king , yet sure may not-taking-up arms be honest too ; for ( whatever that crime of neutrality signifie in these dayes ) it may be lawfull for a man to suffer injury , to suffer himselfe to be defrauded ( and that by a king , as well as by an equall ) cor. . . i hope resistance , though it have lately commenced , and taken upon it the degree of vertue , yet hath not turned projector , got the monopoly of vertue and honesty into its hand , that it should engrosse and enclose that title , and there be no other vertue or honesty besides this : yet would the affirmations of some , out of no meaner place then the pulpit , [ that all that are for the king at this time are atheists or papists ] conclude and perswade thus much . but i would fain beleeve , that the meaning of the phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] is , [ no more then honest ] i. e. not necessary . but if that be it , then sure the superiour governour may deserve to be obeyed in forbidding it , as well as the inferiour in commanding : for it will not follow in that case , that the king commands somewhat contrary to the law of god , and nature ; but onely somewhat contrary to something which was agreeable , i. e. not against the law of god and nature ; i. e. prohibits a thing lawfull , not necessary ; as the other is supposed to command a thing lawfull , not necessary : which sure were as free for him to doe , as for the inferiour ; supposing , as the objector supposes , that the command of god indifferently extends it for obedience to either , in things that are lawfull . hence it appears , that in the case here put , the command of the superiour is falsly affirmed , to be an unlawfull command ; ( for then the matter of the inferiours command must be supposed , not onely honest , but necessary ) and if it be a lawfull one , it may and will then make void that obligation for that particular , which is supposed by the law of god to lie on us , to obey the inferiour in that which is lawfull . the short is , if that which is here spoken of , be in it selfe necessary , we must doe it , as in spight of all countermands of the superiour , so without all commands or invitations of the inferiour magistrate ; but if it be not necessary in it selfe , neither will the commands of an inferiour make it necessary to any who stands prohibited by a superiour . in the fourth section the objecter offers at a reason , why those ancient christians ( supposing strength in them ) should rather patiently suffer , because before their conversion they had consented to the emperour's power , whereby those edicts were made for the murthering of christians , &c. to which i answer , that it is ridiculous to seek out , or impose upon the reader probable or possible reasons for their non-resistance , when tertullian in their name specifies the true only reason , the gospel doctrine of christian patience and obedience . but for the particular of their consent , much might be added , to shew the vanity of that plea , if that were tanti , or pertinent . i shall only say , that if the emperour legally murthered christians , then their consent to that law ( or to the power of the emperour who made it ) would not bind or dispense with them to omit any thing necessary , or otherwise commanded by any greater power ; for if i swear to doe so , i must break my oath , non obstante what is concluded from psal. . . and if it were not otherwise necessary , or commanded by greater power then , neither is resistance now . and then , the kings prohibition will as much restrain me in any thing not necessary , as their heathenish consent could be supposed to restrain them then . nay , he that makes that consent a nullity . ( as this objecter in fine doth ) what reason can hee render , why he that gave that consent , might not plead that nullity , for such ( though carnall ) advantages as life is , if he could make good his pleading , and no other restraint lie on him , but onely that null-consent ? for the fifth section : how that may be lawfull [ for an entire body to doe , which may not be lawfull for a part , ] and so for us now , though not for them . i answer , that if the phrase [ entire body ] signifie the head and members too , then the period is true ; if not , then the whole section is fallacious : for it followes not , that though the representative body without the head is more then a party in the empire , without the representation of the rest , therefore the first may resist forcibly , though the second should not ; for he that from saint paul denies resistance of subjects indefinitely to kings , will not be moved from that hold , by discerning some other flight differences between subjects , unlesse they may appeare such that on one side they may authorize resistance . but then secondly , if the doctrine of christian patience , &c. were the cause of non-resistance , then sure was not this other consideration wherein they differ from us , the cause of it . well , having gone thus farre , in attendance on this objecter , and to exercise that patience , which we so much desire to perswade ; there is yet the greatest fort , behind unvanquished , erected in the sixth section , and rescued from all supposed assailants in six particulars following , set up like so many fortresses about it : the summe of it is ( for i would not be bound to recite what every one may read in a printed book ) that if those primitive christians had strength , and might lawfully have resisted , ( by the way , tertullian onely affirmes the first , and is so farre from supposing , that hee absolutely denies the second ) yet might god hide this liberty from them ; and so his after dispensations did require that he should hide it from them , and yet manifest it to us : and these dispensations he specifies to be gods counsell of antichrists coming into the world than , and of his being destroyed and cast out now . the hiding of this truth , of subjects power and right to resist their superiours , being necessary to help anti-christ up to his throne . and the commonalty of christians doing contrary to the will of their superiours , being the men that must have the principall hand in executing gods judgements upon the whore , revel. . , , , & . that is , in the pulling him down . to this whole discourse ( the first i am confident that ever was written on this subject ) i must answer by degrees , ( that i may not omit any thing that is added for proofe or explication by the authour ) and first , i must desire the word may or might [ may hide ] may be changed into plaine intelligible sense . say , did god hide the liberty of resistance from those primitive christians , or no ? if he did not , then away with this whole section , and particularly that affirmation , pag. . that gods dispensations did require that it should be hid from them . but if god did indeed hide it , then first , this is more then a supposition ; it is a plaine concession , that those christians tertullian speaks of , might not lawfully have resisted , though they had had strength ( which was so long denyed ) ; for the light being hidden , they must have done it without faith , or against conscience ; yea , and against gods determinate counsell ; who , ( the objecter saith ) had great causes to hide it ; of which one sure must be , that it should not be used . . here is a great secret of new divinity , that god hides truths ( not as christ spake in parables , because they seeing see not , mat. . . but ) on purpose to help antichrist to his throne ; ( of which more anon . ) as for that instance of those that eat herbs , i pray consider , whether that be pertinent to prove that god purposely hides truths from us , or particularly this truth in hand : for sure that liberty god hid from none in the apostles time ; for the preaching of the gospel manifested the lawfulnesse of meats , as well as herbs ; onely some saw not , or considered not that that was manifested ; and thinking some old legall obligation ( as others did circumcision ) to lie still on them , submitted to it out of piety . now apply this to the point in hand . certainly , the liberty of forcible resistance against superiours ( though it should be granted ) would never be found of this kind , a liberty brought into the world by christ , which before had not been there . if hee shall affirme it was , ( as hee must , if that instance of eating be pertinent ) though by the concession of the latter part , hee must disclaime all his former old-testament pleas for resistance , from the people about jonathan , from david , and from elisha ; yet will hee never give any probable appearance for the affirmation in the first part , that christ gave any such new before-unrevealed liberty : but rather , if any such liberty before there were , it was undoubtedly taken away by christ , from whose example and precepts it was that those primitive christians , and we also , dare not make use of that supposed liberty . the onely thing i can imagine possible to be replied , is , that though the comparison hold not exactly , yet it may hold in this , that as that liberty of eating was hid to some , ( it matters not by whom , or how ) so this of resisting to others . to which i returne , that then it is confest , that this instance doth onely illustrate the objecter's meaning ; but not so much as probably confirme his assertion : and then i am sorry i have considered it so long . and therefore to bring the point to an issue , i must thirdly aske , where this liberty , or the authority for this liberty was , when it was thus hid ? was it in the old testament ? though it should be there , as it is not , yet it might be taken away in the new , ( as those things which in the old testament , or the law of nature , are nearest to giving of that liberty , are absolutely reformed by christs doctrine and practice ) and then that were good for nothing . was it in the new ? then deale plainly , shew the place in the new testament which gives that liberty , and is now found out by posterity , though hidden to them . sure we have found out no new scripture , to them unknown , ( the nazarites gospel , though it rehearse some speeches of christ not in our canon , yet is not produced for any of this nature : that famous one which it fathers on our saviour , nunquam laeti sitis nisi cùm sratrem in charitate videritis , is of another stamp ; i would to god this apocryphall precept might be canonicall among us ) and for any place of the known canon mis-understood by them , and now clearly unclouded and revealed to us in a right understanding , which inforces this , i must be so charitable to the objecter , as to think that if hee had discerned any such , hee would not have failed to have shewed it us , ( as well as his interpretations of rom. . and revel. . . ) if it were but to leave us unexcusable for not being his proselytes . beyond these severall wayes of revelation , if posterity have had any other , ( or indeed any but that , of understanding of scripture by scripture light , or assistance of gods spirit , which was not before understood ) from whence to fetch a liberty which is not in the old bible , or is denyed in the new , this is it which wee desire so to warne men of , under the name of enthusiasme , which is hardly ever distinguishable from a demure frenzie , and i must call it now , the dreame of the dreamers , jud. . that despise dominion , speak evill of dignities , but farre from divine revelation . and yet that this is the thing that this objecter hath an eye to , ( and not the understanding of scripture more clearly then before ) may appeare , in that hee affirmes this truth hid from their teachers , ( though not from all without exception ) who yet if it were hid in the scripture , were of all others most unlikely not to find it . as for that offer of proofe , that this truth might lie hid , because there was no occasion of studying it : i answer , that in tertullian's dayes , when there was occasion to study it , ( as great as ever can arise any , because the persecutions then were as heavie persecutions ) we may by that argument think they would have searcht into it , at least the light then would not in ordinary account have proved more dim , as hee saith it did , if the scripture were the candlestick where this light was held out . that which he adds in the next place , of the spirit of courage , patience , and constancy , which was by god poured out on the church in those dayes , and so made martyrdome seeme a desirable thing to them , is more like a reason indeed of their not-inquiring into this liberty : and herein , i must acknowledge the ingenuity of the objecter , or the power of truth which extorted this reason from him , so little to the advantage of his cause , and so much of ours : for this is certainly the bottom of the businesse , the want of christian courage , patience , &c. ( for that kind of courage is not in fighting , but suffering ) hath helpt us of this last age to that [ dreame , not ] revelation of liberty , which was never heard of among the ancients . but by the way , it seemes by the objecter , that now martyrdome is no desirable thing , nor taking up christs crosse , nor following of him . wee are resolved to have no more to doe with martyrdome , think that the thousand yeares for the saints to reigne on earth are now at hand , and so suffering , or conformity to the image of christ , no longer the thing wee are predestin'd to ; wee must set up a new trade of fighting , destroying , resisting , rebelling , leave enduring to those christians which were furnished with extraordinary strength from heaven . which are the objecters words of the primitive christians ; which , saith hee , kept them from studying cases and questions about lawfulnesse of escaping ( which word meere shame hath put in , utterly impertinently , instead of resisting ) i confesse , i had thought our queen mary martyrs had had this strength from heaven too ; and that it was not like miracles , an extraordinary gift onely for the infancy of the church : but now it seemes wee must expect to see no more martyrs , till wee can remove mountaines againe : this objecter , it is cleare , is resolved against it at this time , and that his actions , as well as writings , will be ready to testifie . for my owne part , i trust i shall be as ready to oppose the one , as i am to confute the other , and to think nothing more christian still , then to be crucified with my christ ; and if i might chuse the article of christian doctrine which i should most desire to seale with my bloud , i thinke it would be that of meeknesse , patience , non-resistance , peaceablenesse , charity , which i conceive christ hath been so passionately earnest to recommend unto me , as most diametrically opposite to the most unchristian damning sinnes of pride , ambition , malice , rebellion , unquietnesse , uncontentednesse , &c. fourthly , for the whole discourse about antichrist , there must many things be returned : . that it is not tolerable in a christian to affirme , that god purposely hid truths , that antichrist might come into the world : this so harsh sense the objecter first disguises in another phrase , that god by speciall dispensation suffered him to make many truths his footstoole ; but indeed that reaches not home to the businesse undertaken to be proved , for it followes not thence , that this of resisting superiours was one of those truths : if it were , then god suffered him to make use of it , which hee could not but by its being made known , whereas hee supposes it was then hid . if hee meane antichrist hid it , and so made the holding it , his footstoole ; then . it was not god that hid it , as before hee said , but antichrist . . it had then been manifest before , and then began to be hid , when there was most occasion to use it ; which before hee made improbable . if i were put upon the rack , i could not give a rationall account of those words of the objecter last recited , or such as may but be consonant to his present undertakings . that which followes is more cleare , that god caused a dead sleep to fall upon those truths : if hee did , i wonder who first raised them out of that dead sleep , jun. brutus , or buchan . or mr. goodwin ? but still it seemes god did on purpose hide truths , in favour and assistance to antichrist , to help him into the world ; and this , not like the spirit of slumber sent on men for their punishment , but on divine truths , which sure had not deserved it . yet more particularly , that the doctrine of liberty to resist superiours should be so opposite in a speciall manner to antichrist , that it was fain to be laid asleep to give him passage into his throne , seemeth very strange to me . . because one piece of antichrists pride is , to exalt himselfe above all that is called god , which is mostly interpreted kings ; and if rightly , then they that doe so enhaunce the power of the people , as to make the king universis minorem , and loose the reins of obedience so farre as to permit resistance , will i feare discerne some part of the mark of the beast upon their own brests . . because the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , thes. . and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. . that hindred , or let antichrist , and was like to doe so still , till he were taken out of the way , was by the fathers commonly resolved to be the roman empire , or imperiall soveraignty of rome : see tert. de resurr . c. . ambr. com . in thes. hier. qu. . ad algas . chrys. in thes. cyr. hier. catech. ● . aug. de civ. dei , l. . c. . lact. l. . c. . oecum . in loc. & ib. sever. & gen. and therefore on the sacking of rome by alaricus the goth , s. jerome presently expected that antichrist should come ; and in his book ad ageruchiam de monogam . wonders that any one would think of marrying at that time . hence , have learned men observed , was that custome in the most ancient times to pray in their lyturgies for the lasting of the roman empire , that so antichrist might be long a coming , tert. apol. c. . ad scap. c. . from whence , though nothing else can be demonstratively inferred , yet this certainly may , that in those many fathers opinion , the power of kings continuing intite , was not like to help antichrist in ; nor consequently , the bringing down that power , by the revelation of the doctrine of resistance , like to cause an abortion in antichrists birth , or now tend to the casting him out of the world . as for the evidence of that revelation-rule , that the communalty , in opposition to their kings , must have the great stroke in executing gods judgement on antichrist , proved , revel. . , , . i must answer , . that i shall never wonder enough at the power of prejudice evidenced in this objecter , by what hee hath put together to this purpose , pag. . to prove that the people contrary to their kings shall destroy antichrist , this is thought by him sufficient evidence , that the people are commanded to goe out of her , vers. . when vers. . it followes , that the kings of the earth shall bewaile her , and lament for her : the unconcludingnesse of the argument i shall not insist on , but onely looke forward to another place which hee cites immediatly , revel. . . where the ten kings are said to hate the whore , and make her desolate . now the word kings in this last place signifies , saith the objecter , not the persons of kings , but their states and kingdomes ; and to this purpose proofes are produced : but , first , i beseech him to deale ingenuously , doth the word king ever signifie the kingdome opposed to the king ; . any part of the kingdome excluding the king ? but then , . see the mystery of prejudice which i mentioned , where it is for the objecter's turne , revel. . the kings of the earth , must signifie their persons , in opposition to their people ; but where it is not for his turne , revel. . there the word kings , must signifie the people , or any but the king . would not the spirit of meeknesse have easily compounded this businesse , and have given the word [ kings ] leave in both places to signifie both their persons and their realmes ; and so have reconciled the places , that some kings with their kingdomes should bewaile her , and some againe hate her ; they bewaile her , that continued with her till her destruction , when they see the smoak of her burning , . . and others hate her , who had once tasted of her filthinesse , and repented and left her before : this were very agreeable to those texts , if wee had not peremptorily resolved to fetch some other sense out of them . . that first place alone by it selfe concludes onely thus much , that good men come ( or are exhorted to come ) out from antichrist , and avenge the whore ; and earthly men that have love to her , bewaile her ; but not that either the first are all common people , ( for sure kings may be called gods people , or be in that number ) or the second none but kings . as for the proofe that those people , vers. . are the subjects of those kings , vers. . because they are such as come out of babylon , sure that is very weak ; for babylon being the province of the whore , there may be kings as well as subjects there , and those kings come out too , as well as those subjects . for , suppose king and people of england all popish , why might they not all reform together ? it seems antichrist must never be cast out of a kingdome , till the people doe it in spight of the king ; and therefore it is concluded , that it was not done here in the dayes of king edward , nor queen elizabeth , nor king james : and now since the new revelations have assured men , that antichrist must now be cast out utterly from among us , it is become necessary that our soveraigne should be a papist ; and as much zeale , and as solid arguments used to perswade our friends that indeed he is so , ( though his constant word and actions now evidence the contrary ) as are produced to maintain any other article of our new saints beliefe : one of the most suspected and hated heresies of these dayes is , to doubt of the popish affections of our superiours , especially the king . well , by this doctrine , if the king should chance not to be a papist , hee must turne to be one , or else popery cannot be cast out in his time . if so hee should doe , turne papist on purpose to prepare , or dispose his kingdome to turne antichrist out , this might be but answerable to gods hiding of truths , to that end to help antichrist in . but should his majesty be so malicious as to prove protestant in earnest , then what would become of that sure word of prophecy , that so many have been perswaded to depend on , that antichrist must now be cast out of this kingdome ; which , saith the objector , cannot be , unlesse the people do it while the king bewailes . i hope i have said enough of this . as for the connexion of this observation , with the conclusion in hand , ( though it matter little now , the observation is proved so false , yet ) i shall adde , that if the people were to doe that great feat of casting out antichrist , yet it appeares not how liberty of forcible resisting their kings should be a necessary requisite to the work , unlesse the lawfull king be the antichrist in every countrey ; for otherwise it is very possible , that though they obey their kings , they may resist antichrist ; though they love and revere their lawfull superiour , they may hate and abjure their unlawfull . once more , whereas it is againe repeated , that the knowledge of the supposed subjects liberty would have kept antichrist from his throne ; i repeat again , that if it would , god sure would have revealed it to them of all others ; unlesse it appeare , that god was more angry with the sinnes of christians in tertullian's age , and so more fought against them , then hee doth in ours against us ; for though god may of mercy undeserved throw down antichrist , yet that hee should so immediately and illustriously labour to set him up , unlesse out of deserved indignation to a people , is not easily resolved ; yet if this may appeare de facto to be so , i shall yeeld ; till then , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the last blot laid on tertullian , to obliterate all whatsoever can be fetcht from him , is , that the authority of tertullian , and the submission of the christians , being both apocryphall , is too light to weigh against the practice of the great prophet elisha , &c. to which i answer , that that being supposed , yet the grounds on which tertullian saith the christians of his time did so patiently suffer , viz. the doctrine of christian patience and meeknesse , are not apocryphall , nor inferiour to that of elisha , though it were supposed to be argumentative , or concluding for resistance . for any thing else added by the objecter in this businesse , as the disproving of tertullian's relations on grounds of christian doctrine , from the contrary practice of david and elisha , though i might answer in one word , that christians are restrained from some things , which were practised without fault in the old testament ; yet because those old testament-examples have been fully cleared by many others of our writers , and indeed are not pertinent to the discourse i was upon , when this objecter first met me in the way , and led me this chace after him , i shall not be so impertinent as to adde any thing , but conceive my selfe to have vindicated the testimonies of those fathers from all possible objections , and so to have joyned the practice of christians , ( those ancient primitive ones ) and proved them correspondent to the example of christ , and so to have made good my second argument , proposed from the example of christ and christians . my third is , from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . and . of christianity , which as it differs from the lawes both of moses and nature , so it constantly reformes and perfects those ( dissolves not any thing that was morall in them , nor promises impunity for non-performance , but upon repentance and reformation ) elevates and raises them up to an higher pitch , at least then jewes or naturall men had conceived or understood themselves obliged to , which the ancient fathers generally resolve to be the meaning of his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mat. . . to fill up all vacuities in those former lawes , and adde unto them that perfection which should be proportionable to that greater measure of grace now afforded under the gospell . thus in that sermon upon the mount , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that top of practicall divinity , ( set down by way of particular instance of christs purpose , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) besides the third proaemiall beatitude , blessed are the meeke , which certainly though it may containe more , yet excludes not , but principally notes the meeke , obedient subjects under government , the non-resisters , and therefore hath the same promise annext which the law had given in the fifth commandement ; ( 't was there , that thy daies may be long in the land ; 't is here , they shall possesse the earth , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which psal. . . whence it is cited , refers clearely to the land of canaan , though improved into an higher sense now in the gospell . ) and againe , besides the seventh beatitude of the peace-makers , or peaceable , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being equivalent in the scripture stile , vid. jam. . . ) and the eighth , of those that are persecuted for righteousnesse sake , ( whence sure is not excluded the cause of religion and christianity it selfe ) as also of taking up the crosse ( of which i designe another discourse to speake more largely ) which sure are opposite enough to forcible resisting of lawfull magistrates , especially for religion : besides all these , i say , in the introduction to that sermon , there is in the body of the sermon it selfe , an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which sure prohibits all forcible resisting or violence even to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the injurious or ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) troublesome person , which if it should chance to be our king , would not certainly be more lawfully or christianly resisted , then any body else ; especially , when it is our religion which is invaded , which of all other things a whole army of plunderers cannot rob us of , ( as they may of the cloake , vers. . ) and therefore needs not our violence to retaine it ; nor is ever injured , but more illustrated by our suffering . to this may be added the consideration of the depositum left by christ with his disciples , pacem , peace , john . . ( which it seemes onely the beloved disciple had recorded ) peace i leave with you , externall peace , for the pacem meam , my peace , followes after as a gift perhaps peculiar to them that prised and kept this legacy : and if it be objected that christ came not to send peace , but a sword , mat. . . that sure refers not to christs prime counsell or purpose , but to the event ; what he foresaw it would be , or what he had determined it ought ( which manner of speech is very ordinary in all authors ) for the precept is punctuall to peter against the use of the sword , and to all the disciples for preserving of peace , mar. . . and to that it is thought the mention of falt belongs in that place , which among other qualities is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; unitive , have falt in your selves , and have peace one with another . on these texts , many effectuall emphaticall descants are added by the apostles , rom. . . if it be possible , as much as in you lieth , live peaceably with all men , and heb. . . follow peace with all men , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an agonisticall word to run for it as for a prize , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and thess. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we render it , study ( it is , be emulous , contend , strive , make it your ambition ) to be quiet , to which i shall onely adde two places more , jam. . , . the wisdome which cometh from above is first pure , then peaceable , &c. which before , ver. . he had called meeknesse of wisdome , then pet. . . where after direction for the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} obedience of wives to husbands ( and we know the kingdomes relation to the king is besides others , that of a wife to an husband who is therefore espoused to it with the ring at his coronation ) it is added , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that her bravery consists in the sincerity ( i think it should be rendred ) of a meeke and quiet spirit , which is in the sight of god of great price . if it be objected , that these many places of peace are but generall wide illations against resistance , or however , no more pertinent to the case about resisting of magistrates , then of any other private man : i answer , that though i might thus argue , á minori , ( and also assume that no other resistance is neare so destructive of peace , as that resisting of the supreme power , that being indeed the shaking of government it selfe , which is the band of peace , and the dissolving of which returnes us to the state of common hostility , leaves us a wildernesse of beares or tygers , not a society of men ) yet i shall confesse , that i intended not to lay any more weight on this part of the argument , then any man will acknowledge it able to beare , and that therefore before i inferre my conclusion of non-resistance from the making of christianity , i must adde to these places so passionate for peace , another sort of places concerning obedience , of which ( without naming the places being so knowne already ) i shall venture this observation , that in the new testament especially the epistles of the apostles ( which were all written in time of the reigne of wicked heathen bloody adversaries of christianity , and can referre to none but those ) there is no one christian vertue , or article of faith more cleerly delivered , more effectually inforced upon our understandings and affections to be acknowledged by the one ( against all pretence of christian liberty to the contrary ) and submitted to by the other , then that of obedience to kings , &c. it were most easie to vindicate those places from all the glosses and scholia's that the writers of this yeare , mr. goodwin in anticav . mr bur. mr. bridges , &c. have invented to free themselves and others from the obedience most strictly required there , but i would not againe trouble any ingenuous man with such extravagant discourses as even now i learnt by experience would be necessary to answere such exceptions , which mens wit or somewhat worse hath produced ; besides , those places have beene by others vindicated already . i shall onely say , whosoever can without coloured spectacles find ground for the present resistance in those places of scripture , rom. . pet. . . , &c. so farre as to settle and quiet a conscience , i shall not conceive my understanding fit to duell with his , any more then i would wrestle with a fiend , or combate with the fire , which pythagoras tels me would availe little ; he that can be sure that damnation ( rom. . . ) signifies not damnation , but some temporary mulct onely ( if the king should proveable to inflict it ) when , vers. . it is added we must needs be subject , not onely for wrath , ( i. e. feare of temporary punishment ) but also for conscience sake , ( which when it accuses , bindes over to eternall wrath , or damnation ) i professe i know not what camell he may not swallow ; i shall onely in the bowels of christ desire him to consider , what a sad condition it would prove , if being on this confidence engaged , and by gods hand taken away in this warre he should at gods tribunall heare saint paul avouch , that by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or damnation in that place , he did meane no lesse then eternall damnation without repentance : o how would his countenance change , his thoughts trouble him , the joynts of his loynes be loosed , and his knees smite one against another , one generall {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} possesse all his faculties , and mr. bridg : &c. be unable to settle him or give him confidence any longer , when the tekel shall come out of the wall over against that interpretation of his , that it is weighed in the ballance ( of truth and judgement ) and found wanting ; of this word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i designe another disquisition : onely i could not deferre to forewarne the reader of his danger in this place , and now i shall not doubt from the making of christianity to inferre my conclusion of non-resistance , not doubting but the premises will beare it . for the other part of this third argument from the making of the protestant doctrine , i would faine be very briefe by way of compensation for my former importunity , and therefore shall engage my selfe not to trouble the reader with citations or names , which yet might be brought by hundreds of reformed writers for every junius brutus , and buchanan that hath appeared for the contrary since the reformation . though the truth is , suchas these if they must be called protestants , are yet in this somewhat more then that title ever imported , i may say perfect jesuits in their principles , and resolutions concerning kings ( no papists of any order hath gone so farre ) although they differ somewhat in the seat of that power of making such resistance . that which i designed to say on this point is onely this ; that the doctrine of allegiance to kings , and of their supremacy in all causes , hath alwayes beene counted a principall head of difference betweene the protestants and the worst of papists , and a speciall evidence , which most men have used , to conclude the papacy to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the antichrist , is this that the pope exalteth himselfe above all that is called god : . the kings of the earth , that he in case the king be not a catholicke , absolves subjects from their allegiance to him , that he pretends power over them in spirituall things , and in temporall in ordine ad spiritualia . it is not unknowne to any that the oath of supremacy if not of allegiance among us is principally designed to discerne and discover papists , of whom , one of the prayers appointed for the fifth of november affirmes , that their religion is rebellion , that sure is , that one maine difference betwixt romish and english , popish , and protestant doctrine , is that of liberty to rebell in some cases , particularly in that of religion : in opposition to all which doctrines or insinuations of theirs , there is no church that ever-exprest their sense in any article more fully and largely , then ours hath in this particular , witnesse the severall parts of the homily of disobedience and rebellion , printed in queene elizabeths time . and if herein all other parts of the reformed church have not gone as farre as we , yet shall i not retract my asserting this doctrine purely protestant , . because this kingdome hath alwayes beene esteemed a prime part of the reformation , wherein the papacy was legally cast out , not by violence or tumults of the people , and so nothing rejected but what in sobriety was necessary to be rejected , and therefore our church hath generally beene the norma , or rule , by which others have desired to compose themselves , and never yet any other so preferred before us , as that our ancestours could thinke sit to conforme to them . . because in many other countries the government is not regall , or monarchicall , as here it is , bodin . l. . c. . de rep. can finde none of this nature in europe , but france and spaine , and england and scotland ( i conceive ireland he contained under the word angliam ) in which , saith he , reges sine controversiâ jura omnia majestatis habent per se : singules civibus nec universis fas est ( it seemes master dale our embassadour , from whom he had received his advertisements of the state of this kingdome had not then heard that our king , though singulis major , is universis minor , which certainly had divested him of all soveraignty , it being impossible that the soveraigne or supreme of all should be minor then any ) summi principis vitam , famam aut fortunas in discrimen vocare , seuvi , seu judicio constituto id fiat , &c. as for the emperour of germany , charles the fifth by name , he saith plainly , tyrannide cives ad rempublicam oppressit , cùm jura majestatis non haberet , which if it be true , will be some excuse to the germane princes in what they did at that time in taking up armes for religion , though it is most certaine what he affirmes , that when those princes consulted m. luther about it , num id jure divino liceret , whether it were lawfull in the sight of god , ille negavit , he resolved it utterly unlawfull : this answer , saith bodin , luther gave perinde atque si carolus summam imperii solus haberet , and therefore much more must it be given when the case is of a monarch indeed , as he concludes ; and though he acknowledge that distinction , which it seemes luther did not , betwixt that emperour and true monarchs , yet is he faine to passe a sad observation upon the fact of those princes , in taking up armes for religion , against luther's advice , ita funestum bellum reique publicae calamitosum susceptum est , cum ingenti principum ac civium strage , quia justa causa nulla videri potest adversus patriam arma sumendi . i would to god those words were englisht in every of our hearts : a direfull and calamitous warre with the slaughter of all sorts , because ( though it were for religion ) yet no cause can be counted just of taking up arms against one's country . the truth is , what was done there though , . very unhappily , and . against no monarch , hath been thought imitable by knox and buchanan in scotland , and from thence infused into some few into england , as penry , &c. but by gods providence hath formerly beene timously restrained , and not broken out to the defaming of our protestant profession . it seemes now our sinnes are ripe for such a judgement , the land divided into two extreame sinfull parts ; one by their sinnes fitted to suffer under this doctrine , others sinfull enough to be permitted to broach and prosecute it . i meekly thanke god , that though my sins are strangely great , yet he hath not given me up to that latter judgement . i conceive i have also given some hints at least of proving my position from the making of the protestant doctrine . now for the last topicke , taken from the constitution of this kingdome . though that be the lawyers taske , very prosperously undertaken by others , yet one generall notion there is of our laws , which from my childhood i have imbibed , and therefore conceive common to all others with me ; and it is this , that the lawes of this kingdome put no man ( no papists i am sure ) to death for religion . when jesuits and seminary-priests have suffered , every man is so perfect in the law , as to know that it is for treason , by a statute that makes it such for them to come into this kingdome . the truth of this , and the constant pleading of it against all objecters , hath made me swallow it as a principle of our law , that even popery strictly taken ( and not onely as now this last yeare it hath learnt to enlarge its importance ) is no capitall crime . from whence , i professe , i know no impediment to forbid me to conclude , that in the constitution of our state no warre for religion is accounted a lawfull warre ; for that it should be lawfull to kill whole multitudes without any enditement , yea , and by attempting it , to endanger , at least , our owne , . many good protestants lives , for that , which if it were proved against any single man , would not touch his life in the least degree , is , i must acknowledge , one of the arcana belli which i cannot see into . and therefore sleidan tels us of m. luther , that he would not allow a warre , though but defensive , with the turke himselfe , com . lib. . pag. . and though after he had mitigated his opinion upon a new state of the question , and perswaded the emperour to it , yet it was with this limitation , modò nec vindictae , nec gloriae , nec emolumenti causâ subeatur , ( three things that are very rarely kept out of warre ) sed tantùm ut sparcissimum latronem , non ex religionis , sed furti & injuriarum actione aggrediantur . it seemes the cause of religion , although it were of christianity against mahometisme , was not to him a sufficient warrant for a defensive war . but then . for this warre to be waged against the prince , ( or by any one but the prince , in a monarchie , as this is ) who whatsoever he hath not , hath certainly the power of the sword immediatly from god ( or else must be acknowledged not to have it at all , for this power cannot be in any people originally , or anywhere but in god , and therefore it may be most truly said , that though the regall power were confest to be first given by the people , yet the power of the sword , wherewith regality is endowed , would be a superaddition of gods , never belonging to regall or whatever other power , till god annext it : in gen. . . which also seemes to be out of all dispute in this kingdome , even at this time , where the universall body of the commonalty , even by those that would have the regall power originally in them , is not yet affirmed to have any aggregate power , any farther then every man single out of government was presumed to have over himselfe , which sure was not power of his owne life ; for even in nature there is felonia de se , and therefore the representative body of the commons , is so farre from being a judicature in capitall matters , that it cannot administer an oath ) and therefore is not justly invasible by any subject , or community of subjects , who certainly have not that power , nor pretend to have it , and when they take it , thinke it necessary to excuse that fact by pretence of necessity , which every body knowes , is the colour for those things which have no ordinary meanes of justifying them ( like that which divines say of saving of children and ideots , &c. by some extraordinary way . ) nay , . for this warre to be waged , not against popery , truly so called , but against the onely true protestant religion , as it stands ( and by attempting to make new lawes is acknowledged as yet to stand ) establisht by the old lawes of the land , and therefore is faine to be called popish ( and our martyr-reformers not able , by those fiery chariots of theirs , to get out of the confines of babylon ) that it may be fit to be destroyed ; just as the primitive christians were by the persecuters put in wilde beasts skins , that in those shapes they might be devoured : this i confesse is to me a complication of riddles , ( and therefore put by some artist under that deep-dark-phrase , and title of fundamentall lawes of the kingdome ) to which certainly no liberty or right of the subject in magna carta , no nor legislative power , will enable any man to give any intelligible , much lesse legall name : at which i professe i am not ill pleased , because this i hope will keepe it from being recorded to posterity . i have done with my fourth argument , and am heartily sorry i have kept my reader so long from his prayers , which must set an end to this controversie , for sure arguments are too blunt to doe it ; i beseech god to direct all our hearts to a constant use of those meanes ( together with fasting and abstinence , at least from farther provoking sins ) to exorcize that evill spirit that hath divided his titles ( of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and now at length , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) among us , and by those meanes infused his mortiferous poyson into the very veines of this whole kingdome . [ i create the fruit of the lips , peace , peace to him that is farre off , &c. and i will heale him . thou hast moved the land , and divided it , heale the sores thereof , for it shaketh . ] the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to its origination signifies censure , judgement , and in its making hath no intimation , either of the quality of the offence to which that judgement belongs , or of the judge who inflicts it : that it belongs to humane judgements , or sentences of temporall punishments sometimes , is apparent by luke . . where one thiefe saith to the other , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , meaning it seemes , the same sentence of death , or capitall punishment , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , c. . . judgement of death , temporall ; and that at other times it signifies also divine judgement , is as apparent , act. ● . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , judgement to come , that is , certainly at the end of this world , at the day of doome . so rom. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the judgement of god , and so againe , vers. . which vers . . is explained to be wrath or punishment against the day of wrath , &c. so heb. . . resurrection of the dead , and eternall judgement . the truth is in this sense it is most-what taken in this booke , see matth. . . mar. . . luke . . rom. . . and therefore hesychius , the best glossary for the new-testament , renders it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods retribution or payment , or rendering according to works . it will not be worth while to survey and consider every place where the word is used , he that shall doe so , will perhaps resolve with me to accept of that glossary , and understand it constantly of gods judgment ; unlesse , when the circumstances of the place shall inforce the contrary , as they doe in the places first mentioned , and cor. . . but then when the context rather leades to the second sense , there will be great danger for any man to apply it to humane judgements , for by so doing , hee may slatter himselfe or others in some sin , and run into that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as it signifies eternall judgement , when by that mis-understanding he doth not conceive himselfe in any danger of it . of places which without all controversie thus interpret themselves ; i will mention two , pet. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee render it , whose judgement of a long time lingereth not : which that it belongs to eternall vengence , appeares by the next words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee render it , their damnation , it is literally , their destruction sleepeth not . the second place is , tim , . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fall into the condemnation of the devill ; that is , sure into that sentence that fell upon lucifer for his pride ( being cast out of heaven , and reserved to chaines of eternall darknesse ) for the person spoken of here , is the novice , or new convert , lifted up with pride , just parallel to the angells newly created , lifted up with pride also , the crimes and the persons parallel , and so sure the punishment also . now three places more there are which appeare to me by the same meanes of evidence , or rule of interpreting , to belong to the same sense , though i cannot say of them as i did before , [ without controversie ] for i see it is not onely doubted by some , whether they doe belong to this sense or no , but that it is resolved they doe not : which resolution sure must be obnoxious to some danger , that i say no worse of it . the first of these places is , rom. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : we render it , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation : but say others , it must be rendred judgement , as that signifies some temporary punishment which the higher powers may inflict , and nothing else : and this they labour to make appeare by the words following : for rulers are a terrour to evill works , and he beareth not the sword in vaine , &c. to which i answer , that there is no doubt made by me or any , but that rulers are to punish men for evill works , particularly that of resistance against them , and not onely that , but also crimes against our brethren , and god ; and in that respect it is added , vers. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the minister or officer of god he is , and executioner for wrath , that is , punishment temporall to him ( indefinitely ) that doth evill . but doth it follow from hence , that either he that makes forcible resistance against the superiour or supreme power , or that commits any other sinne ( which the supreme power is set to avenge or punish temporally ) shall incurre no eternall punishment ? if this new divinity should be entertained , it must be priviledge and protection to other sins , as well as resistance and rebellion , even to all that any judiciall lawes have power to punish , for in these also he is the minister of god , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an avenger , or executioner for punishment , and there is no avoiding it ; but this must be extended indefinitely , or vniversally , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to any malefactour punishable by that power , or that comes under this cognisance ; and so by this logicke , he that is hanged , may not be damned , what ever his crime be ; an execution on earth shall be as good as a purgatory to excuse him from any other punishment . but then secondly , suppose a rebell escape the hand of justice here below , by slight , &c. nay , that he prosper in his rebellion , and get the better of it , that the king be not able to punish him ; nay , yet farther , that he proceed higher , despose the king , and get into his place , what {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is he like to receive , if that signifie onely the kings wrath or temporall punishment ? sure this prosperousnesse of the crime must make it cease to be a crime , make it commence vertue , as the turkes on their principles are wont to resolve it , saith busbequius , ep. . — ex opinione quae turcis insedit ut res quocunque consilio institutas , si bene cadunt , ad deum authorem referant , &c. or else give it , ( though it be a sinne never so great , and unrepented of ) perfect impunity both in this world , and in another : and certainly this is no jest , for he that observes the behaviours of many men , ( the no manner of regrets or reluctancies in their course of forcible resistance , ( save onely when they conceive it goes not on so prosperously as it was wont ) and the great weekly industry that is used to perswade all men of the continued prosperity of the side , as being conceived farre more usefull and instrumentall to their ends , then the demonstration of the justice of it , mens consciences being resolved more by the diurnall , then the bible , by the intelligencer then the divine , unlesse he turne intelligencer also , i would we had not so many of those pluralists . ) will have reason to resolve that this divinity is the principle by which they move ; which if it be not yet brought to absurdities enough , then looke a little forward to the conclusion , deduced and inferr'd vers . . wherefore ye must be subject , not onely for wrath , but also for conscience sake . words by prophetick spirit added by the apostle , as it were on purpose to contradict in terminis , that new interpretation . wrath signifies that temporall punishment , vers. . which if it were the all that is meant by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , then how can it be true , that we must be subject not onely for wrath ? certainely he that resists is not subject ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and both directly contrary to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the word used both in the third and fifth verse ) and therefore if we must be subject not onely for wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment , then he that resists , shall receive more then wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment , viz. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in our rendering , condemnation , if he doe not prevent it timously by repentance : which sure is the importance of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but also for conscience sake ; that if he doe it not , it will be sin to him , wound his conscience , bind him over to that punishment which belongs to an accusing conscience , ( which sure is more then a temporall mulct ) which is farther cleare from the first verse of that chapter , the command of subjection . for sure , every divine or apostolicall command entred into the canon of scripture , doth bind conscience ; and the breach of it , knowne and deliberate , is no lesse then a damning sinne , even under the gospel , mortiferous and destructive without repentance ; which is just equivalent to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he shall receive damnation , in our way of interpreting it . so much for that first place . the second is , cor. . . he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation ( or as our margent , judgement ) to himselfe , &c. this place i find avouched for the confirming of the former interpretation , rom. . that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies onely temporall punishment ; and thus it is known the socinians commonly interpret this place , per {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} non sempiternam damnationem nominatim , sed supplicium in genere intelligendum esse . volkelius l. . de ver. rel. . l. . c. . that which is used to perswade this to be probable , is that which followes vers. . for this cause many are weak and sickly among you , and many sleep ; which belonging onely to temporall punishments , is conceived to be a periphrasis of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , judgement , which should seem consequently to be so also : and , indeed , volkelius hath added other proofes , . because the apostle speaks of any one single act of this sin of unworthy receiving , ( not of any habit , or custome ) which hee conceives not actually damning now under the second covenant . . because it is vers. . and when we are judged , we are chastened of the lord , that we should not be condemned , &c. to these three ( and i know not that there are produced any more ) probabilities , i conceive cleare satisfaction may be given by those who affirme {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to contain in it eternall punishment : though if it were onely temporall punishment , yet being sicknesse , &c. which are not inflicted by the magistrate , but by the hand of god , it will not come home to that which was by master br. affirmed of the word in rom. . for this must be premised , that wee doe not conceive it to signifie eternall punishments , exclusivè , or so as to exclude temporall , but eternall and sometimes temporall too ; ( for so sure hee that for his rebellion receives damnation , hereafter , is not secured from being hang'd , drawn , and quarter'd here ) or else eternall if hee repent not , and perhaps temporall though hee doe : by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as i said , i understand with hesychius , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods vengeance , whether here , or in another world ; but , i say , in this place both of them , ( and so ordinarily in the former also . ) this being premised , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may still containe in it eternall punishments , vers. . though many for this cause of unworthy receiving did fall sick and die , vers. . for . they might both die and be damned too ; or if , as volkelius saith , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , obdormiscunt , sleep , be never used in the new-testament , of those that are destined to eternall destruction , then still may this be very reconcileable with our interpretation , that many for this cause are weak and sickly , and many others sleep , god chastising some by diseases to reforme them , and punishing others , who , as volkelius acknowledges , were guilty onely of some single act of the sinne onely , with death temporall , or shortning their dayes ; which certainly hinders not but that god might punish others that did customarily commit this sinne ( and perhaps with greater aggravations ) with no lesse then eternall death , however that it were just for him to doe so , whatever hee did , it is plaine by vers . . which is parallel to the . whosoever shall eat and drink unworthily , shall be guilty of the body and bloud of the lord ; that is , in volkelius his own words , ipusm christi corpus ac sanguinem contemnere & ignominiâ afficere , ac quantam in ipsis est profanare proculcareque censendi sunt , shall be thought to contemne and disgrace , and as much as in them lies to profane , and tread under feet the body and bloud of christ ; which , what is it but to count the bloud of the covenant an unholy thing , heb. . ? which yet there is used as a maine aggravation of that sinne , for which , saith the apostle , there remaines no more sacrifice , vers. . it is apparent that the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , guilty of the body , &c. is parallel to the latine , reus majestatis , used for a traitour , and sure signifies no lesse then a guilt of a great injury to christ ; which how any man can affirme to be a sinne to which no damnation belongs , ( supposing no antidote of invincible ignorance or weaknesse , nor recovery by repentance , nor gracious pardon of god in not imputing some single act of it ) i professe my selfe not to discern , though i think i have weighed impartially all that is said of it . this sure will keep the first proofe from being any longer probable ; and for the second , ( or first of volkelius ) it is already in effect answered too ; for though hee that is guilty onely of some one act of this sinne found mercy , yet sure they that are guilty of the customary sinne , may speed worse : and indeed of all indefinitely the apostle speaks according to the sinne ; as when hee saith , the drunkard and adulterer shall not inherite the kingdome of god : where yet perhaps he that is guilty onely of one such act , may find mercy . for the last proofe , i conceive it so farre from being a probable one against me , that i shall resolve it a convincing one on my side ; for if those that were sick , &c. were chastened of the lord , that they should not be condemned , then sure if they had not been so chastened , nor reformed by that chastening , they should have been condemned with the world ; and so their temporall judgements may be a meanes , through the mercy of god in christ , to free them from their eternall , but not an argument that eternall was not due to them , but a perfect intimation that it was . the third place ( which is not indeed of much importance in it selfe , but only is used to give countenance to the interpretation in the two former places ) is pet. . . the time is come that judgement must begin at the house of god . here , say they , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} judgement , is that that befalls the house of god , the godly ; therefore but temporall judgements . to which i answer in a word , that here is a mistake in applying judgement in its latitude to the house of god , when onely it is affirmed by saint peter {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the beginning or first part of judgement : for of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or judgement , in this verse , there are specified two parts , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the first part , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the end ( or as the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} seems to sound in our english , the taile ) of it ; as psal. . . the cup of gods displeasure , or punitive justice , is supposed to consist of two parts , . red wine , ( or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and . mixture of myrrhe and other poysonous bitter spices , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , apocal. . . and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mat. . . and both together , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , myrrhate wine , mar. . . now , this cup is poured out , and tasted of indefinitely , by the godly some part of it ; but the dregs thereof , i. e. the myrrhe-bitter part , that goes to the bottome , is left for the wicked to wring out and drink : so that onely the tolerable , supportable , easie part of the judgement belongs unto the godly ; but the end , the dregs , the unsupportable part , to those that obey not the gospel of god . or yet a little further , the beginning or first part , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of the judgement , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from the godly , ( and so it was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) intimating , that the judgement doth not stay upon them , but onely take rise from them : but the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the second , sadder part of it , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of them , ( or belongs to them ) that obey not , &c. so that still in this place also , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies gods judgement of this life and another both ; not of this life onely , to the excluding of the other , but one part in this life , another in that other : and though the godly had their part in it , yet there was somewhat in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that the godly never tasted of , but only the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they that disobeyed the gospel of god : and this is apparent by vers . . for if the righteous {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee read it , scarcely be saved ; it signifies ( by comparing that place with pro. . . where instead of recompensed on the earth , the greek translation reads , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) be rendred unto , or recompensed , i. e. punished in the earth , then where shall the ungodly and sinners appeare ? there are againe the two parts of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods retribution to sinne here , wherein the godly have their part ; and the other , his rendring to the wicked hereafter ; and so neither of them the punishment of the magistrate in this life , as mr. bridg. out of piscator , contends to have it , rom. . and as it must be here also , if others speake pertinently , who use it to avoid that interpretation , which i confesse mr. bridg. doth not . they that are unlearned and unstable wrest the scriptures to their owne destruction . yee therefore beloved , seeing yee know these things before , beware lest you also be led away with the errour of the wicked , and fall from your owne stedfastnesse , pet. . , . of the zealots among the iewes , and the liberty taken by them . there was among the jewes , either truly or pretendedly , a judicium zelotarum , a peculiar liberty or power of zelots , ( i. e. of private men led by zeale ) to punish or execute malefactors , whether with death , or any lower punishment . these they stile pious-men inflamed with the zeale of god : and these were wont , when they found any man in the fact , guilty of sedition , blasphemy , or any other crime of the greater size , openly and publikely committed , presently to set upon him , to smite , and if need were , to kill him , without any processe of law against him . the originall of these came from the fact of phinees , num. . . of whom mattathias , in his dying oration to his sonnes , hath these words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . phinees our father ( by zealing the zeale of god , saith the vulgar latine ) by behaving himselfe zealously , received the promise of an eternall priesthood , mac. . . which is also affirmed of elias , vers. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . elias by zealing the zeale of the law , or behaving himselfe zealously for the law , was received up to heaven ; ( which belongs to that fact of elias , immediately before his assumption , when he call'd twice for fire from heaven on ahaziah's messengers , king. . , . unlesse you will rather apply it to that fact of his , king. . . against the prophets of baal , whom hee apprehended and slew together every man of them : ) by which examples hee there stirres up and incites his sonnes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to be zealous for the law , vers. . though not to commit any such particular act of that nature , as that which those had done . testimonies of jewish writers to this purpose , master selden hath put together in his book , de jure natur. & gent. ad heb. plac . lib. . cap. . and given some hints of explaining some difficulties in the new-testament from thence . to this belongs that fact of christ , joh. . . as appeares by the disciples ; of whom it is said , vers. . that upon that occasion they remembred how it was written by the psalmist , psal. . . the zeale of thy house , or for thy house , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , hath fed on me , or carried me with a kind of fury . that christ did not take upon him to be a magistrate , or a judge , or a publike person here on earth , is sufficiently acknowledged : as also , that as a private man hee neither did , nor attempted any thing contrary to the lawes or customs of the jewes or romans : or if hee had , that the jewes who had a competent measure of animosity against him , would not probably have suffered him to have done it scot-free . from all which it will follow undoubtedly , that this was done by christ , jure zelotarum , by the power that belonged to the zealots , for whom onely the law allowed this liberty . the same is to be said of that attempt of the jewes , joh. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the jewes therefore carried stones again that they might stone him , no legall processe having preceded . the same master selden notes of the servant of the high priest that struck christ , joh. . . whose answer is a seeming argument of it , vers. . if i have spoken well , why smitest thou me ? intimating , that if hee had said any thing amisse , or irreverently of the high priest , hee should not have questioned his striking him : and yet the truth is , the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , beare witnesse of the evill , seems an advertisement , that if christ had offended , it would have better become the servant to have accused and witnessed against him , proceeded legally , then thus , jure zelotarum , to have stricken him . on the same ground was the fact of ananias , act. . . though sitting in the sanhedrin , when he appointed paul to be smitten , though without any just crime also . the like proceedings the scribes were , it seemes , affraid of , luk. . . the people will stone us : which must have been an act of popular zeale , without publike judgement . that saint steven , act. . . was stoned after this manner , is observed by hugo grotius , and certainly upon good reasons ; for although hee were accused of blasphemy , c. . and false witnesses brought to that purpose , yet after that , there was nothing legally past against him through all the seventh chapter , beside his apology for himselfe to the high priest . in the conclusion of which ( no sentence passing against him ) it followes , that the people {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. . which hesychius will help us to render thus , they were very angry , they were madded with fury or zeale against him , and gnashed their teeth ( it seems that flame of zeale produced the same effect in them that the flames of hell are said to doe , mat. . . ) against him , and crying with a loud voice , they stopp'd their eares , and ran with one accord upon him , ( all which , were evidences of a most violent zeale ) and cast him out of the city , and stoned him ; which out of doubt was not now lawfull for the jewes , ( all power of capitall punishment being before this taken from them , joh. . . ) nor before legall condemnation ever lawfull by the common way of proceeding ; no nor after condemnation , to be done thus tumultuously by the people : save onely that by the liberty of zealots it was permitted . so act. . . it befell saint paul , ( god in his providence permitting him to be thus dealt with , by way of retaliation , for his having an hand in stoning saint steven , when barnabas met not with the like adventure ) certaine jewes that came from antioch and iconium having stoned paul , &c. by this judgement onely of zeale , which we now speake of . hither perhaps we may referre that of the jewes , who brought the woman taken in adultery to christ , that she might be stoned ; not desiring , as it appears , that christ should give sentence of death on her by ordinary legall judicature , ( for neither was christ a judge , nor had the jewes now power of capitall punishment ) but by the liberty of zealots , which was thought principally to belong to that case of one taken {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in the very fact , as appeares by the example of phinees . so act. . that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , great cry ( such as was observed in the story of saint steven ) was the beginning of the flaming of zeale , and vers. . it followes , that the chiefe captaine , or tribune , sent souldiers to rescue and defend paul , that hee might not be taken by that party of zealots , who , vers. . had bound themselves under a curse , that they would neither eat nor drink untill they had slain paul ; who sure could not have done so impunè , had it not been thus indulged to them , as zealots . so when james and john demand of christ , whether they should command fire from heaven to descend on a village of the samaritanes , luk. . . this they did by the liberty of zealots , for the legality of their action taking their pattern from the example of elias , and presuming of the power to doe it , because elias had . ( in reference to both which , wee read of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , luk. . . the spirit and power of elias ; that spirit , by which hee was incited to that act of zeale , and that power by which hee could call for fire from heaven ; whereupon it is procopius his expression of elias , that hee was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , accended with divine zeale , or set on fire by it . ) now when christ reprehendeth those disciples , telling them they knew not , i. e. considered not , what spirit they were of , hee advertiseth them that this practice of zealots is not agreeable to the spirit of the gospel , nor generally to the temper which hee came to plant among christians . and having now among the apostles of christ themselves found some footsteps of the jewish zeale , 't will not be amisse to interpose a conjecture , that from the same originall sprung that bloudy fact of peter , cutting off malchus his eare , mat. . . for that this was not lawfull for him to doe , or justifiable by the ordinary rule , may be guest by christs answer of reproofe and vouching the law , ( all they that take the sword , shall perish by the sword ; ) and yet that it was not a fact very enormous among the jewes , or being compared with their avowed practices ( though clearly forbidden by the gospel ) origen and theophylact seem to intimate . origen on mat. . unus eorum qui erant cum jesu nondum manifestè concipiens apud se evangelicam patientiam illam traditam sibi à christo , nec pacem quam dedit discipulis suis , sed secundùm potestatem datam judais per legem de inimicis , extendens manum accipit gladium , &c. one of them that were with jesus , having not yet any full cleare conception of that evangelicall patience delivered them by christ , nor of that peace which hee gave to his disciples , but according to the power given the jewes by the law of enemies , took out his sword , &c. theophylact yet more clearly in mat. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . let us not find fault with peter ; for what hee did , hee did out of zeale , not for himselfe , but for his master : but the lord reducing him to the gospel-discipline , teaches him not to use the sword , though thereby a man should seeme to defend or vindicate god himselfe . and in another place in luk. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the disciples are mov'd with zeale , and draw swords . and in a third place in mark . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , intimating , that peter himselfe counted this fact of his a piece of zeale , for which hee might be commended . thus much was not amisse to produce in behalfe of this conjecture , that what peter did in defence of christ , hee did as a zealot ; and yet to see , christ is so farre from approving it , that it incurres the same reprehension which james and john before had met with ; nay , somewhat a severer , that all might discerne how distant the spirit of zealots was , from that other of disciples ; the judaicall fervour , from the meeknesse of the gospel : though the apostles themselves had not yet perfectly learn't this truth at christs death , nor untill the holy ghost came to teach them all things , and to bring to their remembrance whatsoever hee had in person being present said unto them . a plaine mention of these zealots we find , act. . . where of some of the jewes 't is said , they are all {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , zealots of the law , that were like to be very hot if they saw any thing done to the prejudice of the law : of whom therefore saint paul is advised to beware . so of paul himselfe before his conversion , act. . . 't is said hee was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a zealot of gods , or in gods cause ; and presently it followes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i persecuted to death , &c. for so the zealots were wont to doe . so act. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the zealots of the jewes , or , the jewes inflamed with zeale , ( as the old translation reads it , zelantes , better then the new , invidiâ commoti ) of whom 't is added , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , took unto themselves certain lewd fellowes of the baser sort , and made a tumult , and set all the people in an uprore . of which kind master selden has observed , that simon was one , luk. . . act. . . called by saint luke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , simon the zealot ; but by the other evangelists , saint matthew and saint marke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or ( as schindler and other learned men are bold to mend it ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which we render , the cananite ; but 't is apparent the word is to be fetcht from the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , canna , which signifies , zealot ; not from the name of the place : and so is all one with the greek {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as perfectly the same as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and cephas , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and tabitha , and many the like . and thus farre by scripture light have we past in this disquisition . now what tumults and riots have been wrought by the rude multitude among the jewes , ( or those at least who had no lawfull power in their hand ) under the pretence of the priviledge of zealots , no man can be ignorant , who is not wholly unacquainted with josephus story . for in his relation there is nothing more ordinary , then to find all things disturbed by them , the temple or holy place defiled , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by their prophane feet , to the reproach of god ; chiefe priests removed , and others placed in their roome without all respect of bloud , elected by them either according as they pleased , or else by lot ; ( as it was in the election of one phannias the son of samuel to the high priesthood ) a man , saith josephus , who {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , was not onely unworthy to be high priest , but that did not so much as know what the high priesthood was , such was his rusticity . many passages we find scattered in this authour , in his books of the captivity , and large stories of the seditions , and uprores , and massacres , by two sorts of men among the jewes , the one called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sword-men or cutters ; ( of whom saint luke makes mention , act. . . we render them , murtherers ; and it seemes foure thousand of them got together in a company ) the second {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , zealots ; of whom hee makes relations , especially lib. . c. . where hee saith of them , that they killed many of the chiefe men of the nation , and still when they did so , boasted and bragg'd of themselves , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that they were become the benefactors and preservers , or saviours of the city . and by the timidity and basenesse of the people concurring with their insolence , advanced so farre , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that they took to themselves the election and constitution of the high priests . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and contemning the rules of birth by which the high priests were to succeed , they constituted ignoble obscure men in those places , that by that means they might have some abetters and partners of their villainies . and cap. . hee saith , the name of zealots was of their owne imposing , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as if all that they did ( murthers , sacriledges , profanations , before mentioned ) were by them done in good intentions , and not , as indeed they were , in emulation , and even to the out-stripping and exceeding the worst actions that had bin recorded . thus far josephus . that these zealots were a fourth sect of the jewes , ( added to sadduces , pharisees , essens ) having its originall from judas gaulonita and sadduchus , is the affirmation of bonaventura cornelius bertramus , in the end of his book de polit. jud. a sect , saith hee , judaeis ipsis omnibus perniciosissima , ut quae judaeorum omnium excidium totiusque reip. judaicae prostrationem non modo accelerârit , sed & eam tam miseram & calamitosam effecerit : a sect most sadly pernicious to the jewes themselves ; the destruction of all whom , and the prostration of their whole common-wealth , it did not onely hasten and precipitate , but made it so miserable and calamitous when it came . having proceeded thus farre by way of narration , it may chance to be worth the paines to present unto the reader a conjecture upon the twelfth verse of , the fourth chap. of the epistle of saint peter , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the vulgar latine renders it by words utterly unintelligible : nolite peregrinari in fervore . beza , ne tanquam peregrini exploratione illâ per ignem percellimini : as if {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signified a strangers being stricken or amazed : and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} triall by fire : which whatsoever it may in some other place , it cannot doe here : because here is added {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which is befallen for your triall , which word would be superflous , if {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} noted triall by fire . the more simple and cleare rendring will be to set the words so , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may signifie a combustion , or fire , or burning , ( so both the vulgar and beza , revel. . . render {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} fumum incendii , and the smoke of her burning ) and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may denote these things . . to wonder ( so the greeke scholiast , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) . to be affrighted : ( so tertullian , ne expavescite ) . so as it may be all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to be stricken as with an accident wherewith we are unacquainted . these three senses each , as all of them , may be allowed their places here . now the conjecture is , that by the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the combustion or burning , &c. should be meant , that notable combustion of the zealots before mentioned , ( for indeed the words are of some affinity , the one comming from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fire , the other from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , growing fervently hot or burning . ) the grounds of the conjecture are these ; . because that last fatall day , the destruction of jerusalem is spoken of in that very chap. ver. . as that which for some time had been at hand : for i conceive i can make it plaine by comparing of places of the new test. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the end of all things is ( not the finall period of the world , but ) that destruction of jerusalem or the jewish common-wealth , and of that it is said , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it is , or hath for some time beene at hand , it was not yet comen : but of this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or combustion , that it was then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , already come ; which is directly agreeable to the observation of josephus , and others conversant in the jewish , who affirme that that raving and rioting of , ( and sad civill combustion wrought by ) the zealots , was antecedent and precursory to the finall destruction of the jewes by titus . 't is affirm'd of this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that it was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i. e. among you , in your land , in the midst of you , ( as that phrase frequently signifies in the new test. ) by which is marked out some remarkable thing , which was fallen out among the jewes , as that time when peter wrote ; to which time that the raving of the zealots endured , is apparent by mention of them , act. . . act. . . and that by their stirres these christian jewes of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or the dispersion to whom he writes , had beene first scattered abroad , may be conjectured by act. . . this may suffice for a conjecture , which whether it stand or fall , will not be much concernant to the businesse which occasioned this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . to conclude this historicall uneven discourse , i shall onely annex these few animadversions by way of corollary . . that this law , or power , or custome , or liberty of zealots , was never of force but among the jewes . . that the originall and ground of it among them is to be fetcht from hence , that among that people , god immediately presided , and reserved many things to be manag'd and ruled by his peculiar and extraordinary incitation and impulsion , not by any rule of standing publicke law ; that so that common-wealth might be truly capable of that title which josephus bestowed on it , none of the kinds of humane governments , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the government of god . . that it followes not from hence , that all things which were by the jewes themselves done under pretence of this right , and passed unpunished , were therefore well done ; but onely those which were undertaken by men truly incited by god , ( such as phineez and elias ) for that priviledge is not therefore stil'd zeli privati , of private zeale , because private men by their owne incitation ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as that is opposed to gods ) did what they did ; but because they did it without legall processe , or publike judicature . and though i should be so scepticall , as not to dare peremptorily to affirme , that nothing was well done or justifiable in that kinde , but what they did who were truly and immediately incited to it by god ; yet should i not be so cowardly as to doubt , but that all those jewes were so bound to observe those examples of phineez and ellas , that if they were not immediately incited by god , yet they should not dare to exceed the limits of those patterns commended by god , either in respect of the manner of doing , or matter of the action . in one of which you shall finde all the examples mentioned in the new testament , except that of christ , to have miscarried . and therefore i hope no man will be so unjust to the charitable designe of this paper , so treacherous to his readers , so unkinde to his owne soule , as to borrow from these premises new hints of arguments to susteine a desperate cause by his pretence of zeale ; for that would be to extract rosacre out of treacle , poyson from that which was designed for antidote . and he must withall resolve , that if the practice of christ first mentioned , be his president , he must also prescribe to christs power ; or if any of the other new testament examples ; he must be content to fall under their condemnation , for not one of them that i ever yet heard of , was excused by any . . that this sect of zealots when they thus got together into a body was by the jewes themselves ( among whom the priviledge of zealots was yet in force ) taken for the most unlawfull , yea pernicious and fatall , most eminently destructive to that common-wealth ( as appeares by josephus and bertram ) and that those things which they did under pretence of law and colour of zeale , were violations of law and meere sacriledge . . that all use of this liberty , all imitation of that jewish priviledge of zealots in the old testament , is cleerly interdicted all christians ; first , because the written word is the onely oracle wherein god constantly reveales himselfe to christians now under the new testament , neither are any other incitations to be expected from god , but what in the gospell or new test. the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the administration of the spirit ( as preaching the gospell is call'd ) doth yeild or afford us ; what is more then this , yea , though it come to us from the pulpit , savours of enthusiasmes and seducing spirits ; secondly , because christ hath both by his doctrine and example commended to his disciples all manner of meeknesse ( and saint peter , the meeke and quiet spirit , as most precious in gods sight under the gospell , and this a grace most directly contrary to that spirit of zealots ) yea and hath forbidden all private revenge of injuries ( done not onely to our selves , but god ) referring all to the magistrate ( whom saint paul calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. . . the minister of god to execute wrath , or an executioner for wrath ) and therefore himselfe medled not with the woman taken in adultery ; thirdly , because he interdicted james and john the use of this power , adding a reprehension , and words emphaticall to this purpose , he turned and rebuked them , saying , you know not what spirit you are of ; intimating , the christian spirit to be very distant from that of the zealots among the jewes . i shall adde no more , but my prayer , that as many as have zeale , may have it according to knowledge , and that knowledge , according to the directions of the gospell . of taking up the crosse . many places of the new testament there are that require this duty of a christian , ( of which i thinke i may truly say , that 't is a duty never so much as in kinde required before by god in the old testament , nor by the lawes of nature , or canons of any other religion , and so a peculiar christian duty ) the chiefe places are these , matth. . . if any man will come after me , let him deny himselfe and takeup his crosse , &c. and in the same words in the parallel places , mark . . and luk. . . so againe , to him who desired to be put in a course by christ to inherit eternall life , mark . . . in the close , come , take up the crosse , and follow me . in all these places 't is a duty of plaine command ; yet somewhat farther , mat. . . he that taketh not his crosse and followeth not after me , is not worthy of me : and in luk. . . the words are most punctuall , and of unlimited extent , from whence 't will be hard for any man to obtaine any dispensation , or excuse , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} — whosoever doth not beare his crosse and come after me , cannot be my disciple . no man will be exempted from the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} — and no christian it seemes can be without it ; for that is the meaning of [ my disciple , ] not onely those peculiar twelve of his , and their successours in the ministry , for that relation belongs to them , considered under another notion , as apostles sent out after by christ , answerable to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} among the jewes under the temple , but the disciples are all true followers of christ , all sincere christians , and so the doctrine is most plaine , that whosoever doth not beare ( which as from those other former places appeares , implyes a taking up ) the crosse of christ , cannot be a true christian . now the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , taking up the crosse , will be easily explain'd what it 's full importance extends to , the voluntary embracing of shame , contumely , ( for the crosse was a contumelious death heb. . . ) and consequently all other losse of goods , liberty , &c. and beyond that , paine of body and death it selfe : which are said , to be taken up , not when we bring them unnecessarily upon our owne shoulders , ( for that is to pull the crosse upon us ) but when by the providence of god they are laid , or permitted to lye in our way to christ , or christian obedience , so that we cannot serve christ perfectly , but it must become detriment or dammage to us , then voluntarily to undergoe that detriment , whatever it is , is to take up the crosse ; and patiently and cheerfully to beare it , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to carry or beare the crosse of christ , which is the duty , without which a man cannot be a christian . there is now one thing to be a little more punctually considered , the strict and neere dependance and connexion betwixt christianity and the crosse ; and that from the pleasure and providence of god , and dispensation of things under the gospell , so ordering it generally that we should not serve the lord our god of that that costs us nothing , but that true christian piety should bring endurances and sufferings upon us . thus it is plaine it did to christ our elder brother ; the discharge of the office he had undertaken , brought him to the crosse , and that crosse was the onely way to his consecration to the office of high priest , to which at his resurrection he was inaugurate ; vid. heb. . . it became him , &c. i. e. god {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( not in bringing , but ) bringing , ( or being about that most gratious and mighty designe of bringing ) many sonnes unto glory , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by sufferings to consecrate or inaugurate , ( for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} critically signifies , being the word solemnely used by the septuagint to signifie the legall consecration of the priests under the law ) the captaine of our salvation , that is christ , who {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being so consecrated , became the author of eternall salvation , &c. heb. . . from hence , without more places it would follow , that we christians are to expect our {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( whether consecration to our {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} our dignity of being kings and priests , i. e. christians here ; or consummation and crowning hereafter , as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} also signifies ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . nyss. ) by the same method and means that our captain had his , which is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by sufferings : which course of divine oeconomy is so generall and without exception , ( tim. . . yea , and all that will be godly in this world , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , shall be persecuted ) that heb. . , , . the words are very remarkeable , whom god loveth , he chastneth , and scourgeth every sonne whom he receiveth , if you endure chastning , god dealeth with you as with sonnes , for what sonne is he whom the father chastneth not ? but if you be without chastisement whereof all are partakers , then are you bastards , and not sonnes . words of a large unlimited latitude , which i cannot discerne any way in the world to soften , so as they may be supportable to him , that ( as the psalmist saith ) hath no changes , hath enjoyed an age of an uninterrupted continued prosperity , without ever having the crosse on his shoulders . i confesse i would faine finde out some {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or mollifying distinction , as that of the animus martyris , the preparation to suffer , though god never send occasion , that that might suffice for his qualification , who hath no other , but sure that will not be able to allay or take off the force of [ and chastneth every sonne , &c. ] and if yee be without , not onely if you be not prepared to beare , but if you be without chastisement , then are you bastards , &c. which when it is set downe as an aphorisme of divine observation under the kingdome of christ , an axiome of gods gospell-providence , there will be no safety in disputing or labouring to avoyd the literall importance of it . to that purpose i conceive those words tend rom. . . where to prove the conclusion premised , vers. . that all things tend to the good of them that love god , ( and what those all things are , is specified , vers. . tribulation , distresse , persecution , famine , nakednesse , danger , sword , ) the apostle thus argues : from whom he hath foreknown , i. e , fore-appointed , the lovers of god premised , those he hath also predestin'd to be conformable to the image of his sonne , i. e. in suffering ; and whom hee hath predestined , those he hath also called ; to wit , to that conformity to which he hath predestined them , ( as pet. . . the phrase is used , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for to this ye were called , i. e. to this suffering as christ did , and c. . . ye are thereunto called , that you should inherit {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , blessing ( not as we render it , a blessing ) i. e. that yee should blesse enemies as christ did , and so inherit that exemplary grace of his , which as a grace may as properly be said to be inherited ; thus the context seemes to inforce it [ not rendring evill for evill , but blessing , knowing that you are thereunto called , that you should inherit blessing , &c. i. e. possesse that grace after him , so eminently discernible in him . ] and whom hee hath thus called , he justified and glorified . where the first and second proposition must be acknowledged universall , that all whom he hath foreknowne , all lovers of god , are thus predestined , and all that are predestined , called ( by their very title or profession of christians ) to this conformity with christ in sufferings . adde to these pet. . . if the righteous hardly be saved ; which must be understood by the sense of the hebrew phrase , prov. . . rendred by the . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and here retained by saint peter , and then the sense will be [ and if the righteous be recompenced , i. e. by an hebraisme , punisht in the earth , &c. or more literally to the greeke , if he escape hardly or with difficulty . ] ( as cor. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he shall bee mulcted or suffer losse , but shall escape ) which interpretation the former verse in saint peter , confirmes [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] for it is the season of that act of divine dispensation , viz. of judgements beginning from the house of god , i. e. of gods inflicting judgements of this life ( which are the beginning or first part ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as it followes ) of gods retribution for sinne ) on the godly ] which signifies that the state of the gospell , is that season , though the law was not : and to the same purpose , the verse following also , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. they that suffer according to the will of god , it seemes by all put together , that the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} [ scarcely saved ] is spoken of suffering , and the will or providence of god is that that disposes it so , and so the conclusion from thence is cleare , and universall . the righteous shall be punisht in the earth . 't is true indeed , under the old-testament we finde not any such oeconomy , but promises of a long and happy life , in a temporall canaan to the obedient servants of god , ( though sometimes , god was pleased to interpose some variety in this kind , many troubles of the righteous in davids time ) but under the gospell 't is quite contrary , even those duties which are promised a reward on this earth , as mercifulnesse or almesgiving , are yet to expect the payment of this reward with some mixture ( like homers good cup powred out alwayes with a dash of the bad ) the hundred-fold which such men are promised to receive {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} - in this time , this first inferiour harvest of retributions , though they be secular blessings , houses , and lands , &c. yet must they be with persecutions , mark . . . which particular though neither s. matthew nor s. luke records , yet s. peter ( who had most reason punctually to observe those words of christ , being an answer directed to a question of his proposing , as all the three evangelists acknowledge ) remembred them , and so we finde them in s. markes gospell , which is resolved to have been dictated by saint peter . having thus farre in the passage briefly pointed at this piece of gospel-providence , 't will not be amisse as briefly to guesse at the ends of this divine oeconomy . . to administer occasion of the practice and exercise of many christian duties , and graces , as of patience , meeknesse , waiting on christ , of loving our enemies , of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the non-resisting evill , we render it , or not using any violence against him that molests us , ( rendring [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] of the person , &c. ) which if we have in seed or habit , 't is certainly a great felicity to us , to meet with oportunities to actuate them , both inrespect of the evidencing the sincerity of them to god , to our brethren , to our own soules ; and in respect of that reward , or crowne promised , the great degree of glory , math. . . that is proportioned to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} according to his worke , psal. . . cor. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} according to the nature and number of the acts , or operations of those gifts or graces , as on the other side , a greater portion of the torments of hell is allotted to the more multiplyed acts of wilfull winne . to helpe to mortifie any remainders of sinne in us , which by continued prosperity are ready and apt to take root , and reflourish in us . to assimilate , or make us like to christ , to conforme us to the image of his son , rom. . . that is the image of the crucified saviour , as was said , that he might be the first borne of many brethren , that is , might have a church or family , a multitude of brethren like himselfe , all sufferers as he was . that our sins being punished here , there might remain no arreare to be paid in another world ; having had all our purgatory here , there might remain nothing but heaven hereafter ; which the apostle expresseth cor. . . we are chastned of the lord , that we should not be condemned with the world : to which father abraham referres luke . . lazarus received his evill things in this life time , and now he is comforted . these and such like being the designes of this act of gods gospell-providence ; it is next observable what a character the spirit of god sets upon the crosse , i. e. tribulation or affliction here , that it is the happiest , blessedest estate , the most comfortable joyfull condition that a christian can meete with . this riddle and paradox , or prodigy to carnall reason , is become the most ordinary beaten acknowledged truth in the new testament . 't is the close of the beatitudes , in that institution of christians , the sermon in the mount , matth. . . blessed are they that are persecuted , and vers. . reviled : and the exhortation in this case {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} rejoyce , and be exceeding glad , so luke . . ( which there is some reason to thinke was spoken by christ at another time ) blessed are you when men shall hate you , and separate you , and reproach you , and cast you out , &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rejoyce ye in that day , and leape for joy , &c. saint paul had learnt this , col. . . who now rejoyce in my sufferings , yea , and glory too . cor. . . . . . saint james his exhortation is remarkable in the front of his ep. . . my brethren , count it all joy when ye fall into divers temptations , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all joy ; i. e. the most joyous accident possible , and vers. . blessed is the man that endureth temptation , &c. & cap. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , behold we count them happy , wee render it ; it signifies more ; behold we account them as a kinde of saints in heaven , ( for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} usually signifies ) and aristotle speaking of some heroicall super-humane excellencies , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith he , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) it seemes that of suffering , a most blessed condition . to these adde saint peter , . ep. . . but sanctifie the lord god in your hearts ; where the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is to sanctifie , as that is all one with glorifying , or hallowing , or praising ; a consequent of the generall rule , verse . if ye suffer for righteousnesse sake , happy are yee ; and perfectly opposite to [ being afraid of their terror , and being troubled , ] in the end of that vers . and so is an expression of this duty of praising , thanking , blessing god for our sufferings in this life . so againe , ep. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. . be not frighted or stricken , &c. but rejoyce in as much as you are partakers of christs sufferings , and vers. . if yee be reproached for the name of christ , happy are you , &c. and vers. . if any suffer as a christian ( not as a murtherer , a thiefe , an evill doer , a busie-body in other mens matters , vers. . no great joy or comfort in any of those sufferings ) let him not be ashamed but let him glorifie god on this behalfe , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that it is the season for judgement to begin , or of judgements beginning , at the house of god , as hath beene explained ; 't is seasonable that the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the first part of gods {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; retribution to sinne , that which is in this life , should befall the house of god , christians , and the most obedient of them ; and being so , this is matter of rejoycing , and glorifying god . other places ye will observe easily to the same purpose , let these for the present suffice , to soften this carnall paradox . but now having proceeded thus far in a matter , to him that is conversant in the new testament , so obvious and vulgar , that i shall presume it matter of wonder to him , what should move me to so superfluous and unnecessary an undertaking ; i must now take confidence to proceed to that which arrian cals the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the applying of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} known and granted principles , to particular persons , or cases , or practices . for therein as that excellent philosopher observes , consists the ground and beginning of all strife and difficulty , and difference betwixt men ; no man having any considerable temptation , to keep him from consenting to the truth of a generall proposition sufficiently assert , as long as he appeares not concern'd in it , and yet every man almost having some irreconcileable quarrell to it , when his actions are required to be ruled by it ; hence is it , that the speculative part of knowledge , is farre easier then the practicall ; and as aristotle saith , the mathematicks which are the most abstruse science , are most easie to be learnt by a young man , or a dissolute , of any the most untamed affections , so he have but an ordinary naturall capacity , ( and 't is evident by his organon , that he supposed children to have learnt geometry before they came to logicke ) whereas of the precepts of morality , such are utterly uncapable {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : they can recite them by rote , but beleeve not a word of them . i wish it were now uncharitable to affirme the same , of many that have taken upon them , to be the best , and most reforming christians amongst us ; that it continued still to be but our jealousie , what is now proved our sense , that some of those who have hitherto been admired for our strictest christians , have at length confest themselves farthest from the merit , and true desert of that title , if the doctrine of the crosse which hitherto we have laid down for acknowledged truth , doe not at last prove a fable . the apostle phil. . . tels us even weeping , that there are many walkers , ( i thinke he meanes by that phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , christian professors ) whom judging by their actions , he cannot chuse but call {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( of whom it seemes he had oft admonished them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) enemies of the crosse of christ ; what those were in the apostles time will not be pertinent now to examine , i shall onely with a sad heart ( not desiring to judge my brother , but if it were possible , to direct him to prejudge , or at least examine himselfe , and so either anticipate and prevent , or else prepare himselfe to approach with confidence gods judgement , and withall , to helpe undeceive others whom we finde ductile to some moderne sinnes , much-what upon that dangerous prepossession which the apostle cals having mens persons in admiration ) make these few quaere's , and leave every mans owne soule to answer them . . supposing our grounds layd to be true , i demand whether it be the temper of a true christian , and not rather of an enemy of the crosse of christ , instead of rejoycing , to repine and murmure under the crosse , and evidence that by speaking evill of those powers who have layd it on our shoulders ? . to be more refractary after such sufferings , ( instead of being more meek and more humble ) more violent in matters of indifferency , ( by our own continued practice acknowledged to be so in our account , till after such sufferings our judgements or rather our practice altered ) and more resolv'd not to yeeld obedience in them , then before we thought our selves bound to be . . to plot and project , and to that purpose to hold correspondence with other men , ( whom we conceive already moved with discontents , or our selves have labour'd so to move ) to find out the most probable way of delivering us from the crosse , whatsoever that way be , beside our addresses to god in prayer to remove it , if he see it best for us in all respects . . to make use of any meanes to this purpose , which wee are not assured is administred and offered unto us by god , of which wee can no way possibly be assured , but by the evident goodnesse and justifiablenesse , at least , lawfulnesse in all respects of that meanes which we thus designe to make use of . . to move or stirre the quiet and peace of one or more kingdoms , ( though not principally , yet collaterally , or at all ) in this contemplation , that we shall get the crosse off from our own shoulders , come to a more prosperous condition , yea , though it be but to a more peaceable enjoying of our manner of religion , then hitherto we have attained to . . to venture on , and ( though not primarily to designe , if it may be done without it , yet if it may not , then secondarily and consequently ) to resolve on the shedding of any one mans bloud , which wee know would not otherwise be shed , especially if it proceed further , to the waging or but occasioning of a warre , in which ( whether offensive or defensive on our parts ) it cannot be hoped but a great effusion of christian and protestant bloud will follow . . to attempt or desire the removing of the land-marks , the altering of the government of church and state , the working of any considerable change in either , ( which wee can have no revelation to assure us may not prove authour of some inconvenience which wee fore-see not ) the better to secure our selves or others , that the crosse shall not returne to our shoulders again . . to thinke it just and reasonable ( and our selves injur'd if it be not so ) that wee should have the greater portion of secular dignities for the future , in regard of some former sufferings of ours ; which if it should befall us , would be parallel to that curse , mat. . mercedem habent , they have their reward , in this life . . to endeavour to lay this crosse on other mens shoulders , of which wee have freed our own , whether those other men be such as were not guilty of our former sufferings , but perhaps pitied and mourned , and prayed for us , ( for that were rewarding good with evill ) or whether they be our greatest persecuters , ( for that will be rendring evill for evill ) most perfectly contrary to christs doctrine , mat. . . rom. , , , , . secondly , supposing things to be as now they are in this kingdome , my question is , first , whether we have no great reason to beleeve , that ( the doctrine of the crosse being not so well laid to heart by those who three yeares since conceived themselves the principall schollers in that schoole ) god is now pleased to call another sort of men into that forme , to try whether they will prove better proficients then their predecessours have done . secondly , whether those on whom that lot is now falne , be not most eminently bound to glorifie god in this behalfe , pet. . . thirdly , whether by the experience of other mens failings in this kind , they have not reason to be earnest in prayer to god , and diligent in using and improving all gods directions , for the due christian discharging of so glorious , and withall , so difficult a task ; that when they are proved to the utmost , are brought forth to resist to bloud , they may be found faithfull . fourthly , whether the obtaining of this grace from god be not more highly conducible to every mans owne individuall interests , then the removing of the crosse from us , though wrought most directly , and by meanes administred undoubtedly by god himselfe . fifthly , whether it can become a christian to make use of any meanes which he is not on sure grounds satisfied to be purely and perfectly lawfull ( i. e. agreeable first to the gospel-rule of obedience to christ in every particular , and second to the lawfull commands , of our undoubted superiours , not contradicted by any law or power higher then they ) to get now either totally or in part from this crosse , i. e. from any pressure which in the discharge of a good conscience god shall permit to fall on any of us . when every man in this broken state and church , most sadly militant , of what perswasions soever hee be , hath laid the severall parts of these two quaeries to his heart , and examined himselfe by them , ( which truly i should not have laid thus plainly before him , had i had any other thought or aime , but this one of making it impossible for him to be blinde in judging himselfe ) i shall hope hee will pardon his monitor , and save this paper the labour of proceeding further to beare witnesse against him at any other tribunall then this of his owne conscience . the lord prosper this short discourse to the end to which it is designed . a vindication of christs reprehending saint peter , from the exceptions of master marshall . there is nothing more unjust and uningenuous , then master marshall's dealing about christs reprehension of saint peter's using the sword ; whilst hee labours to answer the objection , which from thence is brought against the use of armes , though but defensive , taken up against a lawfull magistrate . the argument is briefly this : saint peter , in defence of his master ( christ himselfe ) drew his sword , and cut off the eare of malchus , one of the high priests servants , sent by commission from their masters , to apprehend jesus : and our saviour commands him to put up his sword ; adding by way of reason , for they that take the sword ( take it not when 't is put into their hands by god , or the supreme magistrate , or any delegate of his , who hath the power of the sword ; but take it , usurpe it , without legall authority or concession , giving or permitting it to them ) shall perish by the sword . which reason , or backing of christs reprehension , is brought to inferre , that 't is a sinne for any to use the sword against the supreme magistrate , though for defence of christ , or christian religion . to this master marshall's answer is three-fold : . that the speech of christ to peter , is not a reproofe of the sword taken for a just defence ; but of the sword taken for unjust oppression , and a comfort to those who are oppressed with it . for origen , theophylact , titus , euthymius , interpret the meaning to be , that christ doth not rebuke peter for using defensive armes ; but to let peter know , that hee need not snatch gods worke out of his hands ; for god would in time punish those with the sword , that came thus with the sword against him . and that these words are a prophecy of the punishment which the roman sword should exact of the bloudy jewish nation , according with the like expression , revel. . . hee that kills with the sword , must be killed with the sword : here is the patience and faith of the saints ; i. e. this may comfort the saints in their persecutions , that god will take vengeance for them : and for all this , the margine advises the reader to consult grotius de jure belli , l. . c. . n. . this is the place at length in master marshall his letter to a friend , which ( being of some concernment and importance to the present controversie of the times , though not to confirme his cause by this exposition , yet to dispatch one of his speciall adversaries out of the way ) i shall now beg leave to examine ; and of all together , observe these foure things : first , that the ancient writers , vouched by him , are not vouched from his owne reading , but taken upon trust from grotius , as also the observation of the roman sword , and the place in the revelations . secondly , that the interpretation , asserted by him out of them , is not asserted by them . thirdly , that it is not asserted by grotius . fourthly , that grotius , to whom hee owes all this seeming aid to his cause , is the most declared enemy of this whole cause of his , in behalfe of defensive resistance of the magistrate , that hee could possibly have falne on ; and upon occasion of these words of christ to peter , hath said as much against it . if these foure things be made good , i cannot guesse what could be further added , to prove the injustice and uningenuousnesse , i shall adde , the untowardnesse and unluckinesse of this answer . and for the particulars , i shall but require a reader with eyes in his head , and suppose him not possest with a beliefe of an absolute infallibility in master marshall , and then i shall be confident to demonstrate them . for the first , the proofe will be short , if you please but to look on grotius in the place directed to in his annotations on the gospels , pag. . almost verbatim transcribing what hee had before published de jure belli ; you shall in each find every of the particulars mentioned : but for this i would not charge master marshall , i wish hee would alwayes gleane out of so good writers . the onely fault here is , that having borrowed so much from him , and digested it into nourishment of his owne errour , hee did not also take the paines to borrow what was present to be had , a most soveraigne antidote for his owne poyson , meanes of rectifying his mistake : but like the man in gellius , that had eat so much poyson , and therewith so invenom'd his bloud , that hee could poyson the flea that came to bite him : so , hee the grotius , that came to prick and wound ; or , if hee had pleased , to convert , to b●ing him to repentance . for the second , i shall not expect to evince it against so great an authority of master marshall , without transcribing the very words of those writers in this matter . origen upon the place in mat. . tr . . p. . explaines the whole period in these words , ( i shall omit no word that is pertinent to the matter in hand : ) unus eorum qui erant cum jesu , nondum manifestè concipiens apud se evangelicam patientiam illam traditam sibi à christo , nec pacem quam dedit discipulis suis , sed secundùm potestatem datam judaeis per legem de inimicis , extendens manum accepit gladium , &c. peter it seemes had not perfectly learned the doctrine of christian patience , and the peace which christ commended to his disciples , but proceeded according to the jewish law of dealing with enemies . this concludes peter's act contrary to christian patience and peaceablenesse , and so makes him capable of christs reproofe , which master marshall will wholly divert from him , and cast upon the jewes . then hee goes on , mox jesus ad eum , converte gladium in locum suum : est ergo gladii locus aliquis , ex quo non licet excipere eum , qui non vult perire maximè in gladio . ( this clearly of saint peter againe , and not the jewes , that hee must not take the sword out of its place , unlesse hee will be content to perish by the sword : ) pacificos enim vult esse jesus discipulos suos , ut bellicum gladium hunc deponentes , ( o that master marshall would remember this , and after so faire an admonition , put the military sword out of his mouth also . ) alterum pontificium accipiant gladium , quem dicit scriptura gladium spiritûs . simile autem mihi videtur quod dicit , omnes qui accipiunt , &c. i. e. omnes qui non pacifici , sed belli concitatores sunt , in eo bello peribunt quod concitant , &c. et puto quòd omnes tumultuosi & concitatores bellorum , & conturbantes animas hominum , maximè ecclesiarum , accipiunt gladium , in quo & ipsi peribunt . excellent seasonable doctrine for these times , if it might be laid to heart ; but no way excusing saint peter . againe , qui accipiunt gladium , &c. cavere nos convenit , ut ne occasione militiae , vel vindictae propriarum injuriarum ( remember , not for revenge of ones owne injuries ) eximamus gladium , aut ob aliquam occasionem , quam omnem abominatur haec christi doctrina , praecipiens ut impleamus quod scriptum est , cum his qui oderunt pacem , eram pacificus . si ergo cum odientibus pacem debemus esse pacifici , adversus neminem gladio uti debemus . these are the words of origen ; out of which , he that shall inferre that origen conceived the meaning of the scripture to be , that christ did not rebuke peter for using defensive armes against malchus , i shall resolve , he hath gotten the philosophers stone , is alchymist enough to extract fire out of water ; any the most contrary sense out of any words . not so much as one word here of the jewes or the roman sword that should give them their payment ; but all of peter's sword , and the miscarriages of that . and so much for origen . then for theophylact ; hee is also punctuall enough to this purpose : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . let us not find fault with peter , ( make not too much haste master marshall to catch that , till you see the consequents ) for hee did this not for himselfe , but in zeale for his master : herein i shall interpose my conjecture , that theophylact might think peter did this , as a zealot ; as james and john would have destroyed the village of the samaritanes , jure zelotarum : so his words also sound on luke , pag. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : and then though that were unlawfull for a christian , a piece of judaisme out-dated by christ ; yet in peter , as a jew , not perfectly illuminate , or instructed in the christian doctrine , ( as origen before observ'd ) it was not so blameable yet , till after the coming of the holy ghost , who was to bring all things to their remembrance which christ had taught them . and therefore perhaps it is , that , although saint augustine calls this of peter , earnalem amorem ; yet , amorem magistri still . the same authour upon saint marke hath these words , upon this same occasion , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . counting this zeale , as in a jew , rather a commendable thing . if all this be yeelded , yet will it be no justification of the like in a christian ; because now christ hath reformed that law , and checkt that peter , and therefore , the same theophylact goes on ; that though wee should not aggravate peter's fault , nor chide him for it , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ yet christ reformes him , turnes him to the gospel-discipline , and teaches him not to use the sword , though by so doing hee seeme to defend or vindicate god himselfe . could any man have spoken more expresly or prophetically against master marshall his doctrine , then this father doth . ( so likewise in other places upon saint lukes gospel , pag. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ hee confesses peter was chid for his zeale . and on saint john's gospel , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. the lord reprehends peter , and threatning , saith , put up , &c. threatning whom ? sure that person , in theophylact's opinion , to whom hee said , put up : and that sure was peter , not the jewes . ) but to shew you the occasion of master marshall's mistake : it followes indeed in theophylact on matthew , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . insinuat autem , as oecolampadius renders it : christ insinuates that by the romans sword , the jewes that took the sword against him , shall be destroyed . this acknowledged truth , ( that the romans should destroy the jewes , the apprehenders and crucifiers of christ , i. e. that were guilty of crucifying him , ) was , saith hee , insinuated in those words of christ , wherein , as before wee shewed out of theophylact's words , hee reproved saint peter . now wee know that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or insinuating , or intimating , signifies a secundary or allegoricall sense of a scripture , as it is frequent in that authour . speaking of the cutting off malchus his eare , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith hee , hee insinuates , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that the jewes did not heare and obey the scripture , as they should : a meere allegoricall interpretation . so when christ bids him that had no sword , sell his garment and buy one , luk. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. hee speaks aenigmatically ; and tells them by way of insinuation , what warres and dangers should betide them . which insinuated or aenigmaticall sense , though it be acknowledged true , will not evacuate that other literall . for i hope , in master marshall his owne judgement , that 't is lawfull to use a sword in ones owne defence , in time of warre and danger , and that that lawfulnesse is authorized by christ , in those words : which i shall not doubt to acknowledge with him , if it be not against the lawfull magistrate . the product then of theophylact's interpretation will be this ; that by those words , ( for all they that take the sword , shall perish by the sword ) christ reprehends and chides peter for drawing his sword , and using it , as hee did : and withall , insinuates aenigmatically the destruction of the jewes by the romans . which if it be acknowledged true in both senses , 't will no way prejudice us , or serve master marshall , whose cause depends upon rejecting of the former sense , not on asserting the latter : and doth not onely affirme , that it is a reproofe of the sword taken for unjust oppression , but also that it is not a reproofe of the sword taken for just defence : which is absolutely false in theophylact's opinion , if defending of christ be just defence , or chiding be reproving ; or if teaching not to use the sword , though one seeme to defend god himselfe , be rebuking peter for using defensive armes for christ . the short is , though theophylact's interpretation bring the jewes under christs threatning and reprehension , yet doth it no way free peter from the same ; but primarily subjects him to it : the contrary to which is the onely thing would be for master marshall his purpose . 't is true indeed , in his scholia on saint john , hee saith , christ comforted peter , which seemes opposite to rebuking ; but that was not in those words , for they that take the sword , &c. but in those , the cup , &c. ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. ) which saint john immediatly adds , omitting the words of the threatning out of the law . and so much for theophylact also . now that which hath been thus largely set down out of theophylact , will sufficiently cleare this whole businesse , without proceeding to examine what may be found in titus bostrensis , or euthymius , to this purpose . the former of these , in his exposition of saint luke , in the bibliotheca patrum graec. hath not the least word sounding that way , but rather contrary ; interpreting christs command of buying a sword , as a designation onely of the jewes preparation against him , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and that they were about to apprehend him : which ( as theophylact did , so ) hee calls , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the intimation of the sword ; and saith , that therefore christ adds , that the things written of him must be fulfilled . and againe , that if christ would have had his disciples use any humane help at his apprehension , a hundred swords would not have been sufficient , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and if hee would not , even these two would be too many . but all this hee saith upon the passage of the two swords . the truth is , in the exposition of the gospel , hee saith nothing of this reprehension of peter , but passes it over in silence . and for his notes on saint matthew , as also for euthymius his , though , i confesse , that i have them not by me , yet ( besides that i find nothing that way in those excerpta that lucas burgensis hath out of them , who would not probably have omitted the mention of such a rarity , if it were there , ) i thinke i may take upon me at a venture to say , that hee that examines those bookes , shall not possibly meet with more then out of theophylact was cited : these three expositors running generally on the same notions , and all of them for the most part gleaning from chrysostome , ( euthymius being his scholler , titus his profest epitomater ) who i am sure hath nothing in favour 〈◊〉 this exposition . out of him , as the homes of those after-expositors , i shall transcribe these few passages , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in his homil. . on mat. c. . why did hee bid buy a sword ? to give them assurance that hee should be betray'd : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} not that they should be armed on that occasion , ( away with that ) but to signifie his betraying . then , that their having those two weapons at that time , was upon occasion of killing the lambe for the passeover , and the disciples then coming from supper , and hearing that some would come to apprehend him , took them out from thence with them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , meaning to fight for their master ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which was their opinion onely , not christs intention : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wherefore peter is chid for using of it : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and that with a sound threat ; which what can it be , but that about which wee now contend , they that take the sword , & c ? upon the hearing of which words , saith hee , hee straight obeyed , and did so no more . againe , citing the passage in saint luke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , hee chid and threatned the disciples into obedience ; and then sets down the words of the threat , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. for all that take , &c. and yet after all these plaine words of reprehending and threatning peter , in those words ( all they that take the sword , shall perish by it ) hee yet adds , that hee comforted his disciples by two things , first the punishment of the betrayers , applying to that the same speech in a parenthesis ( they that take , &c. ) and that hee suffered not unwillingly . all which together signifie clearly the same that wee found in theophylact , ( and presume the utmost either of titus or euthymius their exposition ) that in that threatning of peter , is intimated also or insinuated aenigmatically a threat of those other sword-men that came out with swords and staves to take jesus : which will not be denyed by any , or disputed of by me , so the other be granted , viz. that peter was here reprehended and threatned ; which is the onely thing we quarrell in mr. marshall . and so much for the second under-taking . now that , in the third place , grotius himselfe who cites these foure ancients , and is here cited by master marshall , de jure belli , l. . c. . n. . doth not in this place , or any other of his writings , assert this interpretation , i shall thus prove : the thing that in that place hee hath in hand is to enquire , whether all use of the sword , for a mans owne defence , be unlawfull under the gospel ? and hee resolves , that in case of one private mans being invaded by another , 't is lawfull by the law of christ , ( not necessary , but lawfull ; a man is onely not obliged to the contrary ) or notwithstanding the prescribed rules of christian patience , to kill another in defence of my owne life . against this , three objections hee mentions out of the new testament , mat. . . rom. . . and the saying of christ to peter , put up thy sword , &c. for all they that take the sword , &c. to those three hee answers : . by opposing some other places of scripture ; that of christ to his followers luk. . . that to buy a sword , they should sell a coat . in which company of his auditors there were , saith hee , at that time none but his disciples ; and although , saith hee , it be a proverbiall speech , signifying the great dangers approaching , yet it referr'd to the ordinary use of swords at that time , for private mens defence in time of danger , not there prohibited by him : applying that of cicero , gladios habere certè non liceret , si uti illis nullo pacto liceret : wee might not be allowed to have swords , if it were in no case lawfull to use them . which still confirmes his point in hand , that in some case , the use of the private sword is lawfull . . hee proceeds to the particular places , saith , in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , there is some exception allowed , that it binds onely in tolerable injuries ; such as the box on the cheeke , &c. there mentioned : in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies not defence , but revenge . then for that of peter , it containes , saith hee , a prohibition of using the sword , but not in case of defence : for hee needed not defend himselfe ; for christ had said , let these goe , joh. . . nor christ , for hee would not be defended , &c. besides , saith hee , peter took up the sword ( in eos qui nomine publicarum potestatum adventabant , quibus an ullo casu resistere liceat , peculiaris est quaestio , infra à nobis peculiariter tractanda ; ) against those that came in the name of the publike powers ; against whom , whether it be lawfull to make resistance in any case , is a peculiar question , to be handled afterward peculiarly . ( and , let me pawne my faith for it , stated negatively . ) as for that which christ adds , all they that take the sword , &c. that is , either a proverb , or ( which is the opinion of origen , theophylact , titus , and euthymius , ) indicat , it shewes or intimates , that wee should not snatch revenge out of gods hands : and to this applies the place in the revel. a place in tertull. adeò idoneus patientiae sequester deus , &c. and adds , simúlque his christi verbis vaticinium videtur inesse de poenis , quas à sanguinariis judaeis erat exacturus gladius romanus : and also in the words there seemes to be included a prophecy of the punishment , that the romane sword should exact of the bloudy jewes . from all which put together , this will be the utmost that master marshall can conclude , that grotius conceived , that the speech of christ to peter prohibited not all use of the sword , for private defence ; ( no man saith it did ; or that all such defence is unlawfull ; our case is onely of resisting magistrates ) that origen , theophylact , &c. owned an exposition of it , that thereby wee should be taught , not to take gods office of revenging out of his hand ; ( which wee also make a speciall part of the importance of that speech , both there , and in the revel. and so a plaine check of peter , who did take it ; ) and that withall in these words a prophecy seems to be implied , of the revenge of christs death , wrought by titus upon the jewes ; ( and wee can acknowledge the scripture so rich a mine of variety , that it may have this propheticke sense also : though by the way , grotius cites not this out of those foure writers , ( nor could hee , for in origen we find it not ) but as from himselfe , simúlque vaticinium videtur inesse , &c. but for the literall sense , that peter should not be rebuked by christ , for using defensive armes against the magistrate , ( when with the use of those , the leaving vengeance to god is utterly unreconcileable ) and christians conceive themselves bound not to use those armes against the magistrate , for this very cause , because hee is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , punishable , revengeable by god alone : ) and yet be rebuked for snatching gods work out of his hand : or that these words should not belong in the prime sense to peters fact , as well as in a secundary propheticall seeming one to the jewes , there is not any appearances of sound of any word in grotius there , or in any other place in that book , or his large annotations on the gospels : which if master marshall had read with his own eyes , hee would confesse with me . and so much for his citation of grotius . now , in the last place , for the opinion of this learned man grotius , ( an excellent casuist , exactly distinguishing the severall obligations of nature , of moses , and of christ ; a protestant , and , if an arminian , farre from deserving that part of the censure which master cheynel layes on such , of being as lawlesse as that faction at munster , whose law it was , magistratibus ac principibus nullus subjiciatur ) in the businesse of taking up armes against a king for just defence , i shall referre you to his first book de jure belli , & cap. . ( not that i can hope you will be moved with his authority , when hee appeares against you , that is not the manner of men now-a-dayes , to be content to be tried by your owne witnesses ; but for the satisfaction to conscience , which this authours reasons and perspicuity will yeeld any christian reader ) the very place whereto hee referr'd the reader even now for his resolution in that point ; and the state of this question being set ( an aut privatis aut publicis personis bellum gerere liceat in eos , quorum imperio subsunt ; ) whether any private or publike persons may lawfully wage warre against them , under whose command they are ; hee defines , that by the very law of nature ( so much now talkt of ) 't is not lawfull . . that by the law of the jewes it was not allowed . . that it was lesse allowed , but become more unlawfull by the evangelicall law , rom. . . & pet. . , &c. and practice of ancient christians . . confutes the opinion of those that affirme it lawfull , for inferiour magistrates to wage warreagainst the supreme , by reasons and scriptures . . proposes the case of extreme and inevitable necessity , when the king goes to take away a mans life unjustly : and ( whatsoever might from nature or practice of the jewes , as of david , or of the macchabees , be brought to assert resistance in this case ) hee defines from the christian law , ( which commands so oft to take up the crosse ) an exacter degree of patience ; and particularly , when for religion our superiours goe about to kill us , though hee will allow flight to some sort of men , yet to no man more then flight ; but rather rejoycing when wee suffer as christians . this , saith hee , was the course that brought christian religion to such an height in the world : and resolves it the greatest injury that can be done to the ancient christians , to say , that it was want of strength , not of inclinations that way , that they defended not themselves in time of most certaine danger of death . tertullian , saith hee , had been imprudent and impudent , if in a writing presented to the emperours ( who could not be ignorant of the truth ) hee had dared to lye so confidently , when hee saith , non deesset nobis vis numerorum , &c. most admirable passages out of ancient writers hee there cites , for a leafe together to the same purpose , of dying for the truth of religion ; and never defending themselves by arms , against the illegall will of the lawfull magistrates . ( i beseech master marshall to send to the shop and read the passages , and consider how farre hee hath departed from the primitivenesse , and christianity of those examples . ) and to conclude , though grotius ( according to his manner ; which is to say all that can be wisht in any subject ) mentions some cases wherein a king may be resisted , yet if you read them , you will find little joy in any of them : as in case a king shall abdicate his kingdome , and manifestly relinquish his power , then hee turnes private man , and so may be dealt with as any other such . and some other the like . well , i have said enough of grotius in the businesse , and should adde no more ; but , i remember , i promised to shew that on occasion of these words of christ to saint peter , hee hath as much against the exposition pretended to be his , and the whole doctrine of resistance , as the kings friends could desire ; and that is in his annotations on the place , mat. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. neque vero ad petrum tantùm admonitio ista pertinet , sed & ad christianos omnes , qui à publicis potestatibus ad poenam expetuntur ob pietatis professionem : the admonition belongs not to peter onely , but to all christians , when they are called by the magistrate to suffer for the profession of piety : and sets the rule in that case , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to commit our soules to god , to expend our lives in his cause that gave us them ; alledging to this purpose , what this peter had learned from this master , pet. . , . and answering the common frivolous objection , fetch from the law of naturall defence , or selfe-preservation , shewing the difference between the use of that liberty against theeves , &c. ( against which the lawes and magistrates give us the liberty ) and against the commands of the supreme magistrate ; whom if in any case of injury , &c. private men may have permission to resist , or repell force with force , omnia erunt tumultuum plena ; nulla legum , nulla judiciorum authoritas : the perfect image of our kingdom at this time , when the words are englished , as god knowes the sense is : and then hee concludes with the case of religion , wherein there is no place of resisting the higher powers , be their violence never so unjust . i have undoubtedly made good my foure under-takings in this businesse ; and shall beseech master marshall hereafter to write more cautiously , lest hee provoke men to put him and the world in mind of other unjustifiable passages in his writings ; to tell him of ( that which in meere charity to him i desire hee should know men doe take notice of ) his dealing in a sermon of his , about josiah's reformation , preacht before the house of commons long since : and of the applying of the curse that fell on the inhabitants of meroz , judg. . ( for not helping their soveraigne , namely deborah , against a forraigne enemy , jabin ) to those that will not joyne with himselfe against his soveraigne , and his cavaleirs ; i. e. those forces raised by him . i wish heartily that master marshall , having gotten so much authority as to be the augustine , the truly polemicall divine of our times , would be so charitable to his disciples , as to imitate him , in retracting so many of his misadventures , as hee cannot chuse but know to be such ; and not to impose too intolerably on their credulity : or so tender of his owne reputation , as to acknowledge those himselfe , which every man that hath eyes doth discerne in his books ; and would , were it not for meere pity , and the duty of loving enemies , give a large account of . but i must remember , that master marshall adds two appearances of answer more to that allegation from christ to saint peter ; a word or two of those . secondly , saith hee , supposing it was a reproofe of peters using the sword , then the plaine meaning is to condemne peters rashnesse , who drew his sword , and never staid to know his masters mind whether hee should strike or not ; and so reproves those who rashly , unlawfully , or doubtingly use the sword . but , i pray sir , are those the words of christ , they onely that take the sword without asking , or knowing my mind , shall perish , &c. or have we any reason to think , that christ would have then dispensed with a known law if hee had answered him , and not rather have referred him to be regulated by it , as you see hee doth , for all that take , &c. . to see the unluckinesse of it againe , the text luk. . . saith expresly , that they did ask him , said unto him , lord , shall wee smite with the sword ? so that the question was aske before hee smote : and sure , if it had been christs pleasure they should smite , one syllable would have exprest it , and justified them ; and that might have intervened before his striking : and that it did not intervene , is no argument of the lawfulnesse of that striking in him , or the like in us ; especially when so sharp a reprehension immediately followes . . i shall grant the meaning is to condemne peter's rashnesse , in doing a thing so unlawfull , without any commission ; especially , when it was denyed by christ upon asking ; but not that the matter of the fact was perfectly justifiable , if abstracted from that rashnesse : or that now christs judgement being declared by his answer to him , it should be more justifiable in us , who have his example for our document . . i shall aske master marshall , whether hee hath asked and received knowledge of his masters mind or no ? hee must not meane any of his great earthly masters , ( that joyne with him in the warre against the supreme ; for sure , if such tell us wee may , or be so minded , that doth not prove that 't is lawfull ; for then i must aske them what master they asked ? and so , if they have none , conclude them in the number of the rash smiters ; ) but christ , ( for sure hee was peter's master ) or some taught by him in his word , who may give him assurance of the mind of christ : and if this be produc'd wee will be his disciples also . for , for his supreme master on earth , the meer-humane christ , the lords anoynted , i beleeve hee meanes not that hee should be asked , whether hee may be , and should be resisted ? and as little reason is there for us to be satisfied by being told by any others inferiour to him , ( especially by the chiefe resisters ) that wee may lawfully resist . . master marshall adds a consideration , that now was the houre come of christs suffering , and not of his apostles fighting , wherein christ would not be rescued , no not by twelve legions of angels , much lesse then by the sword of man : therefore hee saith to peter , put up , &c. but intended not , that it should alwayes be unlawfull for his people to use the sword in their just defence against unjust violence ; for then hee would never have commanded them but a little before , that hee that hath two coats , let him sell one and buy a sword . to this i answer , . that christ might suffer , though peter did resist ; as wee know hee did ; and consequently , the houre of his suffering being come , could not make it in him a crime to resist , if otherwise it were not : it might make christ refuse the help of his sword , but not produce the text proper to man-slayers against him , unlesse the fact in it selfe were of that nature . . this patient manner of christs suffering , and prohibiting resistance in his just defence , though it were then peculiar , and by decree necessary to christ ; yet is it since become matter of example , and necessary imitation to us , by force of that observation past upon it by saint peter , and entred into the canon of our scripture , pet. . . christ suffered for us , leaving us an example that wee should follow his steps , &c. and this used as an argument to enforce on us that duty , vers. . of being subject not onely to good and gentle , but also to froward masters . so that now , thirdly , though that checke had been peculiar to saint peter's act , clothed with those circumstances , of being done when 't was christs houre of suffering ; yet it will be obliging to us also , who are hereunto called , vers. . to suffer as patiently as christ did . but then fourthly , wee conclude not from any or all of this , that it should be alwayes unlawfull for christians to use the sword in their just defence : nor indeed , that it was unlawfull then ; kings may and might subdue by the sword their rebellious subjects : and private men might defend themselves from private invaders , and besides the proverbiall meaning of that speech ( of selling a coat and buying a sword , whereby , say the fathers , hee foretold them the dangers impendent over their heads , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} chrys. and advised them to provide for their owne security ) i shall not doubt to acknowledge that this liberty of private defensive resistance is authorized by that same scripture : but the resisting of the magistrate by the subject , is the thing that from christs words to peter wee undertake to shew unlawfull , and not any other resistance ; and that the swords were appointed by christ to be bought to that purpose , is not attempted to be proved by master marshall ; and to suppose it without proofe , is to affirme , that no man could invade , or be fit to be killed , but magistrates . the truth is , here is some art used , either by master marshall , or some other artificer ( interest , prejudice , or the like ) by master marshall to deceive the reader ; or by that other to deceive the composer , by using the phrase of just defence against unjust violence , ( which every man grants lawfull among private men ) and concluding that not to be made unlawfull by this text , ( which we doe not affirm , ) whereas all the dispute is , of resisting ( not simply any man , but peculiarly ) the magistrate ( and those that come with authority from him , ) which wee doe affirme to be the very thing exemplified and rebuked in this text , and so still stands ( by that reprehension of christ ) forbidden to us , in despight of master marshall's evasions . 't will be now matter of wonder to any , that all this paper should be spent in defence of this one argument , so briefly confuted and dispatcht by master marshall ; but i shall answer that wonder too : first , that at the entring on this examination of those few , the necessity of this length of words was not fore-seen . secondly , that though the escaping the force of this place would not be matter of triumph to master marshall , because there be other places of the new testament produced by his adversaries , yet unanswered , and one is enough to establish a christian truth ; yet the vindicating and clearing of this one from all exceptions , is the absolute carrying the cause against him by that one : and therefore if this may be compassed , ( which i am confident is by this discourse ) wee may spare all further travell in this business ; and command the subjects sword taken out ( though upon supposition of just defence , how unjustly soever that be pretended ) against the lawfull magistrate , to returne to its sheath againe . i wish to god it would obey the command . tu verò discipuli & amorem pium & humilitatem considera : alterum enim ex diligendi fervore ; alterum ex obedientiâ fecerat . nam cùm audisset , mitte gladium tuum in vaginam , statim obtemperavit , & nusquam postea istud fecit . titus bostr. in matth. non se sed magistrum est ultus , praeterea nondum perfectae & consummatae virtutis erat . quod si vis petri sapientiam intelligere , videbis posteà caesu● & sexcentas injurias passum , nullis malis , nullis calamitatibus pertur●●●● 〈◊〉 omnia tolerantem . euthym. in johan . ille utitur gladio , qui nullâ superiori ac legitimâ potestate vel jubente vel concedente , in sangninem alicujus armatur . nam utique dominus jusserat , ut ferrum discipuli ejus ferrent , sed non jusserat ut ferirent . quod ergo incongruum , si petrus post hoc peccatum factus est pastor ecclesiae : sicut moyses post percussum aegyptium factus est rector istius synagogae ? uterque enim non detestabili immanitate , sed emendabili animositate justitiae regulam excessit , uterque odio improbitatis alienae ; sed ille fraterno , iste dominico , licèt adhuc carnali , tamen amore peccavit . aug. lib. . cont. faust . man. cap. . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * the fo●… of this ●lace of christ to st. peter , see m. m hath labour'd to delude , an● therefore 〈◊〉 have labour'd to vindicate in anoth●● discourse hereto appendant , to which i referre the reader . of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes for div a e- {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes for div a e- vid. suprà pag. . what if a man should construe this ( not o●… occasion of the militi● in matth●… p. . ●…f socin. ●… . in luk. p. . persecvtion inconsistant with christianity, humane society, and the honor of princes from the testimonies of themselves, and approved authors, and martyrs, herein impartially collected : whereunto is added certain solid reasons why no outward force, nor imposition ought to be used in matters of faith, &c. / by those faithfull witnesses who died under suffering for the testimony of jesus, viz: richard hubberthorn, samuel fisher, francis howgill. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) persecvtion inconsistant with christianity, humane society, and the honor of princes from the testimonies of themselves, and approved authors, and martyrs, herein impartially collected : whereunto is added certain solid reasons why no outward force, nor imposition ought to be used in matters of faith, &c. / by those faithfull witnesses who died under suffering for the testimony of jesus, viz: richard hubberthorn, samuel fisher, francis howgill. crook, john, - . hubberthorn, richard, - . fisher, samuel, - . howgill, francis, - . the third edition. [ ], , [ ] p. s.n.], [london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. errata: p. [ ] at end. reasons for libery of conscience [p. - ] originally published, , with title: liberty of conscience asserted and several reasons rendred why no outward force nor imposition ought to be used in matters of faith and religion, written by j. crook, s. fisher, f. howgill & r. huberthorn. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion persecvtion inconsistant with christianity , humane society , and the honour of princes . from the testimonies of themselves , and approved authors , and martyrs , herein impartially collected . whereto is added certain solid reasons why no outward force , nor imposition ought to be used in matters of faith , &c. by those faithfull witnesses who died under suffering for the testimony of iesus : viz. richard hubberthorn . sumuel fisher. francis howgill . this being the third edition of the said reasons . now i say unto you , refrain from these men , and let them alone ; for if this counsel , or this work be of men , it will come to nought ; but if it be of god , you cannot overthrow it , lest happily ye be found fighters against god. acts . , . printed in the year , . the contents . king charles the second , his promises and declaration for the liberty of tender consciences . . some remarkable collections out of doctor tayer , chaplain in ordinary to his late majesty ( so stiled ) his book , entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a discourse of the liberty of prophesying shewing the unreasonableness of prescribing to other mens faith ; and the iniquity of persecuting different opinions . . instances out of divers authors , treating on the same subject ; by william caton deceased . . several reasons rendred , why no outward force nor imposition ought to be used in matters of faith and religion , by r. h. s. f. and f. h. . several saying collected from the speeches and writings of king james , and king charles the first . persecution inconsistant with christianity , humane society , and the honour of princes . sect . i. king charles the second , his promises and declarations for the liberty of tender consciences . in the kings letter from bredah , that was sent to the house of peers , and read in the house , may the st . . and which letter was ordered by the lords in parliament assembled , that it should be forthwith printed and published for the service of the house , and satisfaction of the kingdoms ; it is said in the book of collections of the kings speeches , page , and . and because the passion and uncharitableness of the times have produced several opinions in religion , by which men are engaged in parties and animosities against each other ; which when they shall hereafter unite in a freedom of conversation , will be composed , or better understood . we do declare a liberty to tender consciences , and that no man shall be disquieted or called in question for differences in opinion in matters of religion , which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom ; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act of parliament , as upon mature deliberation , shall be offered to us for the full granting that indulgence . and in the kings declaration , concering ecclesiastical affairs , which was dated october the th , . it is said , in a word we do again renew what we have formerly said , in our declaration from bredah , for the liberty of tender consciences , that no man shall be disquieted , or called in question for differences of opinion in matters of religion , which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom ; and if any have been disturbed in that kind , since our arival here , it hath not proceeded from any direction of ours . and it is said , we do in the first place declare , our purpose and resolution is , and shall be , to promote the power of godlines , and to encourage the exercise of religion , both in publique and private . and in the same declaration it is said , our present consideration and work is , to gratifie the private consciences of those who are grieved with the use of some ceremonies , by indulging to , and dispensing with the omitting these ceremonies . in the kings speech to both houses of parliament , the th of july , . it is to put my self in mind , as well as you , that i so often ( i think so often as i come to you ) mention to you my declaration from bredah ; and let me put you in mind of another declaration , published by your selves about the same time , and which i am perswaded made mine the more effectual ; an honest , generous , and christian declaration , signed by the most eminent persons , who had been the most eminent sufferers ; in which you renounced all former animosities , and memory of former vnkindnesses . and my lords and gentlemen , let it be in no mans power to chargeme , or you , with the breach of our words or promises , which can never be a good ingredient to our future security . and in the chancellors speech to both houses , may the th , . it is said , he told you , but now ( meaning the king ) that he vallued himself much , upon keeping his word , upon performing all that he promiseth to his people . and also in the kings discourse with richard hubberthorn , soon after he arrived in england , he said , well , of this you may be assured , that you shall none of you suffer for your opinions or religion , so long as you live peaceably , and you have the word of a king for it ; and i also have given forth a declaration to the same purpose , that none shall wrong you , or abuse you . and further in the kings declaration , dated decem. . . wherein he declares , first , his wonderful restoration without the least blood-shed by the military sword. and he expresseth his clemency , or the clemency of his nature . and he vindicates himself from divers suggestions , of disaffected persons , particularly from that , of intending to subject persons and estates to revenge or spoil , &c. and from intending to introduce a miliary or arbitrary way of government . also he expresseth these words , as a malicious scandal ( viz. ) that having made use of such solemn promises from bredah , and in several declarations since , of ease and liberty to tender consciences , instead of performing any part of them , we have added streighter fetters then ever . and further adds , viz. we find it as artificially , as maliciously divulged throughout the whole kingdom , that at the same time we deny a fitting liberty to those other sects of our subjects , whose consciences will not allow them to conform to the religion ectablished ; we are highly indulgent to papists , even to such a degree of countenance as may even endanger the protestant religion . these , and such like , in the said declaration are related as venemous insinuations , most false and malicious scandals , wicked and malicious suggestions , and the fomenters of them , as the most dangerous enemies of his crown and of the peace and happiness of the nation . and these words are further added , ( viz. ) it having been alwayes a constant profession of ours , that we do , and shall ever think our royal dignity and greatness much more happily and securely founded on our own clemency , and our subjects loves , then in their fears and our power . to give our people a testimony of our founding all our security , rather in their affections , then in any military power ; the sole strength and security , we shall ever confide in , shall be the hearts and affections of our subjects indeared and confirmed to us by our gratious and steady manner of government , according to the antient known laws of the land , there being not any one of our subjects , who doth more from his heart abhor ( then we our selves ) all sorts of military and arbitrary rule . as concerning the non performance of our promises ; we remember well the very words of those from bredah , ( viz. ) we do declare a liberty to tender consciences , and that no man shall be disquieted , or called in question for differences of opinion in matters of religion , which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom ; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act of parliament , as upon mature deliberation shall be offered to us , for the full granting that indulgence . we remember well the confirmations , we have made of them since upon several occasions in parliament ; and as all these things are still fresh in our memory , so are we still firm in the resolution of performing them to the full . we do conceive our selves so far engaged , both in honour , and in what we owe to the peace of our dominions , which we profess we can never think secure , whilst there shall be a colour left to the disaffected , to inflame the minds of so many multitudes , upon the scores of consciences , with dispair of ever obtaining any effect of our promises for their ease . such an act , as in pursuance of our promises the wisdom of our parliament shall think fit to offer unto us for the ease of tender consciences . we profess it would be grievous unto us to consent , to the putting any of our subjects to death for their opinions in matter of religion only . our expressing according to christian charity , our dislike of blood-shed for religion only . our parliament is an assembly so eminent in their loyalty and their zeal , for the peace and prosperity of our kingdomes — can no wayes be doubted in the performance of all our promises , and to the effecting all those gracious intentions , which god knows our heart is full of , for the plenty , prosperity , and universal satisfaction of the nation . we think to give them the most important marks of our care : first , in punishing by severe laws that licentiousness and impiety , which we find to our great grief , hath overspread the nation . and lastly so to improve the good consequence — to the advancement of trade , that all our subject finding the advantage — in that prime foundation of plenty , they may all , with minds happily composed by our clemency and indulgence ( instead of taking up thoughts of deserting their professions ) apply themselves comfortably , and with redoubled industry to their several vocations , &c. also in the votes and advice of the house of commons , febr. . . upon reading the kings declaration and speech , are these words , ( viz. ) and our hearts are further enlarged in these returns of thanks-giving when we consider your majesties most princely , and heroick professions of relying upon the affections of your people , and abhoring all sorts of military and arbitrary rule , &c. sect . ii. here follows some remarkable observations , collected out of a book , entituled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a discourse of the liberty of prophesying ; shewing the unreasonableness of prescribing to other mens faith , and the iniquity of persecuting different opinions ; by ier. tayler d. d. ( so stiled ) chaplin in ordinary to his late majesty . in his epistle dedicatory are these words : viz. as contrary as cruelty is to mercy , as tyranny to charity ; so is war and bloodshed to the meekness and gentleness of christian religion . and further speaks , to dispute men into mercies , compliances and tollerations mutual ; and further adds . i designed a discourse to this purpose , with as much greediness , as if i had thought it possible with my arguments to have perswaded the rough and hard handed souldiers to have disbanded presently ; for i had often thought of the prophesie , that in the gospel , our swords should be turned into plow-shares , and our spears into pruning-hooks . i thought it my duty to plead for peace and charity , and forgiveness , and permissions mutual . although we must contend earnestly for the faith , yet this contention must be with arms fit for the christian warfare , the sword of the spirit , the shield of faith , &c. but not with other arms ; for a church-man must not be a striker , for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal , but spiritual . i being most of all troubled , that men should be persecuted , and afflicted , for disagreeing in such opinions , which they cannot with sufficient grounds obtrude upon others necessarily , because they cannot propound them infallibly . considerations ( are to be had ) to the persons of men , and to the laws of charity more then to the trimmphing in any opinion , &c. if the persons be christians in their life , and christians in their profession ; if they acknowledge the eternal son of god for their master , and the lord , and live in all relations as becomes persons making such professions , why then should i hate such persons whom god loves , and who love god , who are partakers of christ , and christ hath a title to them , who dwell in christ , and christ in them , because their understandings have not been brought up like mine , have not had the same masters , they have not met with the same books — have not the same opinions that i have , and do not determine their school questions to the same sence of my sect or interest ? and whatsoever is against the foundation of faith or contrary to good life — or distructive to humane society — is out of the limits of my question , and doth not pretend to compliance or tolleration . the fault i find and seek to remedy is , that men are so dogmatical and resolute in their opinions , and impatient of others disagreeing in those things wherein is no sufficient means of union and determination , but that men should let opinions and problems not be obtruded as actions , nor questions in the vast collection of the systeme of divinity be adopted into the family of faith. . it s hard to say , that he who would not have men put to death or punished corporally for such things , for which no humane authority is sufficient for cognizance , or determination , or competent for infliction ; that he perswades to an indifferency when he refers to another judicatory , which is competent , sufficient , infallable , just , and highly severe — for god alone must be judge of these matters , who alone is master of our souls , and hath the dominion over humane understanding — god alone is judge of erring persons . i earnestly contend , that another mans opinion shall be no rule to mine , and that my opinion shall be no snare and prejudice to my self ; that men use one another so charitably , that no error or violence tempt men to hypocrisie , this very thing being one of the arguments i used to perswade permissions , lest compulsion introduce hypocrisie , and make sincerity troublesom , &c. from the dictates of holy scripture , it is observable , that this , with its appendant degrees , i mean , restraint of prophesying , imposing upon other mens understandings , being masters of their consciences , and lording it over their faith , came in with the retinue and train of antichrist , as other abuses and corruptions of the church did , by reason of the iniquity of the times , and the cooling of the first heats of christianity , and the encrease of interest , and the abatements of christian simplicity , when the churches fortune grew better , and her sons grew worse , and some of her fathers worst of all : for in the first three hundred years there was no sign of persecuting any man for his opinion , though at that time there were very horrid opinions commenced — and they who used all means — christian and spiritual , for their disimprovement and convi●tion , thought not of using corporal force — and therefore i 〈◊〉 not only urge their not doing it , as an argument of the unlawfulness of such proceeding , but their defying it , and speaking against such practises as unreasonable , and destructive to christianity , for so tertullian is express , humani juris & naturalis potestatis uni cuique quod putaverit colere , sed nec religionis est cogere religionem quae suscipi debet sponte non vi : it s of humane right and natural power for every one to worship what he thinks ; but neither is it the part of religion to compel religion , which ought to be undertaken of its own accord . the same is the doctrine of cyprian , lactantius , hillary , minutius , faelix , sulpitius , severus , chrisostom , hierom , austin , damascen , theophilact , socrates scholasticus , and bernard . all wise princes till they were over-born with faction , and solicited by peevish persons , gave tolleration to differing sects — but at first there were some heretical persons , that were so impatient , they were the men that first intreated the emperor to persecute the catholicks : but till four hundred years after christ , no catholick persons , or very few , did provoke the secular arm , or implore its aid against the hereticks ; save only that arrius behaved himself so seditiously and tumultuarily , that the nicene fathers procured a temporary decree for his relegation ; but it was soon taken off , and god left to be his judge . but as the ages grew worse , so men grew more cruel and unchristian ; and in the greek church atticus and nestorius of constantinople , theodocius of synoda , and some few others , who had forgotten the mercies of their great master , and their own duty , grew implacable , and furious , and impatient of contradiction . it was a bold and arrogant speech which nestorius made in his sermon before theodotius the younger ; da mihi , o emperator , terram ab haereticis repugnatum & ego tibi vicissim ca●lum dabo ; disperde mecum haereticos , & ego tecum disperdam pers●s ; which is in english , o emperor , give to me the land purged from hereticks ; and i , instead thereof , will give thee heaven : destroy me the hereticks , and i will destroy with thee the persians : it was as groundless , as unwarrantable , as it was bloody and inhumane . and we see the contrary events prove truer ; for theodosius and valentinian were prosperous princes , and have the reputation of great piety ; but they were so far from doing what nestorius had suggested , that they restrained him from his violence and immanity ; and theodosius did highly commend b. proclus , for his sweetness of deportment towards erring persons , far above the cruelty of his predecessor atticus . and the experience which christendom hath had in this last age , is argument enough ▪ that tolleration of differing opinions is so far from disturbing the publick peace , or destroying the interest of princes , and common-wealths , that it doth advant●ge the publick , it secures the peace , because there is not so much as the pretence of religion left to such persons to contend for , it being already indulged to them . when france fought against the hugonots , the spilling of their own blood was argument enough of the imprudence of that way of promoting religion ; but since she hath given permission to them , &c. the great instance is in the differing temper , government , and success which margaret of parma , and the duke of alva had ; the clemency of the first had almost distinguished the flame ; but when she was removed , d. alva succeeded , and mannaged the matter of religion with fire and sword , he made the flame so great , that his religion , and his prince too , had both been almost turned out of the countrey ; pelli●e medio sapientiam quoties vi res agitur , said ennius , [ wisdom is driven out , when the matter is acted by force . ] [ and therefore the best of men , and most glorious of princes , were alwayes ready to give tolleration . ] esebeus in his second book of the life of constantine , reports these words of the emperor , parem cum fidelibus ij qui errant pacis , & quiet is fruitionem gaudentes accipiant : ipsa si quidem communicationis & societatis restitutio ad rectam etiam veritatis viam perducere potest ; nemo cuiquam molestis sit , quisque quod animo destinat hoc etiam faciat ; let them which err with joy receive the like fruition of peace and quietness with the faithfull , sith the restoring of communication and society may bring them into the right way of truth : let none give molestation to any ; let every one do as he determines in his mind . and indeed there is great reason for princes to give tolleration to disagreeing persons , whose opinions cannot by fair means be altered ; for if the persons be confident , they will serve god according to their perswasions ; and if they be publickly prohibited , they will privately convene , and then all those inconveniences , and mischiefs , which are arguments against the permission of conventicles , are arguments for the publick permissions of differing religions , &c. — they being restrained , and made miserable , indears the discontented persons mutuall , and makes more hearty and dangerous confederations . king iames in his letters to the states of the vnited-provinces , dated mar. . . thus wrot — ita ut prohibeatis ministros vestros ne eas disputationes in suggestum aut ad plebem feran●s , ac districte imperetis ut pacem colant se in vicem tolerando in ista opinionum ac sententiarum discrepantia — so that you may sorbid your ministers , that they bring not those disputations into the pulpit , or to the people , and strickly command , that they embrace peace among themselves , by tollerating in that difference of opinions , and iudgments . the counsel like in the divisions of germany , at the first reformation , was thought reasonable by the emperor ferdinand , and his excellent son maximilian ; for they had observed , that violence did exasperate , was unblest , unsuccesfull , and unreasonable ; and therefore they made decrees of tolleration . and the duke of savoy repenting of his war , undertaken for religion against the peidmontans , promised them toleration ; and was as good as his word — as much is done by the nobility of polonia : so that the best princes and the best bishops gave toleration and impunities ( but it is known , that the first persecution of disagreeing persons was by the arrians , by circumcellians , and donatists , and from them they of the church took example , &c. ) and among the greeks it became a publick and authorized practise , till the question of images grew hot and high ; for then the worshippers of images , having taken their example from the empress irene , who put her sons eyes out for making an edict against images , began to be as cruel , as they were deceived , especially , being encouraged by the pope of rome , who then blew the coales to some purpose . i may upon this occasion give account of this affair in the church of rome . it is remarkable that till the time of iustinian the emperor , a. d. . the catholicks and novatians had churches indifferently permitted even in rome it self , but the bishops of rome , whose interest was much concerned in it , spoke much against it , and laboured the eradication of the novatians ; and at last when they got power into their hands they served them accordingly ; but it is observed by socrates that when the first persecution was made against them at rome by pope innocent the first , at the same instant the goths invaded itally , and became lords of all , it being just in god , &c. and i have heard it observed as a blessing upon s. austin ( who was so merciful to erring persons ) as the greatest part of his life — to tolerate them , and never to indure that they should be given over to the secular power to be killed ) that the very night the vandals set down before his city of hippo , to besiege it , he died , and went to god ; being taken from the miseries to come . but in the church of rome , the popes were the first preachers of force and violence in matters of opinion , and that so zealously that pope vigilius suffered himself to be imprisoned , and handled roughly by the emperor iustinian , rather then he would consent to the restitution and peace of certain disagreeing persons , &c. the first that preached that doctrine was dominick , the founder of the begging order of friars : the friars preachers , in memory of which the inquisition is intrusted only to the fryars of his order ; and if there be any force in dreams , or truth in legends , &c. — this very thing might be signified by his mothers dream , who the night before dominick was born , dreamed she was brought to bed of a huge dog , with a fire-brand in his mouth ; sure enough however his disciples expound the dream , it was a better sign that he should prove a rabid , furious incendiary then any thing else , what ever he might be in the other parts of his life ; in this doctrine he was not much better , as appears in his deportment towards the abligences , against whom he so preached — adeo quidem ut centum hereticorum millia ab octo millibus catholicorum fusa & interfecta fuisse probiantur , saith one of him , and of those who were taken one hundred and eighty were burned to death , because they would not abjure their doctrine ; this was the the first example of putting erring persons to death , that i find in the romish church . by this time i hope it will not be thought unreasonable to say , he that teaches mercy to erring persons teaches indifferency in religion , unless so many fathers , and so many churches , and the best of emperors , and all the world ( till they were abused by tyranny , popery and faction ) did teach indifferency : for i have shewn that christianity doth not puni●h corporally persons erring spiritually , but indeed popery doth . the donatists , and circumcelians , and arrians , and itaciani , they of old did in the middle ages ; the patrons of images did , and the papists at this day do , and have done ever since they were taught it by their st dominick . let all errors be as much , and as zealously supprest as may be , but let it be done by such means as are proper instruments of their suppression , by preaching and disputation , by charity and sweetness , by holiness of life , assiduity of exhortation , by the word of god , and prayer . for these wayes are most natural , most prudent , most peaceable and effectual , only let not men be hasty , in calling every disliked opinion by the name of heresie ; and when they have resolved that they will call it so , let them use the erring person like a brother , not beat him like a dog , or convince him with a gibbit , or vex him out of his understanding or perswasion . thus far ier. taylor ; these passages being truly collected out of his epistle , where are many more to the same purpose ; to which the reader is referred for further satisfaction , if he desire it : and further in his sixteenth section , for the lawfulness of princes giving tolleration to several religions , he hath these passages . for it may be safe in diversity of perswasions ; and it is also a part of christian religion , that the liberty of mens consciences should be preserved in all things , where god hath not set a limit — that the soul of man should be free , and acknowledge no master but jesus christ. that matters spiritual should not be restrained by punishments corporal . that the same meekness and charity should be preserved in the promotion of christianity , that gave it foundation , and increment , and firmness in its first publication . and that persons should not more certainly be condemned then their opinions confuted . and lastly , that the infirmities of men , and difficulties of things , should be both put in ballance , to make abatement in the diffinitive sentence against mens persons . as christian princes must look to the interest of their government ; so especially must they consider the interests of christianity , and not call every redargution , or modesty , discovery of an established error , by the name of the disturbance of the peace ; for , it is very likely that the peevishness , and impatience of contradiction in the governors may break the peace . let them but remember the gentleness of christianity ; the liberty of consciences which ought to be preserved ; and let them do justice to the persons , whoever they are that are peevish ; provided no mans person be over-born with prejudice : for if it be necessary for all men to subscribe to the present established religion ; by the same reason , at another time , a man may be bound to subscribe to the contradictory , and so to all religions in the world. uncharitableness is much prevented when no person is on either side engaged upon revenge , or troubled with disgrace , or vexed with punishments , by any decretory sentence against him : it was the saying of a wise states-man , ( i mean thuanus ) haeretici qui pace data factionibus scinduntur , persecutione uniuntur contra . remp. if you persecute hereticks , or discrepants , they unite themselves as to a common defence if you permit them , they divide themselves upon private interest , and the rather , if this interest was an ingredient of the opinion . sect . iii. instances out of divers authors treating on the same subject , by william caton , deceased . chrisostomus said , it is not the manner of the children of god to persecute others to death about their religion ; but it hath been , and is their condition to be put to death themselves for the testimony of of the truth . moreover , ( said he ) the shedding of blood about religion , is an evident token of antichrist , relig. vris . pag. . haywardus said , that the best writers of that time did agree in one opinion , and with tertulliano , lactantio , cassidoro , and iosephus , &c. that people must inform men to imbrace religion with reason , and not compel them by violence . i have for long season determined , said one of the kings of france , to reform the church , which without peace ( said he ) i cannot do , and it is impossible to reform , or convert people by violence . i am king , as a shepherd , ( said he ) and will not shed the blood of my sheep ; but will gather them through the mildness and goodness of a king , and not through the power of tyranny : and i will give them that are of the reformed religion right liberty to live and dwell free , without being examined , perplexed , molested , or compelled to any thing contrary to their consciences ; for they shall have the free exercise of their religion , &c. vide chron. vande vnderg . deel . pag. . luther said , that the hypocrites church was to be known by its manners , whose image and sign was esau , yet she boasted of god , and would be accounted his church , but lived wholly according to the world. further , ( said he ) the true church is not defended by a fleshly arm , which wicked bishops especially use , and cry unto . thesau . pag. . calvin said , that the apostle gave to understand , that to exercise authority over ones faith , was in no wise just , nor tollerable : ( yea said he ) it is tyanny in the church ; for faith ought to be free from all subjection of men . when several of the priests in the low countries requested of the prince and states , that they would introduce ordinances and discipline , according to their opinions ; but the prince , and the states , rejected their requests , esteeming them prejudicial both to religion and pollicy ; when they observed the diverse opinions that were among the people , concluding , it was the best way to preserve unity among the people , to give liberty to all , and to compel none , anno . edict . fol. . areneus affirmed , that all forcing of conscience , though it was but a forbiding of the exercise , which is esteemed by one or another , to be necessary to salvation , is in no wise right nor fitting : he also affirmed , that through diversities of religions the kingdom should not be brought into any disturbance . the antient reformed protestants termed that forcing of conscience , when they were constrained to leave off the exercise of their religion , saying , car nous privant de nostre religion on nous tiendroit en une continuele mors corporelle & spirituelle ( that is ) for to deprive us of our religion , is to keep us in a perpetual corporal and spiritual death ; adding thereunto , how that they would rather be put to death then be bereaved of the exercise of their religion , &c. and also they testified , how that the religion which was defended with cruelty , was not grounded upon the word of god. lactantius said , if you will with blood , with evil , and with torments , defend the worship , it shall not thereby be defended but polluted , lib. . chap. . constantius the emperor said , that it was enough that he preserved the unity of the faith , that he might be excusable before the judgment seat of god ; and that he would leave every one to his own understanding , according to the account he will give before the judgment seat of christ : hereto may we stir up people ( said he ) not compel them , beseech them to come into the unity of the christians ; but to do violence to them , we will not in no wise . sabast. frank. cron. fol. . augustinus said , some disturbed the peace of the church while they went about to root out the tares before the time ; and through this error of blindness ( said he ) are they themselves separated , so much the more from being united unto christ. retnaldus testified , that he who with imprisoning and persecuting seeketh to spread the gospel , and greaseth his hands with blood , shall much rather be looked upon for a wild hunter , then a preacher , or a defender of the christian religion . the state of holland testified , dat waer vervolginghen zijn datter daer al in roere is , maer waer geen en sijn al sijdor verscheijden religion dat dare alle saelren stilder sijn so oelr in onse ijden is bevon den : that is , where there was persecution , there was all in disstraction , but where there was none ( though there were several religions ) there all things were the quieter , as hath been evident in our dayes , said they , vide vrede handel van. col. fol. . calvin said , that those that are set over us must be obeyed , if that the command of god be not thereby disobeyed ; but if they lead us from obedience to god , and presumptiously strive against the lord , then must they not be regarded , said he , to the end that god with his authority may retain the preheminence . a book written in french , by n. m. anno . hath this sentence in it those princes that have ruled by gentleness and clemency , added to justice ; and have exercised moderation and meekness towards their subjects , alwayes greatly prospered , and reigned long . but on the contrary , those princes that have been cruel , vnjust , perfidious , and oppressors of their subjects , have soon fallen , they and their estate into danger , or total ruin . veritus said , seeing christ is a lamb , whom you profess to be your head and captain , then it behoveth you to be sheep , and to use the same weapons , which he made use of ; for he will not be a shepherd of wolves , and wild beasts , but onely of sheep ; wherefore if you lose the nature of sheep ( said he ) and be changed into wolves , and wild beasts , and use fleshly weapons , then will you exclude your selves out of his calling ; and forsake his banner , and then will he not be your captain . stephanus king of poland said , it belongeth not to me to reform the conscience , i have alwayes gladly given that over to god , which belongeth to him , and so shall i do now ; and also for the future , i will suffer the weeds to grow until the time of harvest ; for i know that the number of believers are but small , therefore , said he , when some were proceeding in persecution , ego sum rex populorum non conscientiarum , that is , i am the king of the people , not of their consciences : he also affirmed , that religion was not to be planted with fire and sword , chron. van. de rel. vrijh . . deel . tindal said , the new testament of christ suffered no law of compelling , but alone of perswading , and exhorting , fox . acts and mon. page . the prince of orange testified , anno . that it was impossible that the land should be kept in peace except there was a free tolleration in the exercise of religion . where hast thou ever read in thy dayes ( said menno ) in the writing of the apostles , that christ or the apostles ever cryed out to the magistrates , for their power , against them that would not hear their doctrine , nor obey their words ? i know certainly , said he , that where the magistrate shall banish with the sword , there is not the right knowledge , spiritual word , nor church of christ , it is invocare brachium seculare . it is not christian like , but tyrannical , said d. philipson , to banish and persecute people about faith and religion , and they that so do are certainly of the pharisaical generation , who resisted the holy ghost . er●smus sad , that though they take our moneys and goods , they cannot therefore hurt our salvation ; they afflict us much with prisons , but they do not thereby separate us from god , in de krijdges wrede , fol. . lucernus said , he that comandeth any thing , wherewith he bindeth the conscience , this is an antichrist , inde benuse disp . fol. . it was luther's opinion , that those that stirred up the princes to persecute abut religion , they raised the uproar , thesaur . pag. . reasons for liberty of conscience . sect . iv. several reasons rendred , why no outward force , nor imposition , ought to be used in matters of faith and religion , by r. h. s. f. and f. h. liberty of conscience ought to be allowed in the dayes of the gospel , in the free exercise of it to god-ward ( without compulsion ) in all things relating to his worship , for these reasons following . . because the general and universal royal-law of christ commands it , matth. . . all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them : for this is the law and prophets — that which every man would have , and receive from another , he ought by christs rvle to give and allow it to another . but every man is willing to have the liberty of his own conscience , therefore ought to allow it to another . . because no man can perswade the conscience of another , either what god is , or how he should be worshipped , but by the spirit , which god hath given to instruct man in the ways of truth . . because , all obedience or service that is obtained by force , is for fear of wrath , and not from love , nor for conscience sake ; and therefore will but continue so long as that fear or force abides upon them . . because , that by forcing , no man can make a hypocrite to be a true believer ; but on the contrary , many may be made hypocrites . . because , that in all forced impositions upon mens consciences , there is something of the wrath of man exercised , which works not the righteousness of god , but rather begets enmity in the heart one towards another . . because , that by forcing any thing upon mens consciences , as to matters of faith and worship , many are hardened in their hearts against the things imposed ; when as otherwise , through love and gentle instructions their hearts might be perswaded to willing obedience . . because , that persecution for conscience contradicteth christs charge , matth. . who bids that the tares ( or false worshippers ) be suffered to grow together in the field ( or world ) till the harvest ( or end of the world. ) . because , force is contrary to the end for which it is pretended to be used ( viz. ) the preservation and safety of the wheat , which end is not answered by persecution , because the wheat is in danger to be plucked up thereby , as christ saith . . because to force is inconsistant with the belief of the jews conversion ( and other false worshippers ) which is prayed for by the publick teachers , and cannot be attained , if persecution for conscience be prosecuted . . because they that impose upon mens consciences , exercise dominion over mens faith , which the apostles denied , saying , they had not dominion over any mans faith. . because , imposition upon mens consciences necessitates them to sin , in yielding a conformity contrary to their own faith ; for whatsoever is not of a mans own faith , is sin . . because , that imposition and force wrestles with flesh and blood , and carnal weapons , which are contrary to the apostles doctrine , who said , our weapons are not carnal , but spiritual , and mighty through god ; and we wrestle not with flesh , and blood. . because , there is but one iudge , law-giver , and king in and over the conscience , as the saints have testified in the scriptures of truth ; and whosoever would intrude , so as to be judge and law-giver over the conscience , intrencheth upon the perogative of christ , isa. . . iames . . . because , it is prophesied in isa. , the woolf shall dwell with the lamb , and the leopard shall lie down with the kid , and there shall be no destroyer in all the holy mountain : and therefore no imposition upon mens consciences . . because , to impose upon mens consciences for differences in faith , is contrary to the advice of the apostle , who directs people to wait upon god to be satisfied , and not to the magistrates , or others , to be forced ; who saith , whereunto we have attained , let us walk ; and wherein any man is otherwise minded , god shall reveal , even that unto him . . because , to force mens consciences , and to lay yoaks upon them , is to make void the blood-shed and sufferings of christ , who sits upon the throne of the conscience , and gives liberty there ; and commands us to stand fast in that liberty , and not to be entangled through the impositions of men , or yoak of bondage , gal. . . . because , in all nations the different professions and perswasions of religion , are either friends or enemies to the governors ; if friends then obliged by that bond ; if enemies then christ's command is to take place , who saith , love your enemies , which if observed , persecution for conscience will be avoided . . because toleration of different perswasions in religion was allowed in the iewish state , as not inconsistant with their safety , and that in things contrary each to other , as the sadduces , pharisees , esaeans , herodians , with others . . because , the true religion cannot be preached up by force of armes , and the primitive christians detested that form of proceedings . . because , no man hath such power ( by outward compulsion ) over the souls and consciences of other men , as to lay a necessity on them to believe that which they do not believe , or not to believe what they do believe ; true faith being the gift of god. . because , if the magistrate imposeth upon the conscience , he must either do it as a magistrate , or as a christian . not as a magistrate , for then heathens ( being magistrates ) have the same power to impose ; and so , by revolutions , and conquests , may come to give laws to christians , and compel them to idolatry . . not as christians , for that contradicts christ's saying , the kings of the gentiles exercise lordship over them , but it shall not be so among you , for all ye are brethren . . because ▪ by the same rule and reason that the magistrates of one nation ought to impose upon , and persecute for conscience , the magistrates in all other nations ought to do the same , and so the greatest part of mankind may come to be destroyed , there being more that dissent , than are at unity in matters of faith and religion . . because the strength of truth , and its conquest over falsity and deceit is best discovered by letting both have their liberty , from outward compulsion ; for no doubt , had outward force been less used , the prevalency of truth had been more manifest , and that wise saying , truly experienced in the world , viz. that which is of god will stand , and that which is not , will come to nothing . . because , the disciples of christ are rebuked by him for desiring the destruction of those that were contrary to him , and would not receive him ; which zeal is sharply reproved in his saying , they knew not what spirit they were of . . because , to impose upon mens consciences , and to destroy their persons for difference in religion , is contrary to the end of christ's coming , who saith , he came not to destroy mens lives but to save them . . because ▪ people of divers religions in one nation , if not tollerated , must some of them be destroyed or removed , by banishment ? if destroyed , the constancy and patience of the sufferers for their faith , moving pitty and commiseration , makes men more ready to own , then to reject their faith ; and so rather multiplies , than lessens the number of its professors ; if banished , this renders the banished as so many enemies abroad , ready upon all occasions to disturb the peace and tranquillity of their own native country . there is therefore in order to the outward welfare of all nations , a kind of necessity for a tolleration in them of all religions . . because , to impose upon mens consciences begets a hatred against the imposers in those who are imposed upon , and forced thereby to violate their consciences towards god , in matters of worship . . because , men are commanded to be subject to the powers that are , for conscience sake , and therefore such powers ought not to persecute men for conscience sake , being that is prescribed for the rule of obedience , the scriptures saying , be ye subject not only for wrath , but for conscience sake . sect . . several sayings collected from the speeches , and writings of king iames , and king charles the first . we find it asserted by king iames in his speech to the parliament , in the year . who said , that it is a pure rule in divinity , that god never loves to plant his church with violence and blood ; and furthermore said , it was usually the condition of christians to be persecuted , but not to persecute . and we find the same things in substance asserted again , by his son charles the first , in his book known by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , printed for r. ro●ston , as followeth . pag. . in his prayer to god , he said , thou seest how much cruelty among christians is acted , under the colour of religion ; as if we could not be christians , unless we crucifie one another . pag. . make them at length seriously to consider , that nothing violent and injurious can be religious . pag. . nor is it so proper to hew out religious reformations by the sword , as to pollish them by fair and equal disputations , among those that are most concerned in the differences , whom , not force , but reason ought to convince . sure in matters of religion , those truths gain most upon mens judgements and consciences , which are least urged with secular violence , which weakens truth with prejudices . pag. . it being an office , not only of humanity , rather to use reason then force , but also of christianity to seek peace , and ensue it . pag. , . in point of true conscientious tenderness , i have often declared , how little i desire my laws and scepter should intrench on gods soveraignty , which is the only king of mens consciences . pag. . nor do i desire any man should be further subjuect unto me , then all of us may be subject unto god. concerning oaths . pag. . the injoyning of oaths , upon people , must needs in things doubtfull be dangerous , as in things unlawfull damnable . some words of advice from charles the first , to the then prince of wales , now king of england , &c. page . my counsel and charge to you is , that you seriously consider the former real or objected miscariages , which might occasion my troubles , that you may avoid them , &c. beware of exasperating any factions , by the crosness and asperity of some mens passions , humors , and private opinions , imployed by you , grounded only upon differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of religion , wherein a charitable connivance , and christian tolleration , often dissipates their strength , when rougher opposition fortifies , and puts the despised and oppressed party into such combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their persecutors , who are commonly assisted by that vulgar commisseration , which attends all that are said to suffer under the notion of religion . pag. . take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of religion devour not all . pag. . your prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting , rather then exacting the rigor of the laws , there being nothing worse then legal tyranny . to these sayings we add more , as collected out of the same book in duodecimo . in his prayer , page . o never suffer me for any reason of state to go against the reason of conscience , which is highly to fight against thee , the god of reason , and judge of our consciences . p. . break in sunder , oh lord , all violent confederations to do wickedly and injuriously . page . thou , oh lord , shalt destroy them that speak lyes ; the lord will abhor both the blood-thirsty and deceitful men . page . church affairs should be mannaged neither with tyranny , parity , nor popularity — neither people oppressed . page . he declares his willingness for fair satisfaction unto all , and against covetousness , and superstition . page . oh thou that art the god of reason and peace , soften our hearts — and perswade us to accept of peace with thy self , and both to secure and preserve peace among our selves , as men and christians — condemn us not to our passions , which are destructive both of our selves and others ; clear up our understandings to see thy truth , both in reason as men , and in religion as christians . page . stir up all parties pious ambitions to overcome each other with reason , moderation , and such self-denial as becomes , &c. page . o thou soveraign of our souls , the only commander of our consciences . and further , in his advice to the prince of wales now king , &c. page . the best government and highest soveraignity you can attain unto , is , to be subject to god , that the scepter of his word , and spirit may rule in your heart . page . he pleads for better arguments for convincement , then tumults , armies , and prisons . pag. . alwayes keep up sollid piety , and those fundamental truths , which mend both hearts and lives of men with impartial favour and justice . pag. . my charge and counsel to you is , that as you need no palliations for any design , so that you studdy really to exceed in true and constant demonstrations of goodness , piety and vertue ( towards the people ) even all these men that make the greatest noise and ostentations of religion , so you shall neither fear any detection , ( as they do who have but the mask of goodness ) nor shall you frustrate the just expectations of your people . pag. . use all princely arts and clemency to heal the wounds , that the smart of the cure may not equal the anguish of the hurt . pag. ▪ as your quality sets you beyond any duel with any subject , so the nobleness of your mind must raise you above the meditating any revenge , or executing your anger upon the many . pag. . keep you to true principles of piety , vertue , and honour ; you shall never want a kingdom . in his meditations on death ; pag. it is indeed a sad fate for any man to have his enemies to be accuser , parties and judge . some few errors and defects having escaped the press , the reader may correct . page . line . for actions , read axioms . p. . l. . for repugnatum , read repurgatam . l. . for persus , read persas . p. . l. . for distinguished , read extinguished . p. . l. . for counsel like , read like counsel . the end . a form for church government and ordination of ministers, contained in cxi propositions, propounded to the late generall assembly at edinburgh, . together with an act concerning erastianisme, independencie, and liberty of conscience. published by authority. cxi propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the church. gillespie, george, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a form for church government and ordination of ministers, contained in cxi propositions, propounded to the late generall assembly at edinburgh, . together with an act concerning erastianisme, independencie, and liberty of conscience. published by authority. cxi propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the church. gillespie, george, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for robert bostock, at the king's head in pauls church-yard, london : mdcxlvii. [ ] attributed to george gillespie. originally published in edinburgh as: cxi propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the church. imperfect: staining and bleed-through. annotation on thomason copy: "nou: ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of scotland -- government -- early works to . church of scotland -- clergy -- early works to . ordination -- church of scotland -- early works to . liberty of conscience -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no a form for church government and ordination of ministers,: contained in cxi propositions, propounded to the late generall assembly at edinb gillespie, george c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a form for church government and ordination of ministers , contained in cxi propositions , propounded to the late generall assembly at edinburgh , . together with an act concerning erastianisme , independencie , and liberty of conscience . published by authority . london , printed for robert bostock , at the king's head in pauls church-yard . mdcxlvii . act approving viii generall heads of doctrine against the tenents of erastianisme , independencie , and liberty of conscience , asserted in the cxi propositions , which are to be examined against the next assembly . being tender of so great an ingagement by solemn covenant , sincerely , really , & constantly to endeavour in our places & callings , the preservation of the reformed religion in this kirk of scotland , in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of england and ireland , in doctrine worship , discipline and government , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed kirks , and to endeavour the neerest conjunction and uniformity in all these , together with the extirpation of heresie , schisme , and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine : and considering withall that one of the special means which it becometh us in our places and callings to use in pursuance of these ends , is in zeal for the true reformed religion , to give our publick testimony against the dangerous tenents of erastianisme , independency , and which is falsly called liberty of conscience , which are not onely contrary to sound doctrine , but more speciall lets and hinderances as well to the preservation of our own received doctrine , worship , discipline and government , as to the work of reformation and uniformity in england and ireland . the generall assembly upon these considerations , having heard publickly read the cxi following propositions exhibited and tendered by some brethren who were appointed to prepare articles or propositions for the vindication of the truth in these particulars , doth unanimously approve and agree unto these eight generall heads of doctrine therein contained and asserted . viz. . that the ministery of the word , and the administration of the sacraments of the new testament , baptisme and the lords supper , are standing ordinances instituted by god himself , to continue in the church to the end of the world . . that such as administer the word and sacraments ▪ ought to be duely called and ordained thereunto . . that some ecclesiasticall censures are proper and peculiar to be inflicted onely upon such as bear office in the kirk ; other censures are common , and may be inflicted both on ministers , and other members of the kirk . . that the censure of suspension from the sacrament of the lords supper , inflicted because of grosse ignorance , or because of a scandalous life and conversation ; as likewise the censure of excommunication , or casting out of the kirk flagitious or contumacious offenders , both the one censure and the other is warrantable by and grounded upon the word of god , and is necessary ( in respect of divine institution ) to be in the kirk . . that as the rights , power and authority of the civill magistrate are to be maintained according to the word of god , and the confessions of the faith of the reformed kirks , so it is no lesse true and certain that jesus christ , the onely head and onely king of the kirk , hath instituted and appointted a kirk government distinct from the civill government or magistracy . . that the ecclesiasticall government is committed and intrusted by christ to the assemblies of the kirk , made up of the ministers of the word and ruling elders . . that the lesser and inferiour ecclesiasticall assemblies ought to be subordinate and subject unto the greater and superiour assemblies . . that notwithstanding hereof , the civill magistrate may and ought to suppresse by corporall or civill punishments , such as by spreading errour or heresie , or by fomenting schisme , greatly dishonour god , dangerously hurt religion , and disturb the peace of the kirk , which heads of doctrine ( howsoever opposed by the authours and fomenters of the foresaid errours respectively ) the generall assembly doth firmly beleeve , own , maintain , and commend unto others as solid , true , orthodox , grounded upon the word of god , consonant to the judgement both of the ancient , and the best reformed kirks . and because this assembly ( through the multitude of other necessary and pressing businesse ) cannot now have so much leasure as to examine and consider particularly the foresaid cxi propositions : therefore a more particular examination thereof is committed and referred to the theologicall faculties of the four universities of this kingdom , and the judgement of each of these faculties concerning the same , is appointed to be reported to the next generall assembly . in the mean while , these propositions shall be printed , both that copies thereof may be sent to presbyteries , and that it may be free for any that pleaseth to peruse them , and to make known or send their judgement concerning the same to the said next assembly . a. ker. cxi propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the church . . as our lord jesus christ doth invisibly teach and govern his church by the holy spirit : so in gathering , preserving , instructing , building and saving thereof , he useth ministers as his instruments , and hath appointed an order of some to teach , and others to learne in the church , and that some should be the flock , and others the pastours . . for , beside these first founders of the church of christ extraordinarily sent , and furnished with the gift of miracles , whereby they might confirme the doctrine of the gospel , hee appointed also ordinary pastours and teachers , for the executing of the ministery , even untill his coming again unto judgement , ephes. . , , . wherefore , also as many as are of the number of god's people , or will be accounted christians , ought to receive and obey the ordinary ministers of god's word and sacraments , ( lawfully , though mediately called ) as the stewards and ambassadours of christ himself . . it is not lawfull for any man , how fit soever , and how much soever enriched or beautified with excellent gifts , to undertake the administration either of the word or sacraments by the will of private persons , or others who have not power and right to call ; much lesse is it lawfull by their own judgement or arbitrement to assume and arrogate the same to themselves : but before it be lawfull to undergoe that sacred ministery in churches constituted , a speciall calling ; yea beside , a lawfull election ( which alone is not sufficient ) a mission , or sending , or ( as commonly it is termed ) ordination , is necessarily required , and that both for the avoyding of confusion , and to bar out , or shut the door ( so far as in us lieth ) upon impostors ; as also by reason of divine institution delivered to us in the holy scripture , rom. . . heb. . . tit. . tim. . . . the church ought to be governed by no other persons then ministers and stewards preferred and placed by christ , and after no other manner then according to the lawes made by him ; and therefore there is no power on earth which may challenge to it self authority or dominion over the church : but whosoever they are that would have the things of christ to be administred not according to the ordinance and will of christ revealed in his word , but as it liketh them , and according to their own will and prescript , what other thing go they about to do , then by horrible sacriledge to throw down christ from his own throne . . for our onely law-giver and interpreter of his fathers will , jesus christ hath prescribed and fore-appointed the rule according to which he would have his worship and the government of his own house to be ordered . to wrest this rule of christ laid open in his holy word , to the counsels , wills , manners , devices or lawes of men , is most hight impiety ; but contrarily , the law of faith commandeth the counsell and purposes of men to be framed and conformed to this rule , and overturneth all the reasonings of worldly wisdome , and bringeth into captivity the thoughts of the proud swelling minde to the obedience of christ : neither ought the voice of any to take place or bee rested upon in the church , but the voice of christ alone . . the same lord and our saviour jesus christ , the onely head of the church hath ordained in the new testament , not only the preaching of the word and administration of baptisme and the lords supper , but also ecclesiasticall government , distinct and differing from the civill government , and it is his will that there be such a government distinct from the civill in all his churches everywhere , as well those which live under christian , as those under indfiell magistrates , even untill the end of the world . heb. . . . tim. . , . rom. . . cor. . . thes. . , acts . , . luke . . tim. . . apoc. . . . this ecclesiasticall government distinct from the civill , is from god committed , not to the whole body of the church or congregation of the faithfull , or to be exercised both by officers and people , but to the ministers of gods word , together with the elders which are joyned with them for the care and government of the church , tim. . . to these therefore who are over the church in the lord , belongeth the authority and power , and it lyeth upon them by their office , according to the rule of gods word to discerne and judge betwixt the holy and prophane , to give diligence for amendment of delinquents , and to purge the church ( as much as is in them ) from scandalls , and that not onely by enquiring , inspection , warning , reproving , and more sharply expostulating , but also by acting in the further and more severe parts of ecclesiasticall discipline , or exercising ecclesiastick jurisdiction , even unto the greatest and weightiest censures , where need is . . none that is within the church ought to be without the reach of church law , and exempt from ecclesiastick censu●es ; but discipline is to be exercised on all the members of the church , without respect or consideration of those adhering qualities which use to commend a man to other men ; such as power , nobility , illustrious descent , and the like : for the judgement cannot be right , where men are led and moved with these considerations . wherefore , let respect of persons be farre from all judges , chiefly the ecclesiasticall : and if any in the church doe so swell in pride , that he refuse to be under this discipline , and would have himself to be free and exempt from all trial and ecclesiastick judgement , this mans disposition is more like the haughtinesse of the roman pope , then the meeknesse and submissivenesse of christs sheep . . ecclesiasticall censure moreover is either proper to be inflicted upon the ministers and office-bearers onely , or with them common to other members of the church ; the former consisteth in suspension or deposition of ministers from their office ( which in the ancient canons is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) the latter consisteth in the greater and lesser excommunication , ( as they speak . ) whatsoever in another brother deserveth excommunication , the same much more in a minister deserveth excommunication : but justly sometimes a minister is to be put from his office , and deprived of that power which by ordination was given him , against whom neverthelesse to draw the sword of excommunication , no reason doth compell . . sometime also it happeneth that a minister having fallen into heresie or apostasie , or other grievous crimes , if hee shew tokens of true repentance , may be justly received into the communion of the church ; whom notwithstanding , 〈◊〉 is no way expedient to restore into his former place or charge ; yea , perhaps it will not be found fit to restore such a one to the ministery in another congregation , as soone as he is received into the bosome of the church ; which surely is most agreeable as well as to the word of god , king. . ezech. . , , , , . as to that ecclesiasticall discipline , which in some ages after the times of the apostles was in use . so true is it that the ministers of the church , are lyable as well to peculiar as to common censures ; or that a minister of the church is censured one way , and one of the people another way . . ecclesiasticall censure , which is not proper to ministers , but common to them with other members of the church , is either suspension from the lords supper , ( which by others is called the publicanes excommunication , ) or the cutting off of a member , which is commonly called excommunication . the distinction of this twofold censure ( commonly , though not so properly passing under the name of the lesser and greater excommunication ) is not onely much approved by the church of scotland , and the synode now assembled at westminster , but also by the reformed churches of france , the low-countreys , and of pole-land , as is to be seen in the book of the ecclesiastick discipline of the reformed churches in france . chap. . art. . in the harmonie of the belgicke synodes . chap. . art. . . in the canons of the generall synode of torne , held in the yeare . that the distinction of that twofold church censure was allowed also by antiquity , it may be sufficiently clear to him who will consult the sixtie one canon of the sixth generall synode , with the annotations of zonaras and balsomon ; also the thirteenth canon of the eighth synode ( which is termed the first and second ) with the notes of zonaras ; yea besides , even the penitents also themselves of the fourth degree , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is , which were in the consistency , were suspended from the lords supper , though as to other things of the same condition with the faithfull ; for to the communion also of prayers , and so to all priviledges of ecclesiasticall society , the eucharist alone excepted , they were thought to have right : so sacred a thing was the eucharist esteemed . see also beside others , cyprian . book . epist. . that dyonisius the author of tha ecclesiastick hierarchie . chap. . part. . basil . epist. to amphilochius . can. . ambros. lib. . de officiis , chap. . augustine in his book against the donatists , after the conference , chap. . chrysostom homil. . in matth. gregor. the great epist. lib. . chap . and . walafridus strabo of ecclesiasticall matters . chap. . . that first and lesser censure by christs ordinance , is to be inflicted on such as have received baptisme , and pretend to be true members of the church , yet are found unfit and unworthy to communicate in the signes of the grace of christ with the church , whether for their grosse ignorance of divine things , the law namely and gospell , or by reason of scandall either of false doctrine or wicked life . for these causes therefore , or for some one of them , they are to be kept back from the sacrament of the lords supper ( a lawfull judiciall tryall going before ) according to the interdiction of christ , forbidding that that which is holy be given to dogs , or pearles bee cast before swine , matth . . and this censure of suspension is to continue , till the offenders bring forth fruits worthy of repentance . . for the asserting and defending of this suspension , there is no small accession of strength from the nature of the sacrament it self , and the institution and end thereof . the word of god indeed is to be preached , as well to the ungodly and impenitent that they may be converted , as to the godly and repenting , that they may be confirmed : but the sacrament of the lords supper is by god instituted , not for beginning the work of grace , but for nourishing and increasing grace , and therefore none is to be admitted to the lords supper , who by his life testifieth that he is impenitent , and not as yet converted . . indeed if the lord had instituted this sacrament , that not onely it should nourish and cherish faith , and seal the promises of the gospell , but also should begin the work of grace in sinners , and give regeneration it self , as the instrumentall cause thereof , verily even the most wicked , most uncleane and most unworthy were to be admitted . but the reformed churches do otherwise judge of the nature of this sacrament , which shall be abundantly manifest by the gleaning of these following testimonies . . the scottosh confession , art. . but we confesse that the lords supper belongs onely to those of the houshold of faith , who can try and examine themselves , as well in faith , as in the duties of faith towards their neighbours . whoso abide without faith , and in variance with their brethren , doe at that holy table eate and drinke unworthily . hence it is that the pastors in our church doe enter on a publike and particular examination , both of the knowledge , conversation and life of those who are to be admitted to the lords table . the belgick confession . art. . we beleevs also and confesse that our lord jesus christ hath ordained the holy sacrament of his supper , that in it he may nourish and uphold them whom he hath already regenerated . . the saxon confession . art. . of the lords supper . the lord willeth that every receiver be particularly confirmed by this testimony , so that he may be certified that the benefits of the gospel doe appertaine to himself , seeing the preaching is common , and by this testimony , by this receiving , he sheweth that thou art one of his members , and washed with his blood . and by and by . thus therefore we instruct the church , that it behooveth them that come to the supper , to bring with them repentance or conversion , and ( faith being now kindled in the meditation of the death and resurrection , and the benefits of the son of god ) to seek here the confirmation of this faith . the very same things are set downe , and that in the very same words in the consent of the churches of pole-land in the sendominian synode , anno . art. of the lords supper , . the bohemian confession . art. . next our divines teach that the sacraments of themselves , or as some say , ex opere operato , doe not confer grace to those , who are not first endued with good motions , and inwardly quickened by the holy spirit , neither doe they bestow justifying faith , which maketh the soule of man in all things obsequious , trusting and obedient to god ; for faith must goe before ( wee speake of them of ripe yeares ) which quickeneth a man by the work of the holy spirit , and putting good motions into the heart . and after : but if any come unworthily to the sacraments , he is not made by them worthy or cleane , but doth only bring greater sinne and damnation on himself . . seeing then in the holy supper , that is in the receiving the sacramentall elements ( which is here distinguished from the prayers and exhortations accompanying that action ) the benefits of the gospell are not first received , but for them being received are thanks given ; neither by partaking thereof doth god bestow the very spirituall life , but doth preserve , cherish and perfect that life ; and seeing the word of god is accounted in the manner of letters patents , but sacraments like seals , ( as rightly the helvetian confession faith , chap. ) it plainely followeth that those are to be kept back from the lords supper , which by their fruits and manners doe prove themselves to be ungodly orimpenitent , and strangers or alients from all communion with christ ; nor are the promises of grace sealed to any other then to those to whom these promises doe belong , for otherwise the seal annexed should contradict and gainsay the letters patents ; and by the visible word those should be loosed anst remitted , which by the audible word are bound and condemned : but this is such an absurdity , as that if any would , yet hee cannot smooth or heal it with any plaister . . but as known , impious , and unregenerate persons have no right to the holy table : so also ungodly persons , by reason of grievous scandall are justly for a time deprived of it ; for it is not lawfull or allowable that the comforts and promises which belong onely to such as beleeve and repent , should be sealed unto known unclean persons , and those who walk inordinatly , whether such as are not yet regenerate , or such as are regenerate , but fallen and not yet restored or risen from their fall . the same discipline was plainly shaddowed forth under the old testament ; for none of gods people during their legall pollution , was permitted to enter into the tabernable , or to have accesse to the solomne sacrifices and society of the church : and much more were wicked and notorious offenders debarred from the temple ever untill by an offering for sinne , together with a solemne confession thereof , being cleansed , they were reconciled unto god . num. , , . lev. . to the . vers lev. . to vers. . . yea that those who were polluted with sins and crimes , were reckoned among the unclean in the law , maimonides in more nevo●him , part. chap . proveth out of lev. . . lev. . num. . . . therefore seeing the shedding of mans blood was rightly esteemed the greatest pollution of all ; hence it was , that as the society of the leprous was shunned by the cleare , so the company of murtherers by good men was most religiously avoided . lament. . , , . the same thing is witnessed by ananias the high preist , 〈◊〉 josephus of the jewish warre . . book , chap. . where hee saith that those false zelots of that time , bloody men , ought to have been restrained from accesse to the temple , by reason of the pollution of murther ; yea as philo the jew witnesseth in his book of the officers of sacrifices ; whosoever were found unworthy and wicked , were by edict forbidden to approach the holy thresholds . . neither must that be past by which was noted by zonaras , book . of his annals , ( whereof see also scaliger agreeing with him , in elench . triberes . nicferrar . cap. ) namely that the essenes were forbidden the holy place as being hainous and piacular transgressors , and such as held other opinions , and did otherwise teach concerning sacrifices then according to the law , and observed not the ordinances of moses , whence it proceeded that they sacrificed privately ; yea and also the essenes them selves did thrust away from their congregations those that were wicked . whereof see drusius of the three sects of jews , lib. . cap. . . god verily would not have his temple to be made open to unworthy and uncleane worshippers , nor was it free for such men to enter into the temple . see nazianzen , orat. . the same thing is witnessed and declared by divers late writers , such as have been and are more acquainted with the jewish antiquities . consult the anotations of vatablus and of ainsworth an english writer upon psal. . , . also constantius l'empereur annotat. in cod. middoth , cap. . pag. , . cornelius bertramus , of the common-wealth of the hebrews . cap. . henrie vorstius , animadvers. in pirk . rab. eliezer . pag. . the same may be proved out of ezech. . . jer. . , , . whence also it was that the solemne and publike society in the temple , had the name of the assembly of the righteous , and congregation of saints . psal. . , . psal. . . psal. . . hence also is that , psal. . , . of the gates of righteousnesse by which the righteous enter . . that which is now driven at , is not that all wicked and unclean persons should be utterly excluded from our ecclesiasticall societies , and so from all hearing of gods word ; yea there is nothing lesse intended : for the word of god is the instrument as well of conversion as of confirmation , and therefore is to be preached as well to the not converted as to the converted , as well to the repenting , as the unrepenting : the temple indeed of jerusalem had speciall promises , as it were pointing out with the finger a communion with god through christ , king. . , . dan. . . chron. . . and . , . but 't is far otherwise with our temples , or places of church assemblies , because our temples contain nothing sacramentall in them , such as the tabernacle and temple contained ; as the most learned professors of leyden said rightly in synops . pur. theologiae disput. . thes. . . wherefore the point to be here considered as that which is now aimed at , is this , that howsoever even under the new testament , the uncleannesse of those to whom the word of god is preached be tolerated ; yet all such , of what estate or condition soever in the church , as are defiled with manifest and grievous scandals , and doe thereby witnesse themselves to be without the inward and spirituall commnnion with christ and the faithfull , may and are to be altogether discharged from the communion of the lords supper , untill they repent and change their manners . . besides , even those to whom it was not permitted to goe into the holy courts of israel , and to ingyre themselves into ecclesiasticall communion , and who did stand between the court of israel and the utter wall , were not therefore to be kept back from hearing the word ; for in solomons porch , and so in the intermurale or court of the gentiles the gospel was preached both by christ , john . . and also by the apostles , acts . . and . . and that of purpose because of the reason brought by pineda , of the things of solomon , book . chap. . because a more frequent multitude was there , and somewhat larger opportunity of sowing the gospel : wherefore to any whomsoever , even heathen people meeting there , the lord would have the word to be preached , who notwithstanding , purging the temple , did not onely overthrow the tables of money-changers , and chairs of those that sold doves , but also , cast forth the buyers and sellers themselves , matth. . . for he could not endure either such things , or such persons in the temple . . although then the gospel is to be preached to every creature , the lord in expresse words commanding the same , mark . . yet not to every one is set open an accesse to the holy supper . 't is granted that hypocrites do lurk in the church , who hardly can be convicted and discovered , much lesse repelled from the lords supper . such therefore are to be suffered , till by the fan of judgement the grain be separate from the chaffe : but those whose wicked deeds or words are known and made manifest , are altogether to be debarred from partaking those symboles of the covenant of the gospel , left that the name of god be greatly disgraced , whilest sins are permitted to spread abroad in the church unpunished ; or lest the stewards of christ by imparting the signes of the grace of god to such as are continuing in the state of impurity and scandall , be partakers of their sins . hitherto of suspension . . excommunication ought not to be procceded unto except when extreme necessity constraineth : but whensoever the soul of the sinner cannot otherwise be healed , and that the safety of the church requireth the cutting off of this or that member , it behoveth to use this last remedy . in the church of rome indeed excommunication hath been turned into greatest injustice and tyranny ( as the pharisees abused the casting out of the synagogues , which was their excommunication ) to the fulfilling of the lust of their own mindes ; yet the ordinance of christ is not therefore by any of the reformed religion to be utterly thrust away and wholly rejected . what protestant knows not that the vassals of antichrist have drawn the lords supper into the worst and most pernicious abuses , as also the ordination of ministers , and other ordinances of the gospel ? yet who will say that things necessary ( whether the necessity be that of command , or that of the 〈◊〉 or end ) are to be taken away because of the abuse ? . they therefore who with an high hand do persevere in their wickednesse , after foregoing admonitions stubbornly despised or carelesly neglected , are justly by excommunication in the name of the lord jesus christ cut off and cast out from the society of the faithfull , and are pronounced to be cast out from the church , untill being filled with shame , and cast downe , they shall return again to a more sound minde , and by confession of their sinne and amendment of their lives , they shall shew tokens of their repentance , matth. . , , . cor. . . which places are also alledged in the confession of bohemia , art. . to prove that the excommunication of the impenitent and stubborn , whose wickednesse is known , is commanded of the lord : but if stubborn hereticks , or unclean persons be not removed or cast out from the church , therein doe the governours of the church sinne , and are found guilty , rev. . , . . but that all abuse and corruption in ecclesiasticall government may be either prevented and avoided , or taken away ; or lest the power of the church either by the ignorance or unskilfulnesse of some ministers here and there , or also by too much heat and fervour of minde , should run out beyond measure or bounds , or contrariwise being shut up within straiter limits then is fitting , should be made unprofitable , feeble , or of none effect : christ the most wise law-giver of his church hath foreseen , and made provision to prevent all such evils which he did foresee were to arise , and hath prepared and prescribed for them intrinsecall and ecclesiasticall remedies , and those also in their kinde ( if lawfully and rightly applyed ) both sufficient and effectuall : some whereof he hath most expresly propounded in his word , and some he hath left to be drawn from thence by necessary consequence . . therefore by reason of the danger of that which is called clavis erra●● , or a wrong key ; and that it may not be permitted to particular churches to erre or sin licentiously , and lest any mans cause be overthrown and perish , who in a particular church had perhaps the same men both his adversaries and his judges ; also that common businesses which doe belong to many churches , together with the more weighty and difficult controversies ( the deciding whereof in the consistories of particular churches is not safe to be adventured upon ) may be handled and determined by a common councell of presbyteries . finally , that the governours of particular churches , may impart help mutually one to another against the cunning and subtill enemies of the truth , and may joyne their strength together ( such as it is ) by an holy combination , and that the church may be as a camp of an army well ordered ; lest while every one striveth singly , all of them be subdued and overcome ; or lest by reason of the scarcity of prudent and godly counsellours ( in the multitude of whom is safety ) the affairs of the church be undone : for all those considerations particular churches must be subordinate to classicall presbyteries and synods . . wherefore 't is not lawfull to particular churches , or ( as commonly they are called ) parochiall , either to decline the authority of classes or synods , where they are lawfully setled , or may be had ( much lesse to withdraw themselves from that authority , if they have once acknowledged it ) or to refuse such lawfull ordinances or decrees of the classes or synodes , as being agreeable to the word of god , are with authority imposed upon them . acts . , , , , , , . and . . . although synods assemble more seldome , classes and consistories of particular churches more frequently ; yet that synods both provinciall and nationall assemble at set and ordinary times , as well as classes and parochiall consistories is very expedient , and for the due preservation of church policie and discipline , necessary . sometime indeed it is expedient they be assembled occasionally , that the urgent necessity of the church may be the more speedily provided for , namely , when such a businesse happeneth , which without great danger cannot be put off till the appointed time of the synod . . but that besides occasionall synods , ordinary synods be kept at set times , is most profitable , not onely that they may discusse and determine the more difficult ecclesiasticall causes coming before them , whether by the appeal of some person agrieved , or by the hesitation or doubting of inferiour assemblies ( for such businesses very often fall out ; ) but also that the state of the churches whereof they have the care , being more certainly and frequently searched and known , if there be any thing wanting or amisse in their doctrine , discipline or manners , or any thing worthy of punishment , the slothful labourers in the vineyard of the lord may be made to shake off the spirit of slumber and slothfulnesse , and be stirred up to the attending and fulfilling more diligently their calling , and not suffered any longer to sleep and snort in their office ; the straglers and wanderers may be reduced to the way ; the untoward and stiffe-necked , which scarce or very hardly suffer the yoak of discipline , as also unquiet persons , which devise new and hurtfull things may be reduced to order . finally , whatsoever doth hinder the more quick and efficacious course of the gospel , may be discovered and removed . . it is too too manifest ( alas for it ) that there are , which with unwearied diligence doe most carefully labour that they may oppresse the liberties and rights of synods , and may take away from them all liberty of consulting of things and matters ecclesiasticall , at least of determining thereof , ( for they well know how much the union and harmony of churches may make against their designes . ) but so much the more it concerneth the orthodox churches to know , defend and preserve this excellent liberty granted to them by divine right , and so to use it , that imminent dangers , approaching evils , urging grievances , scandals growing up , schismes rising , heresies creeping in , errours spreading , and strifes waxing hot , may be corrected and taken away , to the glory of god , the edification and peace of the church . . beside provinciall and nationall synodes , an occumenicall ( so called from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is from the habitable world ) or more truely a generall , or if you will , an universall synode , if so be it be free and rightly constituted , and no other commissioners but orthodox churches bee admitted ( for what communion is there of light with darknesse , of righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse , or of the temple of god with idols ) such a synode is of speciall utility , peradventure also such a synode is to be hoped for , surely t is to be wished , that for defending the orthodox faith , both against popery and other heresies , as also for propagating it to those who are without , especially the jews , a more strait and more firme consociation may be entred into . for the unanimity of all the churches as in evill t is of all things most hurtfull , so on the contrary side , in good it is most pleasant , most profitable and most effe●●uall . . unto the universall synode also ( when it may be had ) is to be referred the judgement of controversies , not of all , but of those which are controversia juris , controversies of right , neither yet of all those , but of the chief and most weighty controversies of the orthodox faith , or of the most hard and unusuall cases of conscience . of the controversies of fact there is another and different consideration to be had ; for besides that it would be a great inconvenience that plaintifes , persons accused , and witnesses be drawne from the most remote churches , to the generall or universall counsell ; the visible communion it selfe of all the churches ( on which the universal counsel is built , and whereupon as on a foundation it leaneth ) is not so much of company , fellowship , or conversation , as of religion and doctrine . all true churches of the world doe indeed professe the same true religion and faith ; but there is beside this a certaine commixture and conjunction of the churches of the same nation , as to a more near fellowship , and some acquaintance , converting and companying together , which cannot be said of all the churches thorowout the habitable world . . and for this cause , as in doctrinall controversies which are handled by theologues and casuists , and in those which belong to the common state of the orthodox churches , the nationall synod is subordinate and subjected to the universall lawfully constituted synod , and from the nationall to the occumenicall synod ( when there is a just and weighty cause ) an appeal is open : so there is no need that the appeals of them who complain of injury done to them through the exercise of discipline in this or that church , should goe beyond the bounds of the nationall synod : but 't is most agreeable to reason that they should rest and acquiesce within those bounds and borders ; and that the ultimate judgement of such matters be in the nationall synod , unlesse the thing it self be so hard , and of so great moment , that the knot be justly thought worthy of a greater decider : in which case the controversie which is carried to the universall synod is rather of an abstract general theologicall proposition , then of the particular or individuall case . . furthermore , the administration of the ecclesiastick power in consistories , classes and synods , doth not at all tend to weaken in any wise , hurt or minish the authority of the civill magistrate , much lesse to take it away or destroy it ; yea rather , by it a most profitable help cometh to the magistrate , forasmuch as by the bond of religion mens consciences are more straitly tyed unto him . there have been indeed phantasticall men who under pretence and cloak of christian liberty would abolish and cast out lawes and judgements , orders also , degrees and honours out of the common-wealth , and have been bold to reckon the function of the magistrate armed with the sword , among evill things and unlawfull : but the reformed churches doe renounce and detest those dreams , and do most harmoniously and most willingly confesse and acknowledge it to be gods will that the world be governed by lawes and plicy , and that hee himself hath appointed the civill magistrate , and hath delivered to him the sword , to the protection and praise of good men , but for punishment and revenge on the evill , that by this bridle mens vices and faults may be restrained , whether committed against the first or against the second table . . the reformed churches believe also and openly confesse the power and authority of emperours over their empires , of kings over their kingdoms , of princes and dukes over their dominions , and of other magistrates or states over their common-wealths and cities , to be the ordinances of god himself , appointed as well to the manifestation of his owne glory , as to the singular profit of mankinde : and withall , that by reason of the will of god himself revealed in his word , wee must not onely suffer and be content that those doe rule which are set over their own territories , whether by hereditary , or by elective right ; but also to love them , fear them , and with all reverence and honour embrace them as the ambassadours and ministers of the most high and good god , being in his stead , and preferred for the good of their subjects ; to powre out prayers for them , to pay tributes to them , and in all businesses of the common-wealth which are not against the word of god , to obey their laws and edicts . . the orthodox churches believe also , and do willingly acknowledge , that every lawfull magistrate , being by god himself constituted the keeper and defender of both tables of the law , may and ought first and chiefly to take care of gods glory , and ( according to his place , or in his manner and way ) to preserve religion when pure , and to restore it when cecayed and corrupted : and also to provide a learned and godly ministry , schools also and synods , as likewise to restrain and punish as well atheists , blasphemers , hereticks and schismaticks , as the violaters of justice and civill peace . . wherefore the opinion of those sectaries of this age is altogether to be disallowed , who though otherwise insinuating themselves craftily into the magistrates favour , doe denie unto him the authority and right of restraining hereticks and schismaticks , and doe hold and maintain that such persons , how much soever hurtfull and pernicious enemies to true religion and to the church , yet are to be tolerated by the magistrate , if so be hee conceive them to be such as no way violate the lawes of the commonwealth , and in no wise disturb the civill peace . . yet the civill power and the ecclesiasticall ought not by any means to be confounded or mixed together : both powers are indeed from god , and ordained for his glory , and both to be guided by his word , and both are comprehended under that precept , honour thy father and thy mother : so that men ought to obey both civill magistrates and ecclesiasticall governours in the lord ; to both powers their proper dignity and authority is to be maintained and preserved in force : to both also is some way entrusted the keeping of both tables of the law ; also both the one and the other doth exercise some jurisdiction , and giveth sentence of judgement in an externall court or judicatory : but these , and other things of like sort , in which they agree notwithstanding ; yet by marvellous vaste differences are they distinguished the one from the other , and the rights of both remain distinct , and that eight manner of wayes , which it shall not be amisse here to adde , that unto each of these administrations its own set bounds may be the better maintained . . first of all therefore they are differenced the one from the other in respect of the very foundation and the institution : for the politicall or civill power is grounded upon the law of nature it selfe , and for that cause it is common to infidels with christians : the power ecclesiasticall dependeth immediatly upon the positive law of christ alone , that belongeth to the universall dominion of god the creator over all nations ; but this unto the speciall and occonomicall kingdom of christ the mediator , which he exerciseth in the church alone , and which is not of this world . . the second difference is in the object , or matter about which : the power politick or civill is occupied about the outward man , and civill or earthly things , about warre , peace , conservation of justice , and good order in the common-wealth ; also about the outward businesse or externall things of the church , which are indeed necessary to the church , or profitable , as touching the outward man , yet not properly and purely spirituall , for they doe not reach unto the soule , but onely to the externall state and condition of the ministers and members of the church . . for the better understanding whereof , t is to be observed that so farre as the ministers and members of the church are citizens , subjects , or members of the common-wealth , it is in the power of the magistrate , to judge , determine and give sentence concerning the disposing of their bodies or goods ; as also concerning the maintenance of the poore , sick , the banished , and of others in the church which are afflicted ; to regulate ( so far as concerneth the civill order ) marriages , burials , and other circumstances which are common both to holy , and also to honest civill societies ; to afford places fit for holy assemblies and other externall helps by which the sacred matters of the lord may be more safely , commodiously , and more easily in the church performed : to remove the externall impediments of divine worship or of ecclesiasticall peace , and to represse those which exalt themselves against the true church and her ministers , and doe raise up trouble against them . the matter may further be thus illustrated : there is almost the like respect and confideration of the magistrate as he is occupied about the outward things of the church , and of the ecclesiastick ministery as it is occupied about the inward or spirituall part of civill government , that is about those things which in the government of the common-wealth belong to the conscience . it is one thing to governe the common-wealth , and to make politicall and civill lawes ; another thing to interpret the word of god , and out of it to shew to the magistrate his duty , to wit , how he ought to govern the common-wealth , and in what manner he ought to use the sword . the former is prop●r and peculiar to the magistrate ( neither doth the ministery intermeddle or intangle it self into such businesses , ) but the latter is contained within the office of the ministers . . for to that end also is the holy scripture profitable , to shew which is the best manner of governing a common-wealth , and that the magistrate as being gods minister may by this guiding starre bee so directed , as that he may execute the parts of his office according to the will of god , and may perfectly be instituted to every good work ; yet the minister is not said properly to treat of civill businesses , but of the scandalls which arise about them , or of the cases of conscience which occurre in the administration of the common-wealth : so also the magistrate is not properly said to be exercised about the spirituall things of the church , but rather about those externall things which adhere unto and accompany the spirituall things . . and in such externall matters of the church , although all magistrates will not , yet all , yea even heathen magistrates may and ought to aide and help the church ; whence it is that by the command of god , prayers are to be made also for an heathen magistrate , that the faithfull under them may live a quiet life with all godlinesse and honesty . tim. . . . unto the externall things of the church belongeth ▪ not onely the correction of hereticlis and other troublers of the church , but also that civill order and way of convocating and calling together synods which is proper to the magistrate ; for the magistrate ought by his authority and power both to establish the rights and liberties of synods assembling together , at times appointed by the known and received law , and to indict and gather together synods occasionally , as often as the necessity of the church shall require the same ; not that all or any power to consult or determine of ecclesiastick or spirituall matters doth flow or spring from the magistrate as head of the church under christ ; but because in those things pertaining to the outward man , the church needeth the magistrates aid and support . . so that the magistrate calleth together synods , not as touching those things which are proper to synods ; but in respect of the things which are common to synods with other meetings and civill publick assemblies ; that is , not as they are assemblies in the name of christ , to treat of matters spirituall , but as they are publick assemblies within his territories ; for to the end that publick conventions may be kept in any territorie , the licence of the lord of that place ought to be desired . in synods therefore a respect of order , as well civill as ecclesiasticall is to be had ; and because of this civill order , outward defence , better accommodation , together with safe accesse and recesse , the consent and commandement of him who is appointed to cake care of and defend humane order , doth intervene . . moreover when the church is rent asunder by unhappy and lamentable shcismes , while they who have raised the troubles , and have given cause of solemne gathering a synode ( whether by their heresie , or schisme , or tyranny , or any other fault of others ) use to place the great strength and safeguard of their cause in declining and fleeing the tryall and sentence of a free synode , as being formidable to them : who seeth not that they cannot be drawn to a publick and judiciall tryall , nor other disobedient persons be compelled to obedience without the magistrates publick mandate and help ? . the object of ecclesiasticall power is not the same with the object of the civill power , but much differing from it ; for the ecclesiasticall power doth determine and appoinr nothing concerning mens bodies , goods , dignities , civill rights , but is imployed onely about the inward man , or the soul ; not that it can search the hearts , or judge of the secrets of the conscience , which is in the power of god alone : yet notwithstanding it hath for its proper object those externalls which are purely spirituall , and doe belong properly and most neerly to the spirituall good of the soul ; which also are termed {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the inward things of the church . . those things then wherein the ecclesiasticall power is exercised , are the preaching of the word , the administration of sacraments , publick prayer and thanksgiving , the catechising and instructing of children and ignorant persons , the examination of those who are to come the holy communion , the ecclesiasticall discipline , the ordination of ministers , and the abdication , deposing , and degrading of them ( if they become like unsavoury salt ) , the deciding and determining of controversies of faith , and cases of conscience , canonicall constitutions concerning the treasurie of the church , and collections of the faithfull , as also concerning ecclesiasticall rites , or indifferent things , which pertaine to the keeping of decencie and order in the church according to the generall rules of christian love and prudence contained in the word of god . . 't is true , that about the same things the civill power is occupied , as touching the outward man , or the outward disposing of divine things in this or that dominion , as was said ; not as they are spirituall and evangelicall ordinances piercing into the conscience it selfe ; but the object of the power ecclesiasticall is a thing meerly and purely spirituall ; and in so far as it is spirituall ( for even that jurisdiction ecclesiasticall which is exercised in an outward court or judicatory , and which inflict●● publike censures , forbidden from the use of the holy supper , and excludeth from the society of the church ) doth properly concerne the inward man , or the repentance and salvation of the soul . . surely the faithfull and godly ministers , although they could doe it unchallenged and uncontrolled , and were therein allowed by the magistrate ( as in the prelaticall times it was ) yet would not usurpe the power of life and death , or judge and determine concerning mens honours , goods , inheritance , division of families , or other civill businesses ; seeing they well know these things to bee heterogeneous to their office : but as they ought not to entangle themselves with the judgeing of civill causes , so if they should bee negligent and slothfull in their owne office , they shall in that bee no lesse culpable . . to the object also of ecclesiasticall power belongeth the assembling of synodes , so far as they are spirituall assemblies proper to the church , and assembled in the holy ghost ; for being so considered , the governours of churches after the example of the apostles and presbyters , acts . in a manifest danger of the church , ought to use their owne right of meeting together and conveening , that the churches endangered may be relieved and supported . . thirdly , those powers are differences in respect of their formes , and that three wayes : for first the civill power , although in respect of god it bee ministeriall , yet in respect of the subjects it is lordly and magisteriall . ecclesiasticall power is indeed furnished with authority , yet that authority is liker the fatherly then the kingly authority ; yea also t is purely ministeriall , much lesse can it be lawfull to ministers of the church to bear dominion over the flock . . emperors , kings and other magistrats are indeed appointed fathers of they countrey , but the are withall lords of their people and subjects ; not as if it were permitted to them to bear rule and command at their owne will and as they list ( for they are the ministers of god for the good and profit of the subjects ) yet it belongs to their power truely and properly to exercise dominion , to hold principality , to proceed imperiously . it is indeed the duety of ministers and rulers of the church to oversee , to feed as shepherds , to correct and rectifie , to bear the keyes , to be stewards in the house of christ , but in no wise to be lords over the house , or to governe as lords , or lordlike to rule ; yea in brief , this is the difference between the civill magistrate and the ecclesiasticall ministery , in respect of those that are committed to their trust , that the lot of the former is to be served or ministred unto , the lot of the latter to minister or serve . . now we have one onely lord which governes our souls , neither is it competent to man , but to god alone to have power and authority over consciences . but the lord hath appointed his owne stewards over his owne family , that according to his commandment they may give to every one their allowance or portion , and to dispense his mysteries faithfully ; and to them hee hath delivered the keyes , or power of letting in into his house , or excluding out of his house those whom he himself will have let in or shut out . matth. . . and . . luk. . . cor. . . tit. . . . next , the civill power is indued with authority of compelling ; but it belongs not to the ministery to compell the disobedient ; if any compulsion be in or about eclesissticall matters , t is adventitious from without , to wit , from the help and assistance of the magistrate , not from the nature of ecclesiasticall power , from which it is very heterogenous ; and therefore if any suspended or excommunicate persons should be found , who shall be so stiffe-necked , and so impudent that at once he cast off all shame , and make no account at all of those censures , but scorn or contemn the same , or peradventure shall insolently or proudly engyre and obtrude himself upon the sacrament , or being also filled with divelish malice , do more and more contradict and blaspheme ; the ecclesiasticall ministry in such cases hath nothing more to do by way of jurisdiction : but the magistrate hath in readinesse a compelling jurisdiction and externall force , whereby such stubborn , rebellious and undaunted pride may be externally repressed . . last of all , the power of the magistrate worketh onely politically or civilly , according to the nature of the scepter or sword , maketh and guardeth civill lawes , which sometimes also hee changeth or repealeth , and other things of that kinde hee eff●cteth with a secular power : but the ecclesiasticall power dealeth spiritually , and onely in the name of our lord jesus christ , and by authority entrusted or received from him alone : neither is it exercised without prayer or calling on the name of god : nor lastly , doth it use any other then spirituall weapons . . the same sinne therefore in the same man may be punished one way by the civill , another way by the ecclesiasticall power ; by the civill power under the formality of a crime , with corporall or pecuniary punishment : by the ecclesiasticall power , under the notion or nature of scandall , with a spirituall censure ; even as also the same civill question is one way deliberate upon and handled by the magistrate in the senate or place of judgement ; another way by the minister of the church , in the presbytery or synod : by the magistrate , so farre as it pertaineth to the government of the common-wealth ; by the minister , so far as it respects the conscience ; for the ecclesiastiall ministery also is exercised about civil things spiritually , in so far as it teacheth and admonisheth the magistrate out of the word of god what is best and most acceptable unto god ; or as it reproveth freely unjust judgements , unjust wars , and the like , and out of the scripture threatneth the wrath of god to be revealed against all unrighteousness of men : so also is the magistrate said to be occupied civilly about spiritual things . . therefore all the actions of the civill magistrate , even when he is imployed about ecclesiasticall matters , are of their own nature , and essentially , civill . he punisheth externally idolaters , blasphemers , sacrilegious persons , hereticks , prophaners of holy things , and according to the nature and measure of the sin , he condemneth to death or banishment , forfeiture of goods , or imprisonment : he guardeth and underproppeth ecclesiasticall canons with civill authority , giveth a place of habitation to the church in his territory , restraineth or expelleth the insolent and untamed disturbers of the church . . he taketh care also for maintaining the ministers and schools , and supplyeth the temporall necessities of gods servants , by his command assembleth synods , when there is need of them : and summoneth , calleth out , and draws to tryall the unwilling , which without the magistrates strength and authority cannot be done , as hath bin already said : he maketh synods also safe and secure , and in a civil way presideth or moderateth in them ( if it so seem good to him ) either by himself , or by a substitute commissioner . in all which the power of the magistrate , though occupied about spirituall things , is not , for all that , spiritual but civill . . fourthly , they differ in the end : the immediate , nearest end of civil power , is , that the good of the common-wealth may be provided for and procured , whether it be in time of peace , according to the rules of law and counsel of judges ; or in time of war , according to the rules of military prudence : and so the temporall safety of the subjects may be procured , and that external peace and civil liberty may be preserved , and being lost , may be again restored . . but the chiefest and last end of civill government is , the glory of god the creator , namely , that those which do evil , being by a superior power restrained or punished , and those which do good , getting praise of the same , the subjects so much the more may shun impiety and injustice : and that vertue , justice and the morall law of god ( as touching those eternal duties of both tables , unto which all the posterity of adam are obliged ) may remain in strength , and flourish , . but whereas the christian magistrate doth wholly devote himself to the promoting of the gospel and kingdom of christ , and doth direct and bend all the might and strength of his authority to that end : this proceedeth not from the nature of his office and function , which is common to him with an infidell magistrate ; but from the influence of his common christian calling into his particular vocation . . for every member of the church ( and so also the faithful and godly magistrate ) ought to referr and order his particular vocation , faculty , ability , power and honour to this end , that the kingdom of christ may be propagated and promoted , and the true religion be cherished and defended : so that the advancement of the gospell , and of all the ordinances of the gospell , is indeed the end of the godly magistrate : not of a magistrate simply ; or ( if ye will rather ) t is not the end of the office it self , but of him who doth execute the same piously . . but the end of ecclesiastical power , yea the end as well of the ministry it self , as of the godly minister , is , that the kingdom of christ may be set forward , that the pathes of the lord be made straight , that his holy mysteries may be kept pure , that stumbling-blocks may be removed out of the church , least a little leaven leaven the whole lump ; or least one sick or scabbed sheep infect the whole flock ; that the faithfull may so walk as it becometh the gospell of christ , and that the wandring sheep of christ may be converted and brought back to the sheep-fold : . and seeing this power is given of the lord , not to destruction but to edification ; therefore this same scope is propounded in excommunication , ( which is the greatest and last of ecclesiastical censures ) namely , that the soul of an offending brother may be gained to christ , and that being stricken with fear , and the stubborn sinner filled with shame , may by the grace of god be humbled , and may ( as a brand plucked out of the fire ) be snatched out of the snare of the devill , and may repent unto salvation ; at least , the rest may turn away from those which are branded with such a censure , least the soul infection do creep and spread further . . fiftly , they are distinguished by the effect . the effect of civil power is either proper or by way of redundance : the proper effect is the safety temporal of the common-wealth , externall tranquillity , the fruition of civil liberty , and of all things which are necessary to the civil society of men . the effect , by way of redundance , is the good of the church , to wit , in so far as by execution of justice and good laws , some impediments that usually hinder and disturb the course of the gospel , are avoided or taken away . . for by how much the more faithfully the magistrate executeth his office in punishing the wicked , and cherishing and encouraging good men , taking away those things which withstand the gospell , and punishing or driving away the troublers and subverters of the church ; so much the more the orthodox faith and godlyness are reverenced and had in estimation , sins are hated and feared : finally , and all the subjects contained ( as much as concerneth the outward man ) within the lists of gods law : whence also by consequence in happeneth , by gods blessing , that the church is desiled with fewer scandalls , and doth obtain the more freedom and peace . . but the proper effect of the ecclesiasticall power , or keys of the kingdom of heaven is wholly spirituall ; for the act of binding and loosing , of retaining and remitting sins , doth reach to the soul and conscience it self ( which cannot be said of the act of the civill power : ) and as unjust excommunication is void , so ecclesiasticall censure being inflicted by the ministers of christ , and his stewards , according to his will , is ratified in heaven , mat. . . and therefore ought to be esteemed and acknowledged in like manner as inflicted by christ himself . . sixthly , they are also differenced in respect of the subject : the politick power is committed sometimes to one , sometimes to more , sometime by right of election , sometime by right of succession : but the ecclesiasticall power is competent to none under the new testament by the right of succession , but he who hath it , must be called , by god and the church , to it ; neither was it given by christ to one , either pastor or elder , much less to a prelate , but to the church , that is , to the consistory of presbyters . 't is confessed indeed , and who can be ignorant of it , that the power ( as they call it ) of order , doth belong to particular ministers , and is by each of them apart lawfully exercised ? but that power which is commonly called of jurisdiction , is committed not to one , but to the unity , that is , to a consistory ; therefore ecclesiasticall censure ought not to be inflicted , but by many . cor. . . . seventhly , they differ as touching the correlative : god hath commanded , that unto the civil power , every soul , or all members of the common-wealth , of what condition and estate soever , be subiect ; for what have we to do with the papists , who wil have them , whom they call the clergy or ecclesiasticall persons , to be free from the yoke of the civill magistrate ? the ecclesiasticall power extends it self to none other subiects , then unto those which are called brethren , or members of the church . . eightly , there remaineth another difference in respect of the distinct and divided exercise of authority . for either power ceasing from its duty , or remitting punishment , that doth not ( surely it ought not ) prejudice the exercise of the other power ; namely , if the magistrate cease to do his duty , or do neglect to punish with secular punishment , those malefactors which by profession are church members : nevertheless , it is in the power of the governors of the church , by the bridle of ecclesiastical discipline , to curb such men ; yea also , by vertue of their office they are bound to do it ; and on the other part , the magistrate may , and ought to punish in life and limb , honours or goods , notwithstanding the offenders repentance , or reconciliation with the church . . therefore the one sword being put up in the scabbard , it is free , and often necessary to draw the other . neither power is bound to cast out , or receive him , whom the other doth cast forth or receive : the reason whereof is , because the ecclesiastical ministry doth chiefly respect the repentance to salvation , and gaining of the sinners soul ; wherefore it also imbraceth all kind of wicked men repenting , and receiveth them into the bosome of the church . the magistrate proposeth to himself another , and much differing scope ; for even repenting offenders are by him punished , both that justice and the laws may be satisfied , as also to terrifie others ; hence it is , that absolution from ecclesiastick censure , freeth not at all the delinquent , from civill judgment , and that external sword . . seeing then there are so many and so great differences of both offices , and seeing also , that the function of ministers and elders of the church , is not at all contained in the office of the magistrate ; neither on the other part , this is comprehended within that ; magistrates shal no less sin in usurping ecclesiastical power , ministring holy things , ordaining ministers , or exercising discipline ecclesiasticall , then ministers should sin in rushing into the borders of the magistrate , and in thrusting themselves into his calling . . neither are those powers more mingled one with other , or less distinguished , where the magistrate is a christian , then where he is an infidell ; for , as in a believing father and in an infidel father , the rights of a father are the same , so in a christian magistrate , and in an infidell magistrate , the rights of magistrates are the same : so that to the magistrate converted to the christian faith , there is no accession of new right , or increase of civil power , although being indued with true faith and piety , he is made more fit and willing to the undergoing of his office and the doing of his duty . . so then the word of god and the law of christ , which by so evident difference , separateth and distinguisheth ecclesiastical government from the civill , forbiddeth the christian magistrate to enter upon , or usurp the ministry of the word and sacraments , or the juridicall dispensing of the keys of the kingdom of heaven , to invade the church-government , or to challenge to himself the right of both swords , spirituall and corporal : but if any magistrate ( which god forbid ) should dare to arrogate to himself so much , and to enlarge his skirts so far , the church shal then straight way be constrained to complain justly , and cry out , that though the pope is changed , yet popedom remaineth still . . it is unlawfull moreover to a christian magistrate , to withstand the practise and execution of ecclesiasticall discipline , ( whether it be that which belongs to a particular church , or the matter be carryed to a class or synode : ) now the magistrate withstandeth the ecclesiastick discipline , either by prohibitions and uniust laws , or by his evil example , stirring up , and inciting others to the contempt thereof , or to the trampling it under foot . . surely the christian magistrate ( if any time he give any grievous scandall to the church , ) seeing he also is a member of the church , ought no ways disdain to submit himself to the power of the keys ; neither is this to be marvelled at : for even as the office of the minister of the church is no ways subordinate and subjected to the civil power , but the person of the minister , as he is a member of the common-wealth , is subject thereto : so the civil power it self , or the magistrate , as a magistrate , is not subjected to ecclesiastick power ; yet that man who is a magistrate ought ( as he is a member of the church ) to be under the churches censure of his manners , after the example of the emperour theodosius , unless he wil despise and set at nought ecclesiastick discipline , and indulge the swelling pride of the flesh . . if any man should again object that the magistrate is not indeed to resist ecclesiasticall government , yet that the abuses thereof are to be corrected and taken away by him : the answer is ready , in the worst and troublesome times , or in the decayed and troubled estate of things , when the ordinance of god in the church , is violently turned into tyranny , to the treading down of true religion , and to the oppressing of the professors thereof , and when nothing almost is sound or whole , divers things are yielded to be lawfull to godly magistrates , which are not ordinarily lawfull for them , that so to extraordinary diseases , extraordinary remedies may be applyed . so also the magistrate abusing his power unto tyranny , and making havock of all , t is lawfull to resist him by some extraordinary ways and means , which are not ordinarily to be allowed . . yet ordinarily and by common or known law and right in settled churches , if any man have recourse to the magistrate to complain , that through abuse of ecclesiastick discipline , injury is done to him , or if any sentence of the pastors and elders of the church , whether concerning faith or discipline , do displease or seem uniust unto the magistrate himself ; it is not for that cause lawfull to draw those ecclesiasticall causes to a civil tribunal , or to bring in a kind of political or civil popedom . . what then ? shall it be lawful ordinarily for ministers and elders to do what they list , or shall the governors in the churches , glorying in the law , by their transgression dishonour god ? god forbid . for first , if they shall trespass in any thing against the magistrate or municipal laws , whether by intermedling in judging of civil causes , or otherwise disturbing the peace and order of the common-wealth , they are liable to civil tryal and judgments , as it is in the power of the magistrate to restrain and punish them . . again it hath been before shewed , that to ecclesiastical evils ecclesiastical remedies are appointed and fitted , for the church is no less then the common-wealth , through the grace of god , sufficient to it self in reference unto her own end : and as in the common-wealth , so in the church , the errour of inferior judgments and assemblies , or their evil government , is to be corrected by superior judgments and assemblies , and so still by them of the same order , lest one order be confounded with another , or one government be intermingled with another government . what shall now the adversaries of ecclesiastical power object here , which those who admit not the yoke of the magistrate may not be ready in like manner to transfer against the civil judicatories and government of the common-wealth ? seeing it happeneth sometimes that the common-wealth is no less ill governed then the church . . if any man shall prosecute the argument , and say , that yet no remedy is here shewed , which may be applyed to the injustice or error of a national synod : surely he stumbleth against the same stone , seeing he weigheth not the matter with an equal ballance ; for the same may in like sort fall back and be cast upon parliaments , or any supream senate of a common-wealth : for who seeth not the judgment of the supream civill senate to be nothing more infallible , yea also in matters of faith and ecclesiasticall discipline , more apt and prone to error ( as being less accustomed to sacred studies ) then the judgment of the nationall synod ? what medicines then , or what soveraign plaisters shal be had , which may be fit for the curing and healing of the errors and miscariages of the supream magistrate and senate ? the very like , and beside all this , other and more effectuall medicines , by which the errors of nationall synods may be healed , are possible to be had . . there wanteth not a divine medicine , and soveraign balm in gilead ; for although the popish opinion of the infallibility of counsels , be worthily rejected and exploded ; yet t is not in vain that christ hath promised , he shal be present with an assembly , which in deed and in truth , meeteth together in his name ; with such an assembly , verily he useth to be present by a spirituall aide and assistance of his own spirit , to uphold the falling , or to raise up the fallen . whence it is , that divers times the errors of former synods are discovered and amended by the latter : sometimes also the second , or after thoughts of one and the same synod are the wiser and the better . . furthermore , the line of ecclesiasticall subordination is longer and further stretched , then the line of civill subordination ; for a nationall synod must be subordinate and subject to an universall synod , in the manner aforesaid , whereas yet there is no occumenicall parliament , or generall civill court acknowledged , unto which the supream civill senate , in this or that nation , should be subject . finally , neither is the church altogether destitute of nearer remedies , whether an universall counsell may be had or not . . for the nationall synod ought to declare , and that with greatest reverence , to the magistrate , the grounds of their sentence , and the reasons of their proceedings , when he demandeth or enquireth into the same , and desireth to be satisfied : but if the magistrate nevertheless do dissent , or cannot by contrary reasons ( which may be brought , if he please ) move the synod to alter their judgment , yet may he require , and procure , that the matter be again debated and canvassed in another national synod ; and so the reasons on both sides being throughly weighed , may be lawfully determined in an ecclesiastical way . . but as there is much indeed to be given to the demand of the magistrate ; so is there here a two-fold caution to be used : for first , notwithstanding of a future revision , it is necessary that the former sentence of the synod , whether concerning the administration of ecclesiastick discipline , or against any heresie , be forthwith put in execution ; least by lingering and making of delays , the evil of the church take deeper root , and the gangreen spread and creep further : and least violence be done to the consciences of ministers , if they be constrained to impart the signs and seals of the covenant of grace to dogs and swine , that is , to unclean persons , wallowing in the mire of ungodliness ; and least subtile men abuse such interims or intervals , so as that ecclesiasticall discipline altogether decay , and the very decrees of synods be accounted as cobwebs , which none feareth to break down . . next it may be granted , that the matter may be put under a further examination , yet upon condition , that when it is come to the revision of the former sentence , regard may be had of the weaker which are found willing to be taught , though they doubt , but that unto the wicked and contentious tempters , which do mainly strive to oppress our liberty which we have in christ , and to bring us into bondage , we do not for a moment give place by subjecting our selves : for what else seek they or wait for , then that under the pretence of a revising and of new debate , they cast in lets and impediments ever and anon , and that by cunning lyings in wait , they may betray the liberty of the church , and in process of time may by open violence , more forceably break in upon it , or at least , constrain the ministers of the church to weave penelop's web , which they can never bring to an end . . moreover , the christian magistrate hath then only discharged his office in reference to ecclesiasticall discipline , when not only he withdraweth nothing from it , and maketh no impedient to it , but also affordeth speciall furtherance and help to it , according to the prophecy , esai . . . and kings shal be thy nursing fathers , and queens thy nursing mothers . . for christian magistrates and princes embracing christ , and sincerely giving their names to him , do not only serve him as men , but also use their office to his glory , and the good of the church : they defend , stand for , and take care to propagate the true faith and godliness , they affoord places of habitation to the church , and furnish necessary helps and supports , turn away injuries done to it , restrain false religion , and cherish , underprop , and defend the rights and liberties of the church : so far they are from diminishing , changing or restraining those rights , for so the condition of the church were in that respect worse , and the liberty thereof more cut short , under the christian magistrate , then under the infidell or heathen . . wherefore seeing these nursing fathers , favourers and defenders , can do nothing against the truth , but for the truth , nor have any right against the gospel , but for the gospel ; and their power in respect of the church , whereof they bear the care , being not privative or destructive , but cumulative and auxiliary , thereby it is sufficiently clear , that they ought to cherish , and by their authority , ought to establish the ecclesiasticall discipline ; but yet not with implicite faith , or blind obedience : for the reformed churches do not deny to any of the faithfull , much less to the magistrate , the judgment of christian prudence and discretion , concerning those things which are decreed or determined by the church . . therefore , as to each member of the church respectively , so unto the magistrate belongeth the judgment of such things , both to apprehend and to judg of them ; for although the magistrate is not ordained and preferred of god , that he should be a judg of matters and causes spirituall , of which there is controversie in the church : yet is he questionless judg of his own civill act , about spirituall things ; namely , of defending them in his own dominions , and of approving or tolerating the same ; and if in this business he judg and determine according to the wisdom of the flesh , and not according to the wisdom which is from above , he is to render an account thereof before the supream tribunall . . however the ecclesiasticall discipline , according as it is ordained by christ , whether it be established and ratified by civill authority , or not , ought to be retained and exercised in the society of the faithfull ( as long as it is free and safe for them to come together in holy assemblies ) for the want of civil authority is unto the church like a ceasing gain , but not like damage or loss ensuing ; as it superaddeth nothing more , so it takes nothing away . . if it further happen ( which god forbid ) that the magistrate do so far abuse his authority , that he doth straitly forbid what christ hath ordained ; yet the constant and faithful servants of christ , will resolve and determine with themselves , that any extremities are rather to be undergone , then that they should obey such things , and that we ought to obey god rather then men ; yea they will not leave off to perform all the parts of their office , being ready , in the mean time , to render a reason of their practice to every one that demandeth it , but specially unto the magistrate , ( as was said before . ) . these things are not to that end and purpose proposed , that these functions should be opposed one against another , in a hostile posture , or in terms of enmity , then which nothing is more hurtful to the church and common-wealth , nothing more execrable to them who are truly and sincerely zealous for the house of god ( for they have not so learned christ : ) but the aim is , first and above all , that unto the king of kings and lord of lords , jesus christ the only monarch of the church , his own prerogative royal ( of which also himself in the world was accused , and for his witnessing a good confession thereof before pontius pilate , was unjustly condemned to death ) may be fully maintained and defended . . next , this debate also tendeth to this end , that the power as well of ecclesiasticall censure as of the civil sword being in force , the licentiousness of carnal men , which desire that there be too slack ecclesiastical discipline or none at all , may be bridled , and so men may sin less , and may live more agreeably to the gospel . another thing here intended is , that errours on both sides being overthrown , ( as well the errour of those who under a fair pretence of maintaining and defending the rights of magistracy , do leave to the church either no power , or that which is too weak ; as the errour of others , who under the vail of a certain suppositious and imaginary christian liberty , do turn off the yoke of the magistrate ) both powers may enjoy their own priviledges ; add hereto that both powers being circumscribed with their distinct borders and bounds , and also the one underpropped and strengthned by the help of the other , a holy concord between them may be nourished , and they may mutually and friendly imbrace one another . . last of all , seeing there are not wanting some unhappy men , who cease not to pervert the right ways of the lord , and with all diligence go about to shake off the yoke of the ecclesiastical discipline , where now t is about to be introduced , yea also where it hath been long ago established , and as yet happily remaineth in force , it was necessary to obviate their most wicked purposes ; which things being so , let all which hath been said , passe with the good leave and liking of those orthodox churches in which the discipline of excommunication is not as yet in use : neither can any offence easily arise to them from hence ; yea ( if the best conjecture do not deceive ) they cannot but rejoyce and congratulate at the defence and vindication of this discipline . . for those churches do not deny but acknowledg and teach , that the discipline of excommunication is most agreeable to the word of god , as also that it ought to be restored and exercised ; which also heretofore the most learned zachary vrsi●● , in the declaration of his judgment concerning excommunication , exhibited to prince frederick the third , count elector palatine , the title whereof is , judicium de disciplina ecclesiastica & excommunicatione , &c. . for thus he , in other churches , where either no excommunication is in use , or t is not lawfully administred , and neverthelesse without all controversie , it is confessed and openly taught , that it ought justly to be received and be of force in the church : and a little after , lest also your hignesse by this new opinion do sever your self and your churches from all other churches , as well those which have not excommunication , as those which have it : forasmuch as all of them do unanimously confesse , and alwayes confessed , that there is reason why it ought to be in use . . to the same purpose it tendeth which the highly esteemed philip melancthon in his common places , chap. of civil magistrates , doth affirm : before ( saith he ) i warned that civil places and powers are to be distinguished from the adhering confusions which arise from other causes , partly from the malice of the devil , partly from the malice of men , partly from the common infirmity of men , as it cometh to passe in other kinds of life and government ordained of god . no man doubteth , that ecclesiastical government is ordained of god , and yet how many and great disorders grow in it from other causes . where he mentioneth a church government distinct from the civil , and that jure divino , as a thing uncontroverted . . neither were the wishes of the chief divines of zurick and berne wanting , for the recalling and restoring of the discipline of excommunication . so bullinger upon cor. . and hitherto ( saith he ) of the ecclesiastical chastising of wickedness , but here i would have the brethren diligently warned , that they watch , and with all diligence take care that this wholesom medicine , thrown out of the true church by occasion of the popes avarice , may be reduced , that is , that scandalous sins be punished : for this is the very end of excommunication , that mens manners may be well ordered , and the saints flourish , the prophane being restrained , lest wicked men by their impudency and impiety increase and undo all . it is our part , ô brethren , with greatest diligence to take care of these things ; for we see that paul in this place doth stir up those that were negligent in this business . . aretius agreeth hereunto . problem . theolog. loc , . magistrates do not admit the yoke , they are afraid for their honours , they love licentiousnesse , &c. the common people is too dissolute , the greatest part is most corrupt , &c. in the mean while i willingly confesse , that we are not to despair , but the age following will peradventure yeeld more tractable spirits , more mild hearts , then our times have . see also lavater agreeing in this , homil. . on nehem. because the popes of rome have abused excommunication for the establishing of their own tyranny , it cometh to pass , that almost no just discipline can be any more settled in the church , but unlesse the wicked be restrained , all things must of necessity run into the worst condition , see besides , the opinion of fabritius , upon psal. . , , , . of spirituall corrections , which he groundeth upon that text compared with matth. . . and . . iohn . . . it can hardly be doubted or called in question , but besides these , other learned and godly divines of those churches were and are of the same mind herein , with those now cited ; and indeed the very confession of faith of the churches of helvetia , chap. . may be an evidence hereof . but there ought to be in the mean time a just discipline amongst ministers , for the doctrine and life of ministers is diligently to be enquired of in synods : those that sin are to be rebuked of the elders , and to be brought again into the way , if they be curable ; or to be deposed , and like wolves driven away from the floek of the lord , if they be incurable . that this manner of synodical censure , namely of deposing ministers from their office for some great scandal , is used in the republike of zurick , lavater is witness , in his book of the rites and ordinances of the church of zurick , chap. . surely they could not be of that mind , that ecclesiastical discipline ought to be exercised upon delinquent ministers only , and not also upon other rotten members of the church . yea the helvetian confession in the place now cited , doth so tax the inordinate zeal of the donatists and anabaptists ( which are so bent upon the rooting out of the tares out of the lords field , that they take not heed of the danger of plucking up the wheat ) that withall it doth not obscurely commend the ecclesiastical forensical discipline , as distinct from the civil power , and seeing ( say they ) ttis altogether necessary that there be in the church a discipline ; and among the ancients in times past excommunication hath been usual , and ecclesiastical courts have been among the people of god , among whom this discipline was exercised by prudent and goods men ; it belongeth also to ministers according to the case of the times , the publick estate and necessity , to moderate this discipline ; where this rule is ever to be held , that all ought to be done to edification , decently , honestly , without tyranny and sedition ; the apostle also witnesseth , cor. . that to himself , was given of god a power unto edification , and not unto destruction . . and now what resteth , but that god be intreated with continual and ardent prayers , both that he would put into the hearts of all magistrates , zeal and care to cherish , defend , and guard the ecclesiastick discipline , together with the rest of christs ordinances , and to stop their eares against the importunate suits of whatsoever claw-backs , which would stir them up against the church ; and that also all governours and rulers of churches , being every where furnished and helped with the strength of the holy spirit , may diligently and faithfully execute this part also of their function , as it becommeth the trusty servants of christ , which study to please their own lord and master , more then men . . finally , all those who are more averse from ecclesiastick discipline , or ill affected against it , are to be admonished and intreated through our lord jesus christ , that they be no longer entangled and enveagled with carnall prejudice , to give place in this thing to humane affections , and to measure by their own corrupt reason spirituall discipline , but that they do seriously think with themselves , and consider in their minds , how much better it were , that the lusts of the flesh were as with a bridle tamed , and that the repentance , amendment , and gaining of vicious men unto salvation may be sought , then that sinners be left to their own disposition , and be permitted to follow their own lusts without controulment , and by their evil example to draw others headlong into ruin with themselves : and seeing either the keys of discipline must take no rust , or the manners of christians will certainly contract much rust : what is here to be chosen , and what is to be shunned , let the wise and godly , who alone take to heart the safety of the church , judg . finis . a letter from a country curate to mr. henry care, in defence of the seven bishops licensed july . . country curate. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing l estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a letter from a country curate to mr. henry care, in defence of the seven bishops licensed july . . country curate. care, henry, - , recipient. p. printed, and are to be sold by randal taylor, [london : mdclxxxviii. [ ]] caption title. imprint from colophon. copy stained with print show-through. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- bishops -- early works to . church and state -- great britain -- history -- th century. liberty of conscience -- early works to . great britain -- history -- james ii, - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from a country curate to mr. henry care , in defence of the seven bishops . licensed july . . sir , tho' i know not your person , i am to my cost acquainted with your pen ; and , to be plain with you , begin to discover you are a sort of i cannot tell what , nor knows a man where to have you : so in fine , do you see , it will be hardly worth while to pay a peny and postage any longer for your weekly paper , especially for a man in my circumstances , who am but a country curate at twenty nobles a year sallary . 't is true , i serve in a large parish , but to my sorrow situated in such a wholsom air , that the people are in a manner immortal ; so that a tale of a funeral amongst them begins with , once upon a time there was such a man , who died , &c. then for their children , they seldom or never make them christians , not so much for conscience-sake , as to hinder me of my dues . and for weddings , the commissaries have all the custom ; wherefore my perquisites consisting totally in telling news at several tables for my dinner , i am horribly defeated of late by your proceedings : for , to be plain with you , i had thoughts your verity and good style had kept company : and tho' you were a little sharp upon topping tories , and laid about you mightily for liberty of conscience , i that have so little to lose or get by that matter , did not much regard the consequence . besides , being a bachelor , and can speak latin , i know the worst on 't at last ; but to be abus'd with false news undo's me , and , as the proverb has it , puts water in my pottage . for , to be plain with you , deluded , as it seems , by yours and other prints , i did verily believe that the seven bishops had given his majesty a certain petition or paper about reading the declaration , which had made him angry , and that they were sent to the tower for publishing it , and refusing to give recognizance to appear at the term for so doing . this matter i told positively for truth , and shew'd a copy of it in print , and was heartily welcom to many a good meal for my news . and i must tell you , there is no man , tho' i say it , in these parts keeps such a constant correspondence for public prints as i do , my name being so famous , that when i was quoted in matters of that nature , it silenced all pretenders to intelligence with an ipse dixit : but now , monstrum horrendum ! what i say will go for nothing , since those reverend , pious , and prudent bishops , did on their trials deny the whole story , nor could it be proved upon them ; for which cause the loyal jury acquitted them , and the ever well-meaning , honest , godly , and understanding rabble , congratulated their escape with huzza's , bonfires , curses , oaths , healths , drunkenness , tumults and roring , receiving in return from those peace-making prelates , thanks , smiles , prayers and blessings , to the great improvement of good manners and duty in the nation , no doubt of it : besides , it is likely more strongly to unite the mobile into a practicable interpretation of those mysterious doctrins of non-resistance and passive obedience . thus wonderful are the ways of the wise and great in our church , being much above the reach of us little ecclesiastics : for , to my vulgar head , this way of triumphing in the face of his majesty , might probably induce him to suspect the integrity of our principles , and cause him to doubt what use may in time be made of the unintelligible method we take to express our unquestionable loyalty . but indeed , mr. care , all the reflections on the consequence of the bishops applause against the king's authority , cannot make me forget or forgive the abuse put on both me and the public , by yours as well as other prints : and i do positively aver , since such apostolic persons dare not own it , that so malicious , seditious , and unmannerly a writing , could never come into the thoughts of any good or honest man , much less of a christian , and least of all of christian bishops : no , no , shaftsbury and his gang of petitioners never were impudent enough to tell their king to his face , he acted illegally , as this paper pretends to do ; and yet , fool as i am , i was made to believe it . but what a dull ass was i , not to reflect , that amongst the whole number of bishops , there could be none found had received such personal obligations from his majesty , as those seven , not a ma● of them but owing much more to his favor for their advancement , than to all other means in the world. therefore it being impossible that ingratitude and disobedience could ever joyn but in an infernal nature , i might have been confident no vulgar report could have provoked such blessed men , to wipe off the imputation of popery by diabolical crimes . besides , had i known then that eleven other bishops had obey'd the king , and comply'd with their duty , in commanding their clergy to read his declaration , how could i have suspected those seven should have been guilty of a schism so gross , so undutiful , and so unmannerly as that would have been ? yet this improbable error have you made me guilty of , sweet mr. care , and for the future i shall regard you accordingly , i 'll assure you . nay who can blame me , you having made me suspect men of their parts and piety , some being , as is thought , so emulous of martyrdom , that they wish'd the bonfires for their deliverance , had been the faggots for their suffering , tho' at the same time in seeming compliance with natures frailty , one , the most perfect , boasted out a farewel sermon on the text , lord let this cup pass from me , &c. therefore , i say , had such exemplary sufferers delivered or published that pretended paper , they would have gloried in it as a good and laudable action , and never have put the matter of fact upon proof , and got clear of the business that way . but having done so , i defie all them that led me into the error , and amongst the rest , thou harry care , with all thy wit ; and from henceforth must declare , that the libel was the production of some traiterous head , and enemy to the nations repose , and the glory of that king , whose word for our security may be entirely depended on , being a prince too intrepid and brave , to have recourse to falshood for his support . and this too will be my everlasting comfort , that not an honest man , which impartially observes the whole proceeding , but will be of my opinion . and so , mr. care , if you , or any of your dissenting companions , invented the paper , to divide and disgrace our church , you may take my good opinion of you for your pains ; for this is the last letter you are ever like to have from , &c. london , printed , and are to be sold by randal taylor . mdclxxxviii . sions groans for her distressed, or sober endeavours to prevent innocent blood, and to stablish the nation in the best of settlements grounded upon scripture, reason, and authority. proving it the undoubted right of christian liberty under different perswasions, in matters spiritual, to have equal protection as to their civil peace. unto which is added the testimony of fifteen antients. humbly offered to the kings majesty, parliament and people, and left unto their serious view. by tho. monck, joseph wright, fran. stanley, &c. sions groans for her distressed. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) sions groans for her distressed, or sober endeavours to prevent innocent blood, and to stablish the nation in the best of settlements grounded upon scripture, reason, and authority. proving it the undoubted right of christian liberty under different perswasions, in matters spiritual, to have equal protection as to their civil peace. unto which is added the testimony of fifteen antients. humbly offered to the kings majesty, parliament and people, and left unto their serious view. by tho. monck, joseph wright, fran. stanley, &c. sions groans for her distressed. monck, thomas. aut wright, joseph, - . aut stanley, fr. (francis), d. . aut hanson, geo. aut reynolds, william, - . aut jeffery, william, - . aut p. printed for the authors, and are to bee sold in london, and at westminster, london : . "to the reader" on verso of title page signed by all six authors, including three not listed on title page: geo. hanson, will. reynolds, will. jeffery. copy trimmed at head. reproduction of the original in the worcester college library, oxford university. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -- controversial literature -- early works to . liberty of conscience -- early works to . religious tolerance -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sions groans for her distressed , or sober endeavours to prevent innocent blood , and to stablish the nation in the best of settlements . grounded upon scripture , reason , and authority . proving it the undoubted right of christian liberty under different perswasions , in matters spiritual , to have equal protection as to their civil peace . unto which is added the testimony of fifteen antients . humbly offered to the kings majesty , parliament and people . and left unto their serious view . by tho. monck , ioseph wright , fran. stanley , &c. matth. . . therefore all things whatsoever you would that men should do to you , do you even so to them , for this is the law and the prophets . mat. . , , . the servants said unto him , wilt thou then that we go and gather them up ? but he said nay , lest while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them , let both grow together in the field ( the world ) until the harvest , which is the end of the world . act. . . and now i say unto you , refrain from these men , and let them alone , for if this counsel or work be of man , it will come to nought , but if it be of god , ye cannot overthrow it , lest haply ye be found to fight against god. london , printed for the authors , and are to bee sold in london , and at westminster . . to the reader . courteous reader , with burthened hearts as once the two disciples travelling unto emaus , spoke to christ a supposed stranger , so speak we unto thee , art thou a stranger in our island , and hast not known the things that have come to pass in these daies , while the father hath been divided against the son , and the son against the father , three against two , and two against three , even a mans foes they of his own houshold ; so great have been our divisions like reuben , that no sooner light hath been by gods grace manifested to the begetting children of the free-woman , but presently they are persecuted by the children of the bond-woman ; and how unpleasing this is to iesus christ , and how unlike his golden rule that saith , and all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them , for this is the law , and the prophets . we say how unpleasing this is to him , judge upon thy serious perusal of this following treatise , which we commend to thy perusal in thy most retired consideration , when thou canst read with thy thoughts , least cumbred with other business , our design in what we beg may be perused , is general good , in setting at liberty that which god made free , even the conscience . thou canst not bee ignorant of the great contriversie that now is on foot as to uniformity in worship , to impose by violence , where they cannot perswade , under seeming pretence of scripture warrant and antiquity , the contrary to which is asserted in the words of truth and soberness , by scripture , reason , and practice of the primitive times . and lest violence and oppressing of conscience , should run up to that height till it terminate in the blood of some who are dear , and their blood precious in the eyes of the god of all the earth , therefore have we committed this unto the view of all men as part of the work of our generation in singleness of heart , and remain lovers and prayers for all men that we might live a peaceable , and a quiet life in all godliness and honesty . farewel . tho. monck . ioseph wright . geo. hamon . fran. stanley . will. reynolds . will. ieffery . the eight day of the month , . sions groans for her distressed , or sober endeavours to prevent innocent blood , and stablish the nation in the best of settlements . as all the holy scriptures have been written afore-time for our learning and admonition , upon whom the ends of the world are come ; so that particular book of the revelation , is of such excellent worth , that blessed is he that readeth , and they that hear the words of this prophesie , and keep those things that are written therein , for the time is at hand . in which book , in no less than three several texts it is testified , that the nations of the world , and inhabiters of the earth , with their kings , would drink the wine of the fornication of that abominable harlot , that sitteth upon peoples , and multitudes , and nations and tongues , and by her sorceries deceiveth all nations until they become drunk , and altogether uncapable ( in that condition ) to receive the pure waters of life , tendred to them in the plain way of the gospel of our lord jesus . this with grief of heart we see too visible , for the doctrine and traditions of rome ( who is mystery babylon , and since her apostacy the mother of harlots , for the woman which thou sawest , is that great city which reigneth over the kings of the earth ) have so corrupted the earth , and clouded the understandings of the sons of men , that the great and most important truths of god cannot bee received or beleeved . the reason why the nations are so generally beguiled in the concernments of their souls , is because the greatest part being carnal and unregenerate persons ; they are naturally inclined to such wayes of worship , as are accompanied with external pomp and glory , and therefore the spirit of the lord testifies that the great harlot filleth her abominations , and filthy fornications in a golden cup , like the physitian that guilds his bitter pill , that his patient may the better swallow it . thus doth the romish church , and her followers , who to make their carnal ordinances finde the better reception , deliver them to the inhabitants of the earth by such as are honourable amongst men in worldly sanctuaries , most magnificently built and adorned , endowed with lordly revenues , accompanied with musick and voyces , and pontificial vestments , yea many superstitions and customes meerly earthly and sensual ( if not worse ) which we say so pleaseth the earthly and unregenerate man , that he is ready to say , this is the best religion , which is of most esteem in the nations , and accompanied with all earthly glory and delights , altogether forgetting , that strait is the gate , and narrow is the way that leads to life , and few there be that finde it , and that which is highly esteemed among men , is abomination in the sight of god. and if it had been the minde of the lord jesus , that the gospel should have been recommended unto the world , and accompanied with these ceremonies and formalities that are practised in the worship of the nations , or were used amongst the iews , it is very strange we should not have one word for it in all the scriptures of the new testament , when christ was as faithful over his house , as moses was over his , and is to be heard in all things as moses himself commanded ; and there will be little encouragement to touch with the gentile nations in their superstitious ceremonies , when it shall be considered , that the rites and ceremonies of the mosaical law being once the appointments of god , did far exceed in glory what the shallow inventions of the romish , or any of the national churches are able to produce , yet wholly taken away ; which the author to the hebrews notably proves , saying , then verily the first covenant had also ordinances of divine service , and a worldly sanctuary , for there was a tabernacle made , the first wherein was the candlestick and the table , and the shew-bread which 〈◊〉 called the sanctuary , and after the second vail the tabernacle which is called the holiest of all . they had also their high-priest , and offerings , and linnen ornaments belonging to this covenant ; but saith our author , if that first covenant had been faultless , then no place had been sought for the second , and he taketh away the first , that he might establish the second . and now under the second covenant , which is the gospel , the romish bishop , or any man on earth , cannot be our high-priest , for we have such an high-priest who is set on the right hand of the throne of the majesty in the heavens , a minister of the sanctuary , and of the tabernacle which the lord pitcheth , and not man. and under this second covenant , god hath not promised his presence to any temple built of wood and stone , as of old , for now the most high dwelleth not in temples made with hands , as the superstitious clergy would perswade us , but where two or three are gathered together in the name of christ , there is he in the midst of them , although it be in a house , by a rivers side , on a mountain , or in a wilderness , such little respect hath he to place . as little respect hath god to persons , because of any honour or esteem they may have in the world , either for birth or natural endowments , but such as usually are foolish , weak , and base in the eyes of the world , doth he make use of in the work of the gospel , that so the learned doctors and masters of arts may not have wherewithall to boast . which despised way of the gospel we well know becomes a great stumbling block to the gentile nations , as in the first delivery of it it did unto the iews , who would not receive the lord of life , nor his doctrine , because not accompanied with that earthly glory which their corrupt hearts affected , and rather would retain that exploded dispensation of the law which god had departed from , than they would receive the glorious gospel by those hands the wisdome of god thought fit to tender it , for which obstinacy , as the apostle paul saith , the wrath of god is come upon them to the uttermost , even to the laying waste their temple and cities , the great slaughter of their persons , and captivating their posterity as at this day . let therefore the gentile nations fear , but more especially this nation , for some such spirit seems to appear amongst those that would retain their empty and dead forms of worship , which god hath shewed his displeasure against , and have no footing in the whole book of god , rather than they will receive the pure way of god , without the mixture of humane inventions and traditions . but the bare rejection of truth , and imbracing of error is not all the evil , that the nations generally are ingaged in by the church of rome , and her followers ; but for to compleat and fill up the measure of their iniquities , like nebuchadnezzar , nothing less must be inflicted on the servants of the most high god , that cannot bow down to the golden image of their inventions , than the fiery furnace of persecution , many times unto death it self . and this the people of the lord must endure , it being as certain their portion to be persecuted , as it is the practice of the false church to persecute , who build their superstructures of will-worship , on no other foundations but violence and cruelty ; else what mean these imprisonments , banishments , wars and massacres , which have been made in europe for religion ; what troubles and desolations in germany , civil commotions in france , cruelties exercised in the netherlands by that darling of the romish church , the duke of alva , & others ? what m●ssacres in france , piedmont , and ireland , to carry on the business of religion , for the satisfaction of a blood-thirsty and insatiable clergy , when the disciples of the lord jesus were to use no other violence against those that rejected them , than to shake the dust from their feet , which should be a witness against them at the tribunal of jesus , not cesars ? yea this popish principle of propagating religion by the sword , hath reached the poor americans , many hundred thousands of them having been destroyed , because they would not be proselites , no other cause being to be given ; for it cannot be supposed , those remote and simple people had so much as known the spaniard , much less done any injury unto him ; our own nation hath also felt the rage of this fury , both before , and in the reign of queen mary , and the wise may judge whether the bishops endeavours to impose their liturgy in scotland , with their cruelties in england , did not contribute much to our late unhappy troubles . but certainly if the romish and national clergy were guided by the spirit of god , the authority of scripture , or force of argument to support their forms of worship , they would not then impose them by external force , when by such proceedings they render themselves altogether unlike the lord jesus the prince of peace , who came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them . but on the contrary it will evince to all that have their eyes open , how like they are to that woman which is drunken with the blood of the saints , and with the blood of the martyrs of jesus , in whom will be found the blood of prophets , and of saints , and of all that were slain on the earth . although as our lord and master hath foretold , in killing others , she may think she doth god service . lest therefore those unchristian principles of persecution for conscience , which troubleth the world , should take root in this nation , to the stirring up mens mindes to shed the blood of the innocent , the guilt whereof is able to sinke the most flourishing kingdomes into an ocean of misery and calamity , we have here following written some arguments ( which we humbly offer to all men ) to prove , how contrary to the gospel of our lord jesus , and good reason it is for any magistrate by outward force to impose any thing in the worship of god , on the consciences of those whom they govern , but that liberty ought to be given to all such as disturb not the civil peace , though of different perswasions in religous matters . in which discourse we neither desire nor design , to diminish any of that power which god hath given to the kings majesty that now reigneth , whom we own to be chief magistrate and governour of these nations , over all persons as well ecclesiastical as temporal , and to all his commands , that do not oppose the scriptures of 〈…〉 we yeeld active obedience not only for wrath but also 〈◊〉 conscience sake , and if any thing otherwise shall be required , we shall be passive , and suffer what may be inflicted on us for our consciences ; for what ever hath been suggested by evil men , yet that magistracy and government is an ordinance of god , hath been frequently asserted in our discourses and writings , and is by us beleeved , as fully as the apostle paul in the of the romans hath taught : and all that we desire , which is dearer to us than our lives , is that our spirits and consciences may bee left free to serve the eternal god , which ought to be granted us , seeing as the same apostle saith in these cases , we shall every one of us give an account of himself to god. but to our arguments , the first of which shall be that which some of us made use of to the kings majesty from maidstone , which we have not yet seen weakned . let it therefore be considered , if any magistrate under heaven in the dayes of the gospel , hath power by outward force to impose any thing in the worship and service of god on the conscience , it is given him as he is a magistrate only , or as a christian so considered , but that no such power is given by god to any magistrate , appears , because if magistrates as such , have such an authority , then all magistrates in all nations have the same power ; then if we lived in turky , must we receive the alchoran , and be worshippers of mahomet ; if in spain , be papists , in england , sometimes papists as in henry the eighths ●ayes , protestants in edward the sixths , papists again in queen maries , and protestants again in queen elizabeths , and so for ever as the authority changes religion , wee must do the same , but god forbid , for nothing is more absurd . seeing in the dayes of the gospel , the lord jesus is that great prophet , which as moses said is to be heard in all things , and as himself testifieth , hath all power in heaven and earth given unto him ; then if magistrates have power to impose any thing by outward force on the conscience , it must be committed unto them from the lord jesus , and written in the scriptures of the new testament , or else how doth it appear , but the whole stream of the new testament scriptures run clear in another channel , and there is no colour for any such supposition , as farther appears . because the apostles themselves ( that gave forth those commands which are written in scripture to be obedient to magistrates ) refused to be obedient to their rulers ; when they were commanded to forbear , that which they judged part of the worship of god , and said , whether it be right in the sight of god , to hearken unto you more than unto god , judge yee . all the scriptures of the new testament , that enjoyn obedience unto magistrates , were written when the romans had the empire of the world , whose emperours were for the most part ( if not all ) heathenish idolators , for the first three hundred years until constantines time , it therefore cannot be supposed , that any of those texts of scripture that call for obedience to magistrates , intend an obedience in matters of faith , for then the christians that lived under those emperours , must needs have denied christ , and worshipped the roman gods , as some of the emperours commanded . if magistrates as such , have power from god in the dayes of the gospel , to command in spiritual matters , and to punish those that obey not , then must christians surely be actually obedient , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake , because else they should resist the ordinance of god ; but if this were true , the way to heaven would be so far from being strait and narrow , that any might be a disciple of christ without taking up the cross and following him ; yea all sufferings and persecutions should wholly be at an end , and they that undergo them should utterly be condemned ( for it is not to be supposed there could be persecutions , if all the commands of the magistrate in spiritual causes were actually to be obeyed ) it therefore reasonably follows , that no magistrate as such , hath power from god to compel in spiritual causes , but on the contrary for saints to endure persecutions and sufferings rather than actually obey , is abundantly by the lord foretold , rewarded and justified , as by the scriptures of the new testament appears . bu● if it be objected , that neither the magistrate is to command , nor the subjects actually to obey any thing but what is according to the minde of god. it is answered , that all magistrates suppose what ever they impose to be so ; but the question is , who is to determine , for if the magistrate , or any other man , or men , have power from god to judge and determine what is lawful for men to obey , then no room is left for them to dispute the lawfulness of any of his commands , it being their duty to obey what ever is commanded , and so as it hath been said before , the cross of christ ceases ; but if every one shall give account for himself to god , then it reasonably follows that every man judge for himself in matters spiritual , and therefore for the magistrate to compel , cannot be warrantable by scripture or reason . again , that the power to judge and determine in spiritual matters , is not in a magistrate as such , gallio the roman deputy of achaia , well understood , when the iews made insurrection with one accord against paul , and brought him to the judgement seat , saying , this fellow perswadeth men to worship god contrary to the law ( which almost ever since hath been the great cry by all sorts of the national clergy , whose turns it hath been to have the magistrate on their sides , against all others that have differed from them ) but gallio said , if it were a matter of wrong , or wicked lewdness , o ye iews , reason would that i should bear with you , but if it be a question of words , and names , and of your law , look yee to it , for i will be no judge of such matters : and he drave them from the iudgement seat . which worthy example , if magistrates would be perswaded to follow , by judging and punishing onely civil injuries and wrongs , and leaving spiritual differences to bee decided and judged , and punished by jesus christ according to the gospel , they then would finde themselves and governments quickly free from many inconveniences that now they are involved in , about deciding religious controversies , with external force and power . and now that no magistrate , although a christian , hath power to be a lord over anothers faith , or by outward force to impose any thing in the worship of god , is also very clear . because the lord jesus himself , would never by any outward force compel men to receive him or his doctrine , for when his disciples supposing they might use violence ( as under the law ) would have commanded fire to come down from heaven ( as elias did ) to consume them that would not receive him , christ turned and rebuked them , saying , ye know not what spirit ye are of , for the son of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them ; and most remarkable doth it appear , that it is not the intent of the lord jesus , that judgement should be executed on those that reject his words to the punishing them in their bodies and estates in this life ( as under the law ) from his own sayings , written iohn . , . which speak thus , if any man hear my words , and beleeve not , i judge him not , for i came not to judge the world , but to save the world , and he that rejecteth me , and receiveth not my words , hath one that judgeth him , the word that i have spoken , the same shall judge him at the last day . and the apostles also were so far from propagating the gospel by outward violence and force , that all their proceedings were by intreaty and perswasion , and in case of resistance to shake the dust from their feet as a witness against their opposers ; nor will it avail to say , because the magistrate exercises authority on civil and temporal things , which the lord christ would not , that therefore in spiritual things they may do the same ; unless it may be supposed the magistrates right to have supremacy over the world to come , in all heavenly and eternal things , because god hath given him power over the world that now is in earthly and temporal things , which may be conjectured upon as good ground from what is written , as that a magistrate under the gospel-dispensation , hath more power in spiritual causes , than the lord christ , or his apostles would exercise , especially seeing there is not the least warrant for any such power from christ or the apostles , from any thing that is written in the scriptures of the new testament , and to the law , and to the testimony , if they speak not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . if any men , as christians , under heaven have had any such power in the dayes of the gospel , the apostles and elders in the primitive times must needs have had it ; but this they utterly disclaimed , as paul in the cor. . . not for that we have dominion over your faith , but are helpers of your joy , for by faith yee stand : yea the lord jesus when they strove for domination forbids it , saying , yee know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great do exercise authority upon them , but it shall not bee so amongst you ; even so saith peter speaking to the elders , feed the flock of god which is amongst you , taking the oversight thereof not by constraint , but willingly , not for filthy lucre , but of a ready minde , neither as being lords over gods heritage , but being examples to the flocke : why therefore the christian religion should bee built and supported by violence and cruelty , when the foundation was laid , and the work carried on all the apostles dayes , and some hundreds of years after , by a quite contrary meanes , is a question would bee resolved by those , whose strongest arguments , for the support of their religion , is take him iaylor : for such is the difference between the way which the apostles and primitive saints took in carrying on the worke of the gospel , and approving themselves to bee the ministers of god , and the way now used by the national clergy , that nothing is more unlike ; they being ambassadours for the prince of peace ▪ did in his stead beseech and pray the disobedient to bee reconciled to god , never stirring up the nations to ruine , and destroy by external violence those that opposed them in their ministry ; but as the apostle paul saith , being reviled , we bless , being persecuted , wee suffer it , being defamed , wee intreat , giving no offence in any thing , that the ministery bee not blamed , but in all things approving our selves as the ministers of god , in much patience , in afflictions , in necessities , in distresses , in stripes , in imprisonments , in tumults , in labours , in watchings , in fastings , by pureness , by knowledge , by long-suffering , by kindness , by the holy ghost , by love unfeigned , &c. o yee rulers of the world , and inhabitants of the earth , this was the way the lord of all things , with his disciples and followers took , to plant and establish the doctrine of the gospel in the hearts and affections of the sons of men . be yee not therefore unlike those whom you say you follow , by imposing your doctrines and traditions by the violence of penal laws and edicts , to the imprisoning , banishing , and spoyling the goods of the conscientious , causing them ( as the saints of old ) to bee destitute , afflicted , and tormented , although for their innocency and uprightness , the world is not worthy of them . it is very plaine that the lord jesus himselfe , in his parable of the tares , and wheat , forbids any outward force or violence , to bee exercised upon false worshippers and hereticks as such , for by the tares , which he forbids the pulling up cannot be intended the transgressors of the second table , such as theeves , murderers , or any that should doe that civil injury or wrong unto another ; which hee would not have done unto himselfe , for all confesse with one consent , that the magistrates authority reaches such , neither can it bee intended that the children of the wicked one in any sense that visibly appear to be so , should bee tolerated in the church , for that destroyes the power of excommunication : that which unavoidably then follows , is , that although men are tares , or the chi●dren of the wicked one , by erring in the worship of god , yet should they not bee plucked up , but tolerated in the field of the world , untill the harvest shall come at the end of this world , when the angels who are to bee the reapers ( and infallibly can distinguish between the tares and the wheat , which no magistrate now can ) shall gather the tares in bundles , and cast them into a furnace of fire ; there shall bee wayling , and gnashing of teeth . which scripture so eminently concludes for a toleration , that the greatest enemies to true liberty , have been at a great losse , when they have endeavoured to make it speak some other thing , as that expositor is , who sayes , it seems to him not to note the duty of the civil magistrate , but the event of gods providence , that god would permit the co-habitation of the wicked in the world with the just ; not that magistrates or ministers should permit them , and not by civill punishment , or ecclesiastical , remove them out of the church , or the world. but if men did not fight against truth , they would not so eminently contradict their own sayings , for who can beleeve that it should bee the minde of god , to permit the co-habitation of the wicked in the world with the just , as aforesaid , and yet the magistrate should not permit them , but remove them by civill punishment out of the world. hath the magistrate power to remove those out of the world , that god would have permitted to live . how soon may a magistrate , if guided by such doctrine , bring the blood of the innocent upon himselfe and nation ? and innocent blood the lord will not pardon , king. . . it therefore highly concernes all magistrates , before they persecute any for matters of faith or worship , to see they have a better warrant for so doing , than the word of men , which will not secure them at that day when god shall judge the secrets of men , by jesus christ , according to the gospel , which will bee found to be the book that shall be opened , when the dead both small and great shall stand before god to be judged by what is written therein , according to their works ; as the lord jesus saith , the word that i have spoken , the same shall judge you at the last day ; and this is his word , to let both tares and wheat grow together in the field of the world until the harvest . it can in no wise be safe , for magistrates in the dayes of the gospel , to persecute and destroy those that are contrary minded in religious matters , because of their fallibility , and that is the very reason why the lord jesus , in the fore-mentioned parable , forbids gathering up the tares , lest the wheat be rooted up along with them . that magistrates may erre in spiritual and religious matters , woful experience hath taught the world in all ages , the lord of life himself was put to death , for supposed blasphemy and wickedness , and accused for being an enemy unto cesar , which great mistake was committed through ignorance , as peter saith , and now brethren , i not that through ignorance ye did it , as also did your rulers . and at this day , what mistakes are continued in magistrates about religion , some being calvinists as in holland , and geneva , more lutherans , but the greatest part papists , and each of these condemneth , and many times persecuteth the other for heresie or superstition , unavoydably therefore it follows , that some of these must erre , but we need not go far for the proof of this in one and the same person , who receives that at one time for truth , which at another time must be persecuted for error ; this appeared notably in king henry the eighth , who persecuted the protestants to death , and writes against luther , for which the pope gives him the title of defender of the faith , and yet a while after receives some of luthers doctrine , and rejects the supremacy and authority of the pope , and serves the papists as he did the protestants ; nor will magistrates be the more free from mistakes , by relying on the authority of synods , popes , or general councils , because such eminent contradictions , and oppositions have appeared amongst each of them , that nothing is more uncertain than their conclusions . as for general councils , whose authority is in the greatest estimation of the three , it is plain they are so far from being infallible , that their decrees have been not only directly opposite to plain texts of scripture , and the practice of the primitive church , but also against each other ; which appeared first in the council of constantine , the thirteenth session , where it was decreed that the lords supper should be given but in one kinde , when nothing is more plaine , than that the lord jesus instituted it , the apostle paul afterwards delivered it to the corinths , and the primitive church received it , with both the bread , and the cup. so for the council of trent , to decree that the service in the church should be performed in latine , how contrary is it to the doctrine of paul , who said in the church , he had rather speak five words with understanding , that he might teach others , than ten thousand words in an unknown tongue . so also have they clashed one with another , the council of trent allowing picturing of god the father , the councel of nice altogether disallowing of it , and in the great arrian controversie , which was no circumstantial business , how many councils and conventions , were both for , and against it . as little reliance can be put on any supposed infalibility the 〈◊〉 may have ; there having been two or three at one time , each rageing against the other , with their censures and decrees : and notorious it is , what descention there was amongst the popes , and cardinals about pope formosus , who being first bishop of pontiniake was degraded by pope iohn the th . and made to take an oath to lead a secular life al his daies , yet by pope martin that succeeded iohn , was formosus released from his oath , restored to his bishoprick , and afterwards came to be pope , & so continued . years , making several decrees ; but stephen the th . coming to the popedome , abrogates the decrees of formosus , takes up his body , cuts off two of his fingers , throws them into the river tiber , & then buries him in a laymans sepulchre : next to stephen , succeeded romanus , who on the other hand repeals the acts and decrees of his predecessor stephen against formosus , & pope iohn the th . in a synode at ravena , ratifies all the decrees and doings of formosus , yet after all this , comes pope sergins , digs up again formosus , cuts off his head , and more of his fingers , and throws his body into tiber , likewise deposed all such as had been consecrated by him ; al which schismes and discensions , makes it plain to the world , that there is nothing of infallibility in the popes . and for national conventions and synods , they are so far from any shew of infallibility , that the same complexion and temper the nation is of wherein they are called , and have their promotions , you shall be sure to find them of , because they have their dependency on the authority that calls them together . so that although the last national synod in this nation , would have established presbytery , because that then was most like to take , yet it is very questionable , if now a convention be called , whether it will be much talked of amongst them . then this must be concluded from all , that seeing magistrates themselves general councils , popes , or national synods may erre , in judging and determining the most weighty controversies in religion , there can therefore be no security for a magistrate that he doth well , in persecuting or putting to death the contrary minded , in religious matters , seeing thorow mistake he may as soon persecute , or put to death , the true followers of the lord jesus , or any other ; yea , in likelihood much sooner , because they in conscience towards god , cannot receive the inventions and traditions of men , in the worship of god , but must be a witness for the eternal god against them , for which they are accounted ( as the saints of old ) pestilent fellows , movers of sedition , turners of the world upside down , enemies to cesar , and upon this account persecuted , when the greatest part of men being unregenerate , and have no other spirit in them , but what is of this world ; there is therefore no reason why the world should persecute and hate his own . fifthly , for magistrates to inflict temporal punishments upon any of their subjects , for not conforming to their decrees , that enjoyn any spiritual worship or service , is undoubtedly a breach of that royal law , which sayes , that whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do you even so to them , for this is the law and the prophets ; and is a sure and standing rule , by which all men , if they would deal ingeniously by themselves , might measure the justice of their proceedings towards others , for who , that was not a desperate enemy to himself , would put out another mans eye , if he were sure his own should be put out as soon as he had done , as he was to be served by the iudicial law , neither would those that are forward to persecute , be very zealous in their proceedings , if they were sure , that those whom they persecute , should have power on their sides , to meet the same measure unto them ; and this is worthy of observation , that this rule of doing as we would be done unto , can be received , and pleaded by all sorts of men , whilst they are under affliction and persecution , but who remembers it , when they have power to afflict and persecute others : the papists themselves , when out of power in this and other nations can plead against persecution for their conscience , as they did in the reign of queen elizabeth , procuring the letters of the emperour , and other princes , to interceede for some places to be allowed ▪ where they may worship by themselves ; but in this they desired more than themselves would allow to others , when in power , so many of the protestants , where the magistrate is different from them in religion , can be very well pleased with a tolleration and : martin luther in his sermon of the good shepheard , engl●shed by w. g. in the year . speaking of the kingdom of christ , saith it is not governed at all by any force or power , but by outward preaching alone , that is , by the gospel ; why therefore ●●nnot the protestants , who would seem to have an honourable esteem of this man , be of the same spirit , and the papists be as much for liberty in prosperity , as in adversity , seeing the lord jesus hath not directed at one time to the use of force and violence , in the work of the gospel , and at another time , if the civil sword be not to be procured , then to use arguments and perswations ; no , at all times the rule which his disciples must take notice of , sayes , whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do you even so to them , for with what measure ye meet , it shall bemeasured to you again . and because mystery babylon , hath not regarded these sayings but exerciseth all manner of cruelties , and deaths upon such as cannot believe as she believes and practises , therefore god will find out a way to retaliate upon her , all the blood of his servants , and in the cup which she hath filled , shall it be filled to her double ; how much she hath glorified her self , and lived deliciously , so much torment and sorrow give her ; for she saith in her heart , i sit a queen , and am no widdow , and shall see no sorrow . therefore shall her plagues come in one day , death and mourning , and famine , and she shall be utterly burnt with fire , for strong is the lord god who judgeth her , and the kings of the earth , who have committed fornication , and lived deliciously with her , shall bewail and lament for her , and her merchants , which are the great men of the earth , who traffique with her in things costly , delicate and of esteem in the world , and inslaves the souls of men , or ( as by the margent it may be read ) bodies and souls of men these also shall mourn over her , for no man buyeth their merchandize any more , and thus the fierceness of gods wrath will over take her , to the sinking of her like a milstone into the bottome of the sea , because the great weight of innocent blood lyeth upon her , for in her will be found the blood of prophets and of saints , and all that were slain upon the earth ; he that therefore would not partake with her in any of her plagues , let him flee from her , and partake not with here in any of her sins ( one of the greatest , being the persecution of men for keeping a good conscience ) for except the great god should cease to be what he is , if men repent not of their deeds , there will be as certainly punishment , as there is sin , and it shall not be the arm of flesh , that wil be able to support this strumpet , although many kingdomes should ingage in her quarrell , 〈◊〉 shall the wisdome and prudence of great states men be able to keep of her judgements , for if men should cease to do any thing against her , yet god will make the very elements to fight against her , and will contend with her , by famine , and pestilence , yea and sword to , although she feares it not , for god will stire up the . kings to do his will upon her , and by his great works , & judgements , that he will manifest in the earth , will he gain himself a name , and great honour and glory even so amen . as it is no waies lawful from the word of god , for christian magistrates in the daies of the gospell , to destroy , and root out the contrary minded in religious matters ( although idolaters , ) so such proceedings may somtimes prove inconsistent , with the very being of nations , for suppose any nation were wholly heathenish idolators , and the word of god coming in amongst them , should convert , the cheife magistrate , and one twentieth part of the nation more ; must he then with that twentieth part , destroy all the other nineteen , if they will not be converted , but continue in their heathenish idolatry ? it cannot possibly be suposed to be warrantable : and this reason holds good likewise against the rooting up and destroying heriticks , out of the world , because if the church proceeds against any of her members to excomunication , the churches deportment towards him so cast out , is to be the same as towards a heathen , so saith christ himself , if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen man , and a publican , who for the aforesaid reason is not to be destroyed because he is so : and moreover seeing the lord who is aboundantly mercifull , many times give repentance not only to the unbeleeving idolater , but also to the excomunicated person , he therefore that destroyes the body of such a one , doth as much as in him lyeth destroy his soul also ; for the lord you see brings into his vineyard , some at the third hour , some at the sixth , some at the ninth , and others at the eleventh : he therefore that shall destroy any at the third , or sixth hour of the life , hinders his conversion that possiblely may be called at the ninth , or eleventh hour . and so may be charged with bringing eternall losse and dammage , to him whom he destroyed object . but whereas the example of the kings of israel and iuda , is made the greatest pillar to support the magistrates proceedings under the gospel , in persecuting , and punishing , the contrary minded in religious matters , or such as shall be judged guilty of blasphemy , or idolatry ; therefore the second cannon of the english church , tells us , whosoever shall affirme , that the kings majesty hath not the same authority in causes ecclesiasticall , that the godly kings had amongst the iews , shall be excomunicated : but if magistrates would deferre persecuting any man for religion , untill the clergy had proved this unto them , it would be happy for the most consciencious under them , and themselves too . answ. but in answer , we deny not , but the kings of the iews had power to punish idolatours , and blasphemers , and some other transgressors of the then law of god ; which power was given them of god , and written in plain precepts , in the mosaical law , but who tells them that magistrates under the gospel dispensation , hath such power ? hath the lord jesus said any such thing ? or if he have where is it written ? nay where is it written from the beginning of genesis , to the end of the revelations , that magistrates under the gospel , should have the same power in religious causes , as those under the law ? if the judiciall law be a rule , for magistrates under the gospel to walk by , then why must it be mangled in peeces , and just so much taken of it as suites their interest , and all the rest rejected ? is it left to magistrates now , or was it ever left to the jewish kings , to take what part of it they please to be a rule to them , and reject all the rest , and it is eminently remarkable , how this plea is by the clergy themselves that most contend for it , made together invalid , for by it they will stirre up the civill magistrate , to punish those that dissents from them about the doctrine and worship , under the notion of blasphemers or hereticks , and against such this law must be held authentick , but he that smiteth or curseth his father , or mother , or stealeth a man , or him that committeth adultery , or breaketh the sabboth ; who were all of them sure to be put to death by the same judiciall law , yet in these cases they will not tell the magistrate it is any rule , but is to be rejected , because here they cannot much make it reach their supposed hereticks , who they are more jealous of , then any of the aforementioned ●●fenders . but besides , it is observable , that the kings of the iews , all the time they kept to the law of god , had advantages to give righteous judgement in spiritual causes , ( which magistrates under the gospel have not ) for they had that standing oracle of god amongst them , the u●m and thumum , together with extraordinary prophets , which in all difficult cases they had recourse unto , and would infalliably direct them , to judge according to the mind of god , but when these kings became wicked , and lost the benefit of the abovesaid oracle , and extraordinary prophets , then although they had the written law amongst them ) did they run headlong into grosse mistakes , that the true prophets of the lord were sure to be persecuted , and those prophets which would prophesie smooth things unto them , were cherish●d , although many times by hearkening unto them , they lost their kingdomes , lives , and it is to be feared , souls and all ; how grosly did ahab mistake , when he accounted elijah the troubler of israel , and caused poor micaiah to be imprisoned , and fed with bread and water of affliction , because he would not help to deceive him , at his * . time serving prophets had done : so ieremiah ●●s accused for seeking the hurt of his nation , and not the welfare , and must be put in a miery dungeon , because he in plainness delivered the mind of the lord to the k●ng , his princes and people ; how therefore can the gentile rulers assure themselves , they do any better then these rulers did , if they shall persecute the contrary minded in religious matters , s●eing they have neither an infalliable oracle to inquire at , nor extraordinary prophet , nor yet such written precepts , as the iews under the mosaical law had that did not onely direct them what offenders should be punished , but also what the particular punishment to every several offence should be . furthermore , it is very plain , that the gospel which we live under , is clear another dispensation , far different in all its ordinances , and administration from the law ; under which the lord jesus is the only law-giver , who doth not ( as moses ) proceed against the transgressors of his precepts , by external force and power , to the destroying them in their bodies , and estates , in this life , but in long sufferings waits on men , not willing they should perish , but rather that they should repent and be saved . and when any continues in disobedience to the gospel , his punishment is eternal in the world to come ; therefore as the apostle paul saith , judge nothing before the time , until the lord come , who will bring to light hidden things of darknesse , and will make manifest the councels of the hearts , and then shall every man have praise of god ; the same apostle testifieth of himself , that he was a blasphemer and persecutor , tim. . . and if the mind of god had been , that he should have suffered death in that condition , how should he have had repentance given him , and been such a glorious instrument in the church , as afterwards he was . and it is too well known , that the iews are the great blasphemers against our lord jesus christ , that is on earth , yet it is not the mind of the lord , they should be destroyed from the face of the earth , for how then should the scriptures be fulfilled , wherein god hath promised to call them , and make them the most glorious nation on earth ? or how can they be converted , if they be not permitted where the gospel is preached ? we speak not this in favour of any blasphemy , for our souls abhor it , but because all men that have powers in their hands , might be as tender of t●● lives of men , as the most righteous and holy god is , who would have men be imitators of himself , in mercy and goodnesse towards others , and he maketh his sun to rise on the evil , and on the good , and sendeth rain on the just and unjust . if it shall still be objected , that it is inconsistent with the safety and well being of any nations , to allow or tollerate any more waies of worship then one : we answer , experience hath taught the contrary , to several countries of europe , as france , and the united provinces , and several countries of germany , besides those that say they are the servants of god , should conclude that to be most for the safety and well being of their countries , which is most agreeable to his heavenly will , declared in his word : it was the ruine of ieroboam , & almost all the kings of israel that succeeded him , that they would rather act by corrupt principles of state-policy , than by the word which god had spoken ; and although god had rent tribes from rehoboam , and given them to him , yet he wanted faith to believe his new kingdom could any waies be secured to him , or kept from going back to the linage of david , unless he devised some new way of worship , to keep the people in their own land , and for his so doing , he thought he had much reason of state ; for what prince now will conclude it good pollicy , to permit his people to go up yearly into his enemies chief city to worship , but will conclude it to be a notable way to alienate the affections of his subjects from him , to his great prejudice and detriment : thus ieroboam reasons as by his words appears , ( take them at length ) and ieroboam said in his heart , now shall the kingdom return to the house of david ; if this people go up to do sacrifice in the house of the lord at ierusalem , then shall the heart of this people turn again unto their lord , even unto rehoboam king of iuda , and they shall kill me , whereupon the king took councell , and made two calves of gold , and said to ●h●m , it is too much for you to go up to ierusalem ; behold thy god oh israel , which brought thee out of the land of egypt ? which pollicy of his procured this event , which god denounced against him , saying , i will bring evil upon the house of ieroboam , and will cut off from ieroboam , him that pisseth against the wall , and him that is shut up , and left in israel , and will take away the remnant of the house of ieroboam , as a man taketh away dung till it be all gone . and for the sin wherein he made israel to sin , is he branded to all posterity , but on the other hand had he permitted the people to go up to ierusalem to worship , and keep the appointments of god though seemingly against his present intrest , then had the promise of god been made good unto him , which the prophet ahijah declared long before he came to the kingdome , saying , and it shall be ( if thou wilt harken unto all that i command thee , and wilt walk in my waies , and do that is right in my sight ) to keep my statutes and commandements , as david my servant did , that i will be with thee and build the a sure house , as i built for david , and will give israel unto thee . which things were written for the example of such as should come after , be wise now therefore o ye kings , be instructed ye judges of the earth , serve the lord with fear , and rejoyce with trembling , kiss the son least he be angry , and ye perish from the way , when his wrath is kindled but a little , blessed are all they that put their trust in him . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e rev. . . chap. . . and . . chap. . chap. . . mat. . . luke . . heb. . , , . deut. , heb. . ● . chap. . . chap. . ● . act. ● . . cor. . , , , . thess. . . act. . . mat. . , . rev. . . chap. . . joh. . . see the confession of faith printed in march . and since reprinted , and presented to his majesty . rom. . . mat. . . let no man think of men above that which is written , cor. . acts . . . as dioclesian euseb. . book . . chap. luke . . rev . , . jam. . . act. . . tim. . . rom. . . josh. . . act. . , , , , . but in that he suffered so●thenes to be beaten , he did not well , it being a civil injury . luke . , , . mat. . . act. . . as the dividing inheritances , &c. isa. . . mat. . . pet. . , . cor. . . cor. . , cor. . from . ● . to the . heb. . , , . mat. . j. t. supplem . p. . l. . rom. . . rev. . . so many as have lived where the word of the gospel comes mat. . . act. . . in europe as ier. taylor now bishop of down in his liber . of proph. sect. . at large proves . mat. . , . cor. . , . cor. . . benedict the silvest . gregory . fo● acts and monuments , vol page . acts . , . chap. . . . mat. . . annales of eliz. written by camden pa●●●●k , page . as in france pag. . of his book . mat. . , . as at this day . rev. . , , , . vers . . . vers . . vers . . mat. . . mat , ●● . kings . chap. . . . * false prophets must eat bread at iezebels table , when micaiah must have bread and water of afflict . ier. . , , . as it hath been in our day . thes. . . pet. . . acts . . cor. . . king . . ● , . kings . . . chap. . . psal . . . . religions peace or a reconciliation, between princes & peoples, & nations (by leonard busher: of the county of gloucester, of the towne of wotton, and a citticen, of the famous and most honorable citty london, and of the second right worshipfull company) supplicated (vnto the hygh and mighty king of great brittayne: etc: and to the princely and right honorable parliament) with all loyalty, humility and carefull fidelity busher, leonard. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) religions peace or a reconciliation, between princes & peoples, & nations (by leonard busher: of the county of gloucester, of the towne of wotton, and a citticen, of the famous and most honorable citty london, and of the second right worshipfull company) supplicated (vnto the hygh and mighty king of great brittayne: etc: and to the princely and right honorable parliament) with all loyalty, humility and carefull fidelity busher, leonard. [ ], , [ ] p. [s.n.], printed in amsterdam : . reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time 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should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- early works to . freedom of religion -- early works to . liberty of conscience -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion religions peace or a reconciliation , between princes & peoples , & nations ( by leonard busher : of the county of gloucester , of the towne of wotton , and a cittieen , of the famous and most honorable citty london , and of the second right worshipfull company ) supplicated ( vnto the hygh and mighty king of great brittayne etc : and to the princely and right honorable parliament ) with all loyalty , humility and carefull fidelity . esay . . . . . . . arise , o sion , be bright for thy light is com , and the glory of the lord is risen upon thee , and the gentils shall walk in thy light , and kings at the brightnes of thy riseing vp . and the sonnes of strangers shall build vp thy wals , and their kings shall minister vnto thee : for in my wrath i smought thee , but in my mercy i had compassion on thee ▪ therefore thy gates shall bee open contynually ; neyther day nor night shall they bee shut , that men may bring vnto thee , the riches of the gentils , and that their kings may be brought vnto thee . for the nation and that kingdom that wil not serve thee , shal perish : ād those nations shal vtterly be destroyed . the sonnes also of them that afflicted thee , shal come and bow vnto thee : and al they that despised thee , shal fall downe at the soales of thy feete : and they shal call thee , the citty of the lord , zion of the holy one of israell . thou shalt also suck the milk of the gentils , and shalt suck the breasts of kings and thou shalt know that i the lord am thy saviour , and thy redeemer , the mighty one of iaacob . proverbs . . mercy and truth preserve the king , for his throne shall bee established with mercy . eccle. . . the feare of the lord causeth that the kingdom fayleth not , but the kingdom is lost by cruelty and pride . printed in amsterdam : . to the high & mighty king iames , by the grace of god , king of greate brittayne , france & yrland : and to the princely & right honorable parliamēt , leonard busher wisheth , the wisdome of salomon , the zeale of iosias , & the mercy of christ : with the salvation of your spirits in the day of the lord iesus . for as much , as your maiesty and parliament , doe stand for the maintenance of the religion wherein you are borne , and for the same , doe most zealously persequte , with fyer and sword : i haue thought it good , and also my dewty ( most royal soueraigne ) to enforme your maiesty and parliament thereof . in al humility therfore , i give you to vnderstand , that no prince or people , cā possible attaine that one true religion of the gospell , which is acceptable to god by iesus christ , meerely by birth a for christ saith except a man be borne againe , he cannot see the kingdom of god. also the apo : iames saith . b of his owne wil he begat vs by the word of truth . and the apo : peter saith . c being borne a new , not of mortal seed , but of immortal , by the word of god , who liueth & endureth for ever . therfore christ commanded this word to be preached to al nations , that thereby they may attayne the new birth . by which your maiesty and parliament may perceaue , that the one true religion of the gospel , is not attayned by natural birth : for the all princes and peoples , in all nations , shold haue that one true religion of the gospell , the which you see and grant , they all haue not , yet many of them also wil defend theyr religion ( wherein they are borne ) by fyer and sword , as if it were theyr natural and earthly inheritances : or had with fyer and sword been gotten , and therfore wil with fyer and sword maynteyne and defend it : but your maiesty and parliament , may please to vnderstand , that the scriptures doe teach , that the one true religion is gottē by a new birth , then by the word and spirit of god , and therewith also , it is onely maynteyned and defended . for the word of god is liuely , & mighty in operation , & sharper then any two edged sword , & entereth through , even vnto the deviding asunder of the soule & the spirit , & of the joynts & of the marrow , & is a discerner of the thoughts , & the intents of the heart . seeing then the one true religion of the gospell , is thus gotten : and thus defended and mainteyned , namely , by the word preached onely , let it please your maiesty and parliament , to be entreated , to revoke and repeale , those antychristian , romish and cruel lawes , that force al in our lād , both prince ād people , to receaue that religion , wherein the king or queen were borne , or that which is stablished by the law of man : and in steed thereof , enact and publish , that apostolick . christian , gentle & merciful law of christ , viz : goe teach al nations , preach the gospell to every creature , that is , christ wil haue his ministers to preach and teach the people of al nations , the things that concerne the kingdom of god , & the name of iesus mesiah , repentance & remision of sins , & to baptise in his name , such as doe beleeve . and for as much also that the false ād antychristian religion did come by the spirit of error & doctrine of devils , ād not by fyer and sword : therfore by the spirit of christ , ād doctryne of the word of god , must it be driven out of the hearts and consciences , both of prince and people , and not by fyer and sword , as the false bishops and ministers haue and doe still perswade . therfore may it please your majesty and parliament , to vnderstand that ( by fyer and sword ) to cōstraine princes and peoples , to receaue that one true religion of the gospell , is wholy against the mynde and mercifull law of christ , dangerous both to king and state , a meanes to decreace the kingdom of christ : and a meanes to increace the kingdom of antychrist , as these reasones following doe manifest : the which i humbly beseech your majesty and parliament , carefully to consider , and that according to the word of god , which shal judge every man according to his deeds : and perseqution , is a worke well pleasing to al false prophets , and bishops , but it is contrary to the minde of christ , who came not to judge & destroy mens lives , but to save them : and though som men and women beleeue not at the first howre , yet may they at the a eleventh howre if they bee not persequted to death before : and no king nor bishops can , or is able to command faith , e that is the gift of god , who worketh in vs both the wil & the deed of his owne good pleasure , set him not a day therefore , in which , if his creature heare not and beleeue not , you will imprison and burne him : paule was a blasphemer , and also a persequter / and could not be converted by the apostles and ministers of christ , yet at last was receaued to mercy , and cōverted extraordinarily by christ himself , who is very pittiful & mercyful , & would have no man to perish , but would that al men come to repentāce , but not by perseqution , but by the word of reconciliation which he hath committed to his ministers . and as kings and bishops , cannot command the winde , so they cannot command faith , & as the winde bloweth where it listeth , so is every man that is borne of the spirit . you may forcemen to church against their consciences , but they wil beleeue as they did afore , when they com there , for god giueth a blessing onely to his owne ordinance , and abhorreth antychrists : and kings are to thinck that they are men , as well as kings ād that christ hath ordeyned the same meanes of faith for kings which he hath for subjects , and that subjects are christs freemen , as wel as kings subjects , & kings that beleeve are christs servants , even as subjects are kings servants , and both are bought with a price , therefore both ought not to bee the servants of men , in matter of faith & religion : but kings shal giue a greater account at the day of judgment , then their subjects : and to judge mē now for religion , is to judge afore the tyme , ād also to sit in the judgement seate of christ , to whom onely it belongeth , yet not before the day appointed , how much lesse to kings and bishops . i read that constantyne the emperor ( called the greate ) wrought to the bishop of rome , that he would not force and constrayne any man to the faith , but onely admonish and commit the judgment to god. christes kingdom is not of this world therefore may it not be purchased , nor defended with the weapons of this world , but by his word and spirit : no other weapons hath he giuen to his church which is his spiritual kingdom . therfore christ saith : he that wil not heare the church , let him be to thee as a hethen & a publicane : he saith not bur : ban : hang : or inpriso : him , that is antichrists ordinance . and though a man be an heretick , yet ought he not to be bur : but to be rejected , after once or twise admonition , that is cast out of the church : but as in the chur : of rome people of al sorts are by perseqution forced thereinto by the bishops and ministers therof : so it is in the church of england also , which sheweth that the bs : and min : of rome and eng : are of one spirit , in gathering peopel to their faith and church , which is the spirit of satan , who knoweth wel that his kingdom ( the false church ) wold greatly decay , if perseqution were laid downe : seing himself cannot stand before the word and spirit of god , much lesse his bs : and mi : therfore he wil haue them , for a name and shew , to vse the word of god , but indeed , if the false interpretation and alledging of the scriptures wil not help , then ( saith he constrayne them by fyer and sword : or els ( if people haue liberty of consciēce ) they wil trye the spirits , which of them is of god , as the apostle joh : teacheth : and then saith he : the prince as wel as people wil try all things , & keep that which is good , and wil also prove themselves ( as the apostle paule teacheth ) whether they are in the apostoliq faith or not : and as the church of rome provoketh the magestrats to peesequte to death , such as are excōmunicated out of her , so doth the church of england provoke the magistrats to persequte to death such as she excomunicate : and as the bs. and min : of ro : wil perswade the prince and people , to heare ād read none but themselves , so doe the bs : and min : of eng : also : but the bs : ād min : of the apostoliq church doe perswade al men , to prove & trye the spirits whether they are of god , which they cannot doe , except they heare and read other mens doctrines , as wel as the bs : ād their min : neither can they if they would , so long as the bishops have power from the king and state to silence and imprison etc : al preachers , ād to burne al books , which teach not their doctines . your majesty and parliament shal vnderstand that al those that confesse freely without compulsion , that iesus is the messiah the lord , and that he came in flesh , are to be esteemed the children of god and true christians , seeing such are borne of god , and no man can say that . iesus is the lord , but by the holy ghost , therfore not to be persequted . and as abel killed not cayne , but was killed himself , ād as isaack ād iacob did not persequte ismael and esau , but was persequted of ismael and esau ( who ād caine were figuers of al persequters ) so the beleeving doe not persequte the vnbeleeving , nor the true chur : the false , but the beleeving and true chur : are ( as they have beene ) most often persequted thē selves , of whom abel , isaack and iacob were figures , whose childrē are al beleevers and free mē : that stand fast in the liberty , wherewith christ hath made thē free , ād wil not be tangled with the yoke of bondage , no not with cir-cumcision , much lesse with the discipline and doctrijne of the church of rome , whose bs : are able ministers of the fyer and sword , both to prince ād people , as many historyes doe lamentably witnes , to theyr vtter infamy and overthrow . also , if the beleving should persequte the vnbeleving to death who shold remayne aliue ? then none but the beleeveing shold liue in the world , and the vnbeleeveing shold dye in theyr vnbeleeif , and so perish for ever : the lord wil not that the beleeveing shold live , to the destructiō of the vnbeleeveing , but vnto theyr conversion , edificatiō and salvation : and by persequting of prince and people to death , because they wil not heare and beleeve , is no gayning of soules vnto god , but vnto the devill : and whereas ignorant and wicked bs. may thinck to wijn soules by killing prince and people for religion , they are deceaved greatly , for therby , they loose many soules , viz : their owne and the vnbeleeving , their owne they loose , because they wilfully breake the lords commandement , that saith : thou shalt not kill , meaneing such as are corporal malefactors : and the others which dye in their vnbeleeif , they confesse themselues are eternaly lost , except they ( as som of their minist : ) hold a redemption after this life . and the bs. shold know that error and heresy cānot be killed by the fyer and sword , but by the word and spirit of god / that is the onely weapons of christs bs. and ministers , and such onely christs ministers doe vse , whose liues and conversations are so harmlesse , holy ād gentle , that therby / and by their deaths ād sufferings , they wynne many soules vnto god : wherby , they are knowen fro al false bs. and ministers , who like wolues and beares ( not like sheep and lambs ) make pray , and devour both prince and people , that are not of their kinde , if they bee able to master them . besides , may it please your majesty and parlia : to vnderstand , that the beleeveing man that hath an dnbeleeveing wyfe , and the beleeveing woman that hath an vnbeleeveing husband , cannot liue together as the scripture teachet , for the salvation of the vnbeleeveing , if they be persequted to death : indeed som therby are forced to comfesse with the mouth , that which they beleeue not in heart , and so are made true dissemblers in steed of true christians , wherby many men and womē are deceaved with dissembling husbands and wyves , as wel as the king and state are deceaved with dissembling servants and subjects : but the word of god ( if permission of conscience might be granted ) would procure vpright , puer , and vnfeyned husbands and wyves , servants and subjects , so that thereby neyther prince nor people should be deceaved , for al good shepherds wil devide and seperate , and not force , slay , and persequte , for if men and women be found hereticks , they shal be seperated from the church : but if they be vnbeleevers , they shal not be joyned vnto it , vntil they be converted by the word of god , much lesse forced : which conversion for ought we know , may be at their death , if not afore , seing the lord caleth som at the elevent hower , so wel as at the first , and not at the king and bs. pleasures . kings and magistrats are to rule tēporal affayers , by the swords of their temporal kingdoms . and bs : ād ministers are to rule spiritual affayers by the word and spirit of god , the sword of christs spirituall kingdom , and not to intermedle one with anothers authority , office , and function : and it is a greate shame for the bs. and ministers not to bee able to rule in their church , without the assistance of the king and magistrat , yea it is a greate signe they are none of christs bishops and ministers of they were , they would not be afrayd nor ashamed of their faith nor yet would they perswade princes and people to persequte and force one another to beleeve them , but would use onely the assistance of gods word and spirit , and therwith suffer their faith and doctryne , to bee examined , proved , and disputed , both by word and writing . and he is a true bishop who is vnreproveable , ād that is able to stop the mouthes of his adversaries , by gods word and spirit onely , and whose faith and discipline agreeth with the prophets , christ and his apostles , and maketh no contracictiō , but al those bishops that force princes and peoples to receaue their faith and discipline by perseqution , doe ( with iudas ) goe against christ in his members , with swords , slaues ād halberos , who seing gods word wil not help them , betake themselues with al hast and hazard , vnto the authoritie of the king and magistrate . i read that a bishop of rome would haue constrayned a turkish emperor to the christian faith , vnto whom the emperor answered : i beleeve that christ was an excellent prophet , but he did never ( so far as i vnderstand ) command that men should with the power of weapons be constrayned to beleeue his law : & verely i also , doe force no man to beleeue mahomets law. also i read that iewes , christians and turks are tollerated in constantinople , ād yet are peaceable , though so contrary the one to the other . if this bee so how much more ought christians , not to force one another to religion : ād how much more ought christians to tollerate christians , when as the turks doe tollerate them shal we be lesse merciful thē the turks ? or shal we learne the turks to persequte christians ? it is not onely vn merciful but vnnatural and abominable , yea monstrous for one christian to vex and destroy another for difference and questions of religion , and though tares haue ouergrowen the wheate , yet christ wil haue them let alone til harvest , least whyle you goe about to pluck vp the tares , you pluck vp also the wheat with them , as your predecessors haue done , who thought they had gathered vp the tares and burned them , but you see now that they haue burned the weate in steed of tares . wherfore in al humility ād christian modesty i doe affirme , that through the vnlaufull weedhooke of persecution ( which your predecessors haue used , and by your maiesty and parliament is still continued ) there is such a quantity of wheate plucked vp , and such a multitude of tares least behinde , that the wheate which remayne , cannot yet appeere , in any right vissible congregation . and now beloved soueraigne and parliament , i know that through ignorance you doe persequte , as did also your predecessor●s , amend your lives therefore , and turne , that your sinns may bee put away , when the tyme of refreshing shal come , from the presence of the lord : who before hath shewed by the mouth of his holy servant iohn , that the woman ( meaning the church ) shold fleye into the wildernes for a tyme , tymes ād half a tyme , from the presence ād persecution of the serpent : and that the wynepresse shold bee troden without the citty , vntil ●loud came out of the wynepresse , vnto the horse brydels , by the space of a thousand and sixe hundred furlongs : and thus he hath fulfilled it . now therefore i humbly beseeth you , suffer not your bishops and ministers , any longer to perswade , to force your subjects or any others , to their faith and church by perseqution , neyther suffer them therewith to defend their faith and church , against their adversaries : if they have not any thing from gods word against vs , let them yeld and submit themselves : if they thinck they have any thing against vs , let them betake themselves onely to gods word , both in word and wryteing , for the whole scripture is given by inspiration of god , to that purpose , and is profitable to teach , to reprove , to correct , and to instruct , in righteousnes , that the man of god may be absolute , being made perfect vnto al good works . with which scripture ( and not with fyer and sword ) your majestyes bishops and ministers ought to be armed and weaponed : and whosoeuer shall not heare the words of such bishops and ministers : then such bishops ād ministers are commanded by christ ( not to to imprison : burne : ban : and hang them but to shake the dust of theyr feete against them , for a witnes when they depart from them , affirming that at the day of judgment it shal bee easier for sodom and gomorrha , then for such persons : and this com : of christ , did his bishops and ministers obey as you may read . by which and by that which follow , your gratious may : and princely , and honorable parliament may perceave , the will and mynde of our lord and saviour christ vnto whose mercy i commend you , and to the word and wisdom of his grace , which is able to build further , and to give you an inheritance among all them which are sanctifyed amen . your faithfull and loveing subject leonard busher . not furbusher . certayne reasons against perseqution . first , because christ hath not commanded any king , bishop , or minister to persequte the people , for difference and judgment in matter of religion . secondly , because christ hath commanded his bishops and ministers to perswade prince and people to heare and beleeve the gospell , by his● word and spirit , and ( as ambassadors for him ) to beseech both prince ād people , to be reconciled vnto god , and not ( as tyrants ) to force and cōstrayne them by perseqution . thirdly , because through perseqution it wil come to passe that the ambassadors of the onely spiritual lord & king iesus , may be persequted and inprisoned , burned , haged or bānished , for deliuering the message of their gratious lord , sentearly and often , both to prince and people : which to doe , is a more heynous fact then to persequte the ambassadors of the greatest king and prince in the world : for insteed of hereticks , they shal ( as they have alredy ) burne , bannish , and hang the ambassadors of the lord iesus christ : who doth choose out whom he pleaseth , to beare his name before kings & rulers , for a testimonial to them . fourthly , because then we cannot say , we have the liberty of the gospell in our land , seing where that is , there is no perseqution for any difference in religion , nor force●ing of the conscience to beleeve the gospel , except by the word and spirit of god onely , the which doe wound and kill the ●rrors of men and not their persons . fiftly , because christ came into the world to fave sinners , ād not to destroy them , though they be blasphemers , seing the lord may convert them as he did saule ( after caled paul ) and though they have difference in religion , or wil not heare nor beleeve in christ , that they may be converted , yet ought you not to persequte them , seing christ rebuketh such and his father sent him not into the world , to condemne the world , but to saue it be ye followers therefore of christ , and not of antychrist , in gathering people to the faith. sixtly , because then you shal not walke wisely towards thē that are without as the scripture teacheth but shal offend also the iewes ▪ and al other strāgers who account it tyranny , to have their consciences forced to religion by perseqution . seaventhly , because if perseqution be not laid downe , and liberty of cōscience set vp , then cannot the iewes , nor any strangers , nor others contrary mynded be ever converted in our land : for so long as they know a forehand , that they shal be forced to beleeve against their consciences , they wil never seeke to inhabit there : by which meanes you keep them from the apostoliq saith , if the apostoliq faith bee onely taught where perseqution is . eightly , because if freedom of conscience be not set vp , and perseqution laid downe , then al the kings subjects , and al strangers inhabiting the land ( that shal beleeve the apostoliq faith ) must depart the land to som free contry , or els abide the danger of burning , bannishing , hanging and imprisoning : the first , will bee a great impoverishing and weakning of our land , besides a losse of the faithfullest subjects and freinds : the secōd wil provoke the lord to wrath , by spilling the bloud of his faithful servants , ambassadors and witnesses , and also open the mouthes of al strāgers , to speake yet more lamentably , of the cruel and bloudy perseqution of our land. ninthly , because if perseqution contynue , then the king ād state shal have ( against their wils ) many dissemblers in authority and office , both in court citty and contrye , yea no man of any degre shal know whether they are al faithful and true christiās , that are about him , ād with whō he hath to doe , seing most men wil conforme themselves , for feare of perseqution , although in their harts , they hate ād detest the religiō wherto they are forced by law , the which is very dangerous and hartful , both to king and state in tyme of temtation , from bejond the seas , and in rebellion at home : for they that are not faithful to god , in their religiō wil never bee faithful to the king and state in their alegiance , specialy being tryed by a greate reward , or by a myghty rebel : but will ( to encrase their honors and reverennues ) conforme themselves , and fome to save their honors , lands , goods and lives ) wil yeeld and submit , though against their wils , even as they have done in case of religion : for through forceing men to church by perseqution , the true hearted subjects , are forced out of the land , and out of the world , som bannished , others burned , hanged , and imprisoned to death . tenthly , because then , if there be many religions in the land ( as it is wel knowen there are ) it wil com to passe ( through the continance of perseqution ) that many religions wil be continued in the church , seeing al are forced to church , who bring their religions with them , as wel as their bodies , wherby al their devotion is against their consciences , and all the church is a confused babel , ful of every vncleane & hateful bird , even a hold of soule spirits , as the scripture speaketh : out of which the people of god are commanded to flee , least ( as of their sins ) they bee also pertakers of their plague . and the bishops ( the authors of perseqution ) are very ignorant to thinke that when they have gotten people to their church , by perseqution , that then they have gotten them to their saith and religion , the which is nothing so , for most people ( though contrary mynded ) to save life and goods wil dissemble their religion , as for example the iewes in spaine and portugale , and the papists , reformists , and others in england , but when they com hether , or to som other free citty or country ( where praised be god is liberty of the gospel ) then they shew , that before they dissembled to avoyd the cruel perseqution of our land . moreover , the bishops bewray great ignorance , whē they perswade the king and parliament , to force prince and people to church by perseqution : for if that bee the meanes to com to the church of christ , then christ hath taught vs to fle the meanes of salvatiō , seing he hath taugt vs to flee perseqution : the which the bishops and their ministers perswade to be a great meanes to bring men to the church : indeed i confesse , it is the onely meanes to bring prince and people to the false chur : and therefore christ teacheth vs to flee that meanes , least through perseqution ( which is a great temtation ) we be constrayned to go the broad way ( which is the false church ) that leadeth to destruction ; & many goe in therat : and no maxvaile , for there m●●may be any thing , except good christians : for ( besides demas the worldlying , and hymeneus the blasphemer and many other sorts of indifferent christians , excommunicants covetous and profane persons ) there are notale rebels ād traytors , yea most cruel and desperate traytors and rebels , as digby , catesby , percy , &c : whose buread and vnheard treathery wil never be forgotten , which persons , if they had not been forced to church against their consciēces , had never enterprised , such horribel and hateful treason . and the bbs : should vnderstand that it is preaching and not persequting , that getteth people to the church of christ , for the scripture saith faith is by heareing , & heareing by the word of god , and not by the sword of princes and magistrats , as they perswade and practise : and therefore the bbs : of our land are truly caled antychrists for by their beastly and bloudy perseqution , as wel as by their blasphemous titles , erroneous doctrines , and popish goverment , may they justly be termed antichrists . eleventhly , because christ forethou● , that many false christs , and false prophets shold arise , & deceave many , yea if it were possible the very elect : and the apostle paul did prophecy a departure from the faith : and peter said , there shold bee false teachers now among the people : and iohn said , the kings shold give their power & authority vnto the beast , vntil the words of god bee fulfilled , therefore if perseqution bee not laid downe , and liberty of the gospel set by , you may persequte the true christians in steed of the false , as your predecessors have done : for they are now ( like as they were then ) the smalest number : and the false christians are now ( like as they were then ) the greatest number : and perseqution is a notable marke of the false church and her bbs : and ministers : and therefore christ wold have vs flee from it , who overcame the devil ād his ministers by the word of god , and by a good meeke and gentle life , whose steps his bishops and ministers ought to follow . twelvthly , because perseqution of such as doe preach and teach christ is a great hinderance to the liberty of the gospell : for thereby , are the iewes , turks , and pagans occasioned and encouraged to persequte likewyse ▪ all — such as preach and teach christ in their dominions : for if christian kings and magistrats wil not suffer christians to preach and preach the gospel of christ freely and peaceably in their dominions , how should you expect it of the infidels ? vnto whome bs : and christian kings and magistrats ought to give a good exāple and not an evil , as to burne , bannish , hangh and imprison peaceable and godly christians , that are no traytors , nor theeves , nor fighters , nor māslayers , nor perswearers , nor drunckards , nor whoremasters , nor such like . and the king and parliament may please to permit al sorts of christians , yea iewes , turks and pagans , so long as they are peaceable ād no malefactors , as is aboue mentioned : which , if they be found to be vnder . or . . witnesses , let them be punished according to gods word : also if any be found to be willing lyers , false accusers , false ale●●dgers and quoters of the scriptures , or other mens wrytings ( as som mē willingly doe ) let them be punished according right and iustice , it is due desert ād no perseqution , but let gods word have his full ād free passage amongh them al , even to the end of their lives , in al bountifulnes , long sufferance and patience , knowing that it is ordeyned of gods ritch mercy , to lead the infidels and such as erre vnto repentance , and amendemēt , out of the snare of the devil , of whom they are taken and deceaved . thirteenthly , because perseqution for religion is to force the consciēce and to force and constrayne men and womens conciences to a religion against their wils , is to tyrānisse over the soule , as wel as over the body and herein the bishops comit a greater sin then if they force the bodyes of women ād maides against their wils : yea herein they are more cruel and greater tyrans then the turks , who though they force the bodyes of strangers , to slavery and bondage yet they let the conscience goe free , yea to christians , that are so contrary to them in religion : but these idol bishops wil force the consciences of christians , their owne natural contrymen , even vnto spiritual slavery and bondage , and herein they commit fornication both with prince and people , & have made al both smale & greate , to receave a mark in their right hand , or in their foreheads , so that no man may bye or sell , save he that will goe to church , and submit to the bishops ordinances , and name and marke of their beastly and bloudy perseqution , through which as god they sit in , and reygne over the consciences both of prince and people , which is the spiritual seat and temple of god bought at a deere price , even with the pretious bleud of their onely spirituall lord iesus messiah , the true sheepheard and bishop of their foules . and the bishops in forceingmen and womens consciences , doe there in play the antychrist so wel as the popes : and indeed there is never a bishop in the land , but is a pope , for pope in lattine is papa , and papa signifyeth father in english , al the bishops in our land are called reverend fathers , therefore al the bishops in our land ▪ are caled reverend popes , so many lord bishops , so many reverend fathers , so many reverend popes : and these are all so many antychrists , so many idols , and so many false gods o● england , how many are thy gods , whom thou doest serve ? for whose spirituall adoration the knee of evry man and woman must bowe , or els they shal be persequted : vnto whom the king ought not any longer to give his authority and pouwer , least he fulfil the scripture which saith , that kings should give their power and authority vnto the beast . fourteenthly , because the burning , bannishing , hanging and imprisoning of men and women , by protestants , for difference of religion , doe justifye the burning , bannishing and imprisoning of men and women , by the papists , for difference of religion , even as the papists doe justify the turks and pagans in such like cruelty and tyranny , wherein ●o● is the protestants more merciful then the papists , or the papists thē the turks therefore , as the papists ( when they complayne of the turks and pagans , for their bloudy perseqution ) doe therin condemne themsewes , because they are found to doe the same , yea worse , for it is greater tyranny for one christian to forse and kil one another , then for turks and pagans to kil a christian , for that is no such great wonder , seeing it is a paganish part , who have no better knowledge , but christians should have better knowledge and more merci then to play the pagās against christians : so also the protestants , when they complaine of the papists for their bloudy and beastly perseqution , doe therein condemne themselues , seing they doe the same , for which they blame others , and so are rebuked of the scripture , which saith . therefore thou are inexcusable , o thou man , whosoever thou art that blamest another , for in that thou judgest another , thou condemnest thy self , for thou that judgest doest the same things : & thinkest thou this o thou man ( that judgest them which doe such things , and thou doest the same ) that thou shalt escape the judment of god ? fifteenthly , because his majesty and parliament would not willingly themselves be forcet against their consciences , by the perseqution of the bishop of rome and his princes , so i beseech them ( according to the law , christ hath injoyned christians ) not by perseqution to force other mens consciences , against their wils by the irritation of the bishops of our land. sixteenthly , because perseqution doe cause men and women to make shipwrack of faith and good consciences , by forceing a religion vpon thē , even against their mindes and consciences , and also doe send them quike to the devil in their errors , if that be heresy for which they are hāged ād burned , which to doe , is a most vnchristian , vnnaturall , cruell and tyrannous deed , and i am suer you would not bee content to be so dealt with all your selves : but indeed the popish and idol bishops are the authors hereof against the people , as wel as of other persequtiō against the princes . for antychristiā bbs : doe draw kings ād princes hereto , against their myndes , as may appeare by edward the sixt , that godly king of famous memory , who being vrged by his bloudy bbs : , to subscribe to the burning of a womā caled ioane butcher , he answered . wil you have me to send her quick to the devil in her error ? but when his bloud thirsty bs : wouls have no nay , he said againe to bishop cranmer , i lay al the chaledg therof on you before god , and cranmer said , he had never so much to doe in al his life as to procure it , whereby i doe perceave that godly kings are drawen to battel against the saints , by antychristian bbs : and false prophets , who otherwyse would rule and reigne , more agreable to the mynde of christ . also , herby may al men perceave that the counsel and bbs : could not satisfy the kings consciēce by their perswasiō , if they could have shewed him the word of god , for burning that christian , it wold have prevailed with that godly king , and he might then of faith have consented , but his answer sheweth that he was not of their minde , for al that they had said , and therfore now , if it please you to require of your bishops warrant from the word of god for the persequting of christians , or for forceing prince and people to church , you shal find not one bishop , yea not all of them together , though assisted with their ministers , wil be able to shew warrant from gods word , whereby to perswade your consciēces therevnto : and whatsoever is not of faith is sinne , and whatsoever is not from gods word , cannot be of faith . seaventeenthly , because perseqution of christians by christians doe not onely justifye papists , and teach the iewes and pagās to persequte christians , but also doe teach the papists and others ( that know not the mynde of christ , and once get the vpperhād ) to persequte those that persequted them : yea it is a meanes , ( as we have had lamentable experiēce ) to set ( such as are forced to church against their consciences ) at deadly hatred against the king and state , and vrgeth al them to treason and rebelliō , that have not truly learned christ , who himself was persequted to death , whose harmles crosse , al true christians must take vp , ād whose gentle and humble steps they must follow ād walke in , or els they cānot be his disciples , nor sheepe of his pasture . and nether can the papists be perswaded that perseqution is a sinne , so lōg as they ād other christians are also persequted by the protestants : seing the papists doe build their perseqution on the same ground with the protestants : but both sorts of bbs : doe erre grosly , as shal be shewed ( godwilling ) when they make their defence except heerewith their consciences be convinced to yeld , as i wish they may for the salvation of their owne foules , the peace both of prince and people , and the saftye of the king and state : in the meane whyle it is to be observed , that those bbs : ād ministers which perswade the king and parliament , to burne , bannish , hang and imprison , for difference of religion are bloud-suckers and manslayers , and such ( it cannot be denyed ) caused kings and magistrats , to be their excicutioners and tormentors , in burning the martyrs in former tymes , even in the dayes of king henry the eyght . & queene mary , as the books of acts & monumēts wil witnes , if they be not burned and i aske the bbs : and their mini : if the martyrs should have obeyed the king and queene , rather thē have suffered death ? and now i must humbly and with al reverence doe beseech his maje : and parliament , advisedly to consider among themselves , whether the prince or princesse ( differing with the church now in matter of cōsciēce and religion , stablished by law in our land ( as the right noble princesse elizabeth did , in queene maryes dayes ) doe not incurre the danger ad cruelty of the law now , as that worthy princesse did then , seing that popish and cruel law standeth stil in force , in most points of religion ? and who dare trust the bbs : and ther adherēts , in such a case , the matter lyeing in their hands . let it be supposed that the princes heart should be moved by the lord to embrace the apostoliq faith & discipline , shal he be forced to beleeve as the bishops doe , against his conscience ? shal he bee constrayned to submit to their goverment and discipline against his conscience ? shal he live in vexation and perseqution , and in danger of his life , by the bishops and law stablished as the princesse elizabeth did ? yea it must bee thus with our right noble prince , except there bee partiality , yea it will bee thus with his princely person , except those popish and cruel lawes be repealed and extinguished . wherefore i meekly intreate seeing death is most certaine , though most vncertayne when , that those antychristian and popish lawes may bee dissimulled and made voyd in tyme , least wee all lament , and bewayle it , when it wil bee to late : and i pray your majesty and honors to consider , that kings and princes hearts are in the hands of the lord ( as the ryvers of waters ) to turne as he will. and the scripture saith . the ten hornes ( by which i vnderstand ten kings ) shall hate the whore and make her desolate and naked . likewyse the scripture saith to abraham the father of beleeving princes , as well as beleeving people ) also i will make thee exceeding fruitful , and will make nations of thee , yea kings shall proceed of thee . which scripture doe also overthrow the judgment of those men , that hould a christian may not bee a king nor magistrate . let such consider that the lord here speaketh of abrahams spirituall seed , and not of his naturall seed : because if it be vnderstood of his natural seed , then cannot abraham be o father of many nations , seeing all abrahams natural seed , are caled iewes , and are but one nation of the iewes , so that the covenant of god could not be performed , that said : i wil make nations of the , yea kings ●●al proceed of thee . therefore it must be vnderstood of his spiritual seed , of which may be kings and princes , that are not naturaly descended of him , as wel as people that are not naturaly descended of him / therfore beleving kings may safly walke in the steps of their father abraham , and with their swords defend their subjects against their adversaries , and redeeme their bretheren out of the jawes of al devouring beasts and bloudy persequtors , for they beare not the sword for nought . and now also i desier those subjects ( of what degre soever / that wold destroy their kings and governors for difference in religion ) to consider that therin they justifye their kings and governors , which destroy their subjects for difference of religion . for as it is sinne for kings and governors to destroy their subjects , for difference of religion , at the perswasion of their bishops . so is it sinne ( but in a higer degree ) for subjects to destroy their king and governors for difference of religion , at the perswasion of their bishops and ministers . therfore perseqution for difference in religion is a monstrous ād cruel beast , that destroyeth both prince and people , hindereth the gospell of christ , and scattereth his disciples that professe and witnes his name . but permission of conscience in difference of religion saveth both prince and people , for it is a meeke and gentle lamb , which not onely furthereth and advanceth the gospel , but also fostereth and cheris heth these that professe it , as may bee seene by the permission of the princesse elizabeth : and others that were permitted and fostered in dutchland at that time . also permission of conscience is a greate and suerband , and benefit to the king and state , as may likewise bee seene in the same princesse eliza : who if she had not beene permitted , but had suffred death , as the bloudy bishops earnestly desyred : then had not the kingdom been so suerly not yet so purely kept ād preserved for his mayesty ad his royal issue , as now it is , the lord be praysed therfore . further i beseech his right excellent maiesty and parliament to obser that perseqution , was the occasion that the apostoliq church was at first scattered and driven into the wildernis , that is desert places of the world , whether she fled to save herself from the rage and tyrannye of antichrist and his apostles and ministers , the first authors of perseqution vnder the gospell . therfore his majesty and parliament may please to consider , that so long as perseqution continue , so long will the apostoliq church continue scattered and persequted into the secret places of this world : and no mervayle , for her faith and discipline is as offensive as odyous and as vnwelcom vnto antychrist and his bishops and ministers now : as it was then , as their burning , banishin , hanging and imprisoning , doe withnes even vnto this day . and it is to be noted , that as the apostoliq faith and discipline ( in the apostles dayes , when through them true signes and wonders were wrought by the extraordinary gift and power of the holy ghost ) did let and hinder the mistery of iniquity , wrought by antychrist his apostles and ministers , by whō the lyeing signes and wonders were done , through the extraordinary spirit of satan . so now the catholiq or antichristian faith and discipline ( haveing gotten the vpperhand by her lyeing signes and wonders , and by perseqution ) doe by the same , let and hinder the mistery of godlines , wrought by christ , his apostles and ministers , by whom the true signes and wonders were done , without perseqution . and it is well worthy to bee observed , both of king , prince , and people , that the bishops ministers of antychrist cannot abide , nor endure the faith and discipline of the apostoliq church , because it willbee the overthrow of their blasphemous and spirituall lord ships , and of their antichristian and bloudy kingdome . and therefore are they so fyery hot and zealous , for the catholiq or antichristian faith and disciplyne . for by their faith they shew plainly , that they are succeeded and descended from antychrist , vvho confessed not that the messiah came in flesh : and by their discipline or goverment , they playnly shew , they are antichrists bishops and ministers , who persequte with fyer and sword , al degrees both king , prince , and people , that will not confesse their faith , and obey their discipline . and it is very plaine and easy both for king , prince and people ( if they wil not take vp religion oncredit , and content them with the religion they were borne ād brought vp in ( as doe the papists ) to discerne who they be that teach the apostoliq faith and discipline , and who they be that teach antychrists faith and disciplyne , for the holy apostle sheweth it to al men , that wil give heed therto , for he saith : dearly beloved , beleeve not evry spirit , but try the spirits , whether they are of god , for many false prophets are gone out into the world , which confesse not that iesus messiah came in flesh . hereby shal you know the spirit of god , evry spirit that cōfesseth , that iesus messiah came in flesh , is of god , and evry spirit that confesseth not , that iesus messiah came in flesh , is not of god : but this is the spirit of antychrist , whom ye have heard , how that he shold come , & now already is he in the world . the same is the antychrist that denyeth the father and the sonne , whosoever denyeth the son , the same hath not the father . the apost : meaneth such as deny iesus to be messiah , the lord that came downe from heaven , as christ and they have taught , such have not the father , but doe deny hem also , as they have taught him , and therfore christ saith : the tyme shal come , that whosoever killeth you , wil think that he doth god good service , but these things they wil doe vnto you , because they have not knowen the father nor me , the father loveth such as beleeve that i came out from god , thus faith christ : but antychrist and his ministers beleeve not this doctrine , neither doe they thus teach christ iesus the messiah . and you may please to vnderstand that of this antichrist ( or rather ( as the ●●riack ) of this false christ came the church of rome : whose bishops and ministers teach not this doctrine , ād as the mother so the daughter also , teacheth not this doctryne : but will likewyse persequte both prince and people , that shall confesse that iesus messiah came in flesh as iohn teacheth : or that the son of man ascended vp , where he was before , or that he was glorified with his father before the world was , as himself saith : or that he was the second man the lord from heaven , or that he had and hath a heavenly body , as paule teacheth : for these ād such like doctrynes doe the church of rome ād her daughters persequte with fyer ād sword being indued with the spirit of antychrist : by which antychrist his apostles and ministers , the apostoliq church was scattered and driven into the wildernes , that is desert and secret places of this world , evē by their bloudy perseqution . the which stil they continue and raise against the members and witnesses therof , who w●ere and are the martyrs , which in al ages have and doe suffer death , imprisonment , and bannishment , since the first perseqution : and we never reade , nor ever shal reade that the apostoliq church or such as have derived their faith and discipline of her , did ever persequte . therfore i humbly desier his majesty and parliamēt , with al godly carefulnes to consider , that it is not possible that the church of rome ( caled catholiq ) or those that are descended of her , and have decived their faith and discipline frō●her , ever was , or could be the apostoliq church ( caled primitive church ) or she that is descended frō her : seing the scripture saith the apostoliq church ( caled in scripture the womā ) hath a place prepared of god in the wildernes , a thousād twe hōdred and sixty dayes from the presence of such as did persequte her . now then , i beseech you cōsider , may it be possible that the church of rome ( caled in scripture a mistery , great babilon , the mother of whoredoms , & abominations of the earth , the woman that sitteth vpon a scarlot coulered beast , full of names of blasphemy , the womā arayed in purple & scarlet , & guilded with gold & pretious stones & pearles , haveing a cup of gold in her hand , ful of abominations & filtines or her fornication , the woman that is drunken with the bloud of saints , & with the bloud of the martyrs or witnesses of iesus , by her beastly perseqution ) was or could be ever the apostoliq church , or are those that are descended from her , seeing the scripture saith she hath a place in the wildernes , prepared of god , where she shold be fed a thousand two hundred & sixty dayes , from the presence of her persequtors ? if so be , you wil have the church of rome , and those that are descended from her , to be the true apostoliq church : then it wil follow that the church ( caled the woman , and did flye into the wildernes , from her persequtors ) was , and is the false antichristian church : and also it will follow that those ( which we account to be the martyrs and witnesses of iesus ) were not of the true apostoliq church , but were obstinate persōs and heretiks , even as their adversaries ( in rome , spaine , england and els where ) did persequte , adjudge and execute them far . but if you wil have the prophecy of the apostles to be true , a●● 〈◊〉 beleeve their holy writings , and also wil have the martyrs ( that have bene burned , ban : hanged ād imprisoned ) to be of the true apostoliq chur : then it will follow and that justly according and agreeable to the scriptures , that the church of rome and those that did ād doe persequte , are descended from the false antichristian church , caled a mistery , great babilō the mother of whoredoms & abominations of the eearth , &c : which was and is druncken with the bloud of saints & martyrs of iesus : seing they have her antichristian faith and lordly discipipline , and for the defence and maintenance therof , wil also burne , bannish , hang and imprison / so hot ād fiery zealous that therby they shew plainly , that they walke so just and even in the steps and paths of the mystical woman great babilon , their bloudy parent & mother : so even i say , as if they studied her lyeing and hypocritical doctrine , her deep and divelish devinity , her blasphemous , princely and dāgerous dignity , and her beastly , bloudy and deadly discipline . through the continuāce whereof , not onely the apostoliq church , is continued stil in the wildernes ād desert of this world , but also the jewes and others , both in great brittayne , and al over the world , are kept back from the knowledge of gods holy word , the onely order and ordinance christ hath appointed , for the gathering of his church together , out of al places of the world . and so long as perseqution continue , you cannot trye the spirits of the many false prophets , that are gone out into the world , as the holy apostle doth loveingly advise and admonish you . but ( like the pastists ) must be tyed onely to the spirits of your loedly bishops and their ministers , who wil have alboth king , prince and people to receave their spirits , and therefore wil not have any others to preach and print with in the land , least their lyeing doctrine and lordly discipline , be discovered and disclaimed . and in steed of disputing and wryting by the word and spirit of christ ( against their adversaries ) they wil cruelly persequte and fight against them , by fyer and sword , and spirit of antichrist , from whom they are descended and succeeded , both lynealy and of great antiquite . wherefore i humbly beseech the king and parliament , that you will betymes listen vnto the holy spirit in the mouth of the prophet , which faith bewyse now therfore yee kings , be learned ( or instructed ) yee judges of the earth , serv the lord in feare , & rejoyce in trembling , kisse the son of god least he be angry , and ye perish in the way of perseqution , when his wrath shal suddēly burne . let not therfore the kings of the earth band themselves with the bs : & ministers of antichrist , nor princes assemble themselves together against the lord and against his anointed . that is against christ and his church : seing both he and she breake your bands and cast your coardes from them . yea her seed overcometh you , by the bloud of the lamb , & by the word of their testimoni , for they love not their lives vnto death . beware then in tyme least you offend any more of these litle ones that beleeve in christ , seeing christ saith it were better to have a milstone hanged about the neck , & drowned in the depth of the sea , then so to doe . he meaneth that it were better for you to loose your lives , then any way to consent to the offence of such litle ones that beleeve in christ . see then i pray that they be not despised , burned , bannished , hanged ād imprisoned . for their angels alwayes behold the face of christs father in heaven . and remember he saith : the tree is knowen by his fruit , but persequting of christians , is an evil fruit . and that a good man out of the good treasure of his heart , bringeth foorth good things : but persequting of christiās is no good thing . and that for every ydle word men shal speak , they shal give accounts at the day of judgement : how much more for every wicked and cruel deed of perseqution , as burning , bannishing , hanging and imprisoning of those that cōfesse with the mouth , & beleeve with the heart the lord iesus , & that god raysed him from the dead : whose lawes and ordinances they are carefull to keep and obey ! christ saith that such shal bee saved , and yet you feare not to burne , bannish , hang and imprison such . but if you beleeve that god will avendge his elect , beware of persequting his servāts , that cal on his name , specialy such as witnes his truth against the abominations of antychrist . suffer not your bishops to destroy those men and women , that striue to serv god according to his wil in his word . be not your bishops executioners , in burning , bannishing , hanging , and imprisoning of harmlesse and peaceable christians : but let them enjoy fredom of the gospell and liberty of conscience : that so the apostoliq church ( which is scattered and driven into the wildernes ād desert of this world ) may be againe gathered togather , both of iewes and gentils , into visible and stablished congregations . and that the catholiq and vniversal church of antychrist may bee consumed & abolished by his word & spirit , as the holy apostle hath foretold , even the vttermost of his arival , which is the emperial & triple crowne , through the triple sea of rome . and againe i humbly entreate the king and parliamēt , to vouchsafe to heare me with patience yet a litle further : if freedom of the gospel and permission of conscience might be graunted , then would not papis● nor any others dissemble their soules , and to the greate danger , both 〈◊〉 king and state , seeing they are forced to church against their consciences : and may not popish priests and iesuits ( vnawares to the bishops ) become the bishops ministers , seeing the change of their religion , and religions habit differ so litle , ād so by degrees infect the people with more popish doctrine , as occasion shal bee ? and such men wil readely imbrace the bishops orders , and so they shall readely have the bishops favours : by which meanes , they may more easily ād speedly , ha● accesse vnto the court , and presence of the king and prince , which indeed is very dangerous , howsoever not regarded . therefore i doe ( according to my dewty ) humbly advise his majesty , not to bewtifie his cou●● and presence , with any popish stones , not with one , though it be of all●●blastor . but permission of conscience and freedom , and liberty of the gospe● will no ●ay bee dangerous to the king or state , if such like rules ● these bee observed . first , that no people tainted with treason , doe beare any office . that al sorts of people tainted with treasō , doe ( at al times frō home ) weare ab lack hat with two whire signes , the one before the other behinde in open sight . that no people , tainted with treason approach within ten myles of the court , without licence . that no people tainted with treason doe inhabit the citty of london , nor yet within ten myles thereof . that none tained with treason , doe make any assembly or congregation . that no person or persons ( in whatsoever difference , by reasoning or disputing ) doe draw any weapon , nor give any blow , stroke , or pushe , in payne and penalty , as his majesty and parliament thinck meet . that ( for the more peace and quietnes , and for the satisfyeing of the weake and simple , among so many persons , differing in religion ) it bee lawfull for every person or persons , yea iewes and papists , to write , dispute , comfer and reason , print en publish any matter touching religiō , either for or against whomsoever , alwayes provided they aledge no fathers , for proffe of any point of religiō , but onely the holy scriptures neither yet to reproch or 〈◊〉 one another , nor any other person or persons , but with al love , gentlenes , and peaceablenes , enforme one another to the glory of god , honor of the king and state , and to their owne good and credit , by which meanes , both few errors and few bookes will bee written and printed , seeing al false ministers , and most people , have litle or nothing els ( besides the fathers ) to build their religion and doctrine vpon : ( or if it be once stablished by law that none shal confirme their religion and doctrine , by the fathers , and by prisons , burning and bannishing etc : but by the holy scriptures , then error will not bee written nor disputed , except by obstinate persons , and 〈◊〉 consciences seeing the word of god will bee no shelter for any error . yea i know by experience , among the people caled brownists , that a man shall not draw them to wryte , though they bee desyred , for one of their preachers caled mast : rob : hath had a wryting of myne in his hards , above sixe moneths , and as yet i can get no answer it seemes he knoweth not how better to hide his errors , then by silence , and this willbee the case of all false bishops and ministers , who had rather be mute and dumb , then bee drawen into the light with their errors . therefore permission of conscience , and liberty of the gospel in our lād of great brittaine , wil mightily further the advancement of the apostoliq faith . and chiefly their books , whereout sufficient matter willbee drawen , for the convinceing of every perticuler religiō , which is against the religion , stablished by christ and his apostles , who by all meanes lawfull , sought the conversion and salvation , both of iewes and gentils . and they are vnconstant and faithles men , or at least very ignorant , that thinck error will ouercome and prevayle against the truth . for the abolishing of such thoughts , i desper such men to cōsider the mighty victory and prevailing of the truth , in the tyme of christ ād his apostles , which ( notwithstanding resisted and disputed against : by the most part of the priests and learned men , both of iewes and gentils ) yet ouercame and prevayled against al the errors of the high priests and great learned men , both of the iewes and gentils , and the apostle saith we cannot doe any thing against the truth , but for the truth : and seing it is the same truth , which al good men would embrace , why should we not hope the same victory by it ! did not king darius ād al the people both jewes and gentils cry out and say , that truth is greate and strongest ? why then should those that have the truth , and those that wold have the truth , be affraid of errore seing truth discovereth dark and dangerous wayes of error , though abroad in open books , even as light discovereth darke and dangerous places , though abroad in open high wayes : and as the more darke and dangerous the wayes be , the more necessary and needful will light be found of al that travaile : so the more darke and dangerous the errors be , the more needful and profitable wil truth be found , of all that would travil to heaven . but som may say objection let al this be grāted , yet it is no wisdom we think , to bring dangerous errors into the light , that so many men may stumble at them . which being not brought to light , would not bee so much as knowen to som . i answer , no more , then a rock that lyeth hid vnder water , which ( for want of bringing into the light ) many men may make shipwrack thereō and so stumble or fal neverthelesse , though it be not so much as knowen to them before . therfore as a stock in the seas ( though not so much as knowen to som ) yet ( for want of being made knowen ) many men stumble and fal theron / ād so perish both men and goods . so an error ( though not so much as known to som ) yet ( for wan● of being made known ) many men may stumble and fal theron / and so perish both bodies an● soules the which is more lamētable ▪ and as roks in the seas / the more they manifest thēself● the more furtherance in the way to the heaven . so errors in the world the more they manifest themselves , the more furtherance in the way to heaven . and you shal vnderstand that errors being brought to the light of the word of god , wil vanish as darknes before the light of a torch : evē as the chaffe before the winde cannot stand , so error before truth cannot abide : therfore it is no hinderance , but a great furtherance to haue al erroneous rocks in the haven to heaven , made knowen and published . and a greate and suer argument it is , that those bishops and ministers have not the truth , that publikly dare not dispute or wryte against error , as may be seene in the bishops and ministers in queen maryes dayes , which could not abide to have books written and printed , of that which they caled error and heresy , but caused , that if any such were written , both them and the authors to be burned , if they could com by them . therfore if permission of conscience and liberty of the gospel be not granted , and burning lawes repealed , then the bishops and ministers now may perswade and cause to be burned , both the books and the authors , that have the truth in steed of heresy and heretiks , even as their prede●ssors have done already , and so shed more innocent bloud , and also provoke the lord to further wrath against the king and state. it is not the gallosse , nor the prisons , nor burning , nor bannishing , that can defend 〈◊〉 apostoliq faith : indeed the king ād state may defend reliōs peace 〈◊〉 their sword and civil power , but not the faith , otherwise , then by the ●ord and spirit of god. the dutch princes and peeres say , that force , word , & gallosse , in matter of religion : is a good meanes to spil bloud , & make 〈◊〉 vprere in the land , but not to bring any man from one faith to another . the ●agans wil not persequte one another for religion , though ( as i read ) 〈◊〉 be aboue three thowsand sorts among them . and you know both ●ing henry and queene mary , thought themselves defenders of the ●●ith , and thaught they burned herericks and heresy , when they burned 〈◊〉 and their books , but now you see and must acknowledg , that they ●ere persequtors of the faith , insteed of defenders therof , and also that 〈◊〉 ( through the instigation of their bloudy bishops ) burned the word 〈◊〉 god , and those that professed and wrought it , insteed of heresy and ●●reticks . and thus it wil be now if the bishops and their ministers ●ay haue their wils : and therin they ( as their predecessors ) fullfill the ●ord of god , in gathering kings of the earth to the battell of the great day of ●od almighty . for they perswade kings to force their subjects , to re●●ave the faith , and to bee of the church , whereas the word of god tea●eth otherwise , saying , faith commeth by heareing , and hearein by the word 〈◊〉 god , and not by the kings sword . and christ saith : teach al nations & 〈◊〉 force al nations : and this teaching is to be vnderstood by the word ād ●●iting of the prophets and apostles of our lord and saviour christ which is the word of god. for they that wil bee of the true faith ād ●hurch , must be caled thervnto , out of the world : by the word of god , ●●every nation , and not forced and constrayned in every nation , as the ●●shop of rome , and al other false bishops and ministers have and 〈◊〉 perswade kings , emperors and magistrats . and his majesty and parliament may please to vnderstand , that so ●doe , is to quench the spirit of god , in christ bishops and ministers , and al●●● furstrate the precept of christ , which saith : preach the gospel to evry 〈◊〉 , besides , it maketh their owne office ād functiō voyd , they ought to preach & instruct , with al meeknes , them that are contrary minded , proveing if god at any tyme wil give them repentance , that they may know the truth for the ministers of the lord must not strive , but be apt to teach , gentle towards all men , suffring evil men patiently , telling kings and princes , that the weapons of christs bishops and ministers , are not carnal ( as the weapons of all false and antichristian bishops and ministers are ) but spiritual , & mighty through god , to cast downe holds , casting downe evry high thing , that is exalted against the knowledge of god , & bringing into captivity , evry thought , to the obedience of christ . also , if all within the land be forced to be of the church , as the bishops and their ministers would stil have it , thē there would be no world in the land , but al the land wold be the church , which is absurd , and contray to the scriptures , and great ignorance doe the bishops and their ministers shew , when they thinck the whole nation of people , is the church of christ , for there it cannot be said , out of greate brittayne , the lord added to the church from day to day , such as shold be saved : seeing within the land there would be none without to be added : also within that land , then would be no perseqution , seeing the church of christ doth not persequte at al , much lesse it self , but the ministers and members of that church doe persequte one another , and therefore it cannot be the spiritual kingdom and church of christ , but of antichrist , seeing it is devided against it self , and persequteth one another , and wil with her mother greate babilon , be consumed and condemned , seeing ( as she ) they burne , bannish , hang , and imprison one another which is no christian , but antychrist , an , monstrous , cruel , woulvish , and a tyranous part ano practise : for christ sent hi● ministers as lambs among wolves , & not as wolves among lambs . againe , i humbly and withal reverence doe beseech his right excellēt majesty , to give me leaue , to put him in mynd , of those things that do● concerne the glory of god , the assurance of his owne salvation , the stablishment of his throne , and the benefit both of the church of christ , and the common wealth of al his dominions . and though as iosias , he find● ( by reading in the booke of the new testament ) a great alteration of the apostoliq faith , & change of the lawes & ordinances of christ , within his dominions . yet not to be dismayed , as henry le grand , but be encouraged a● iosiah , to labor and endevor the redresse therof , according to the myn● of christ , in his new testament . and i doubt not , but as iaacob the patriarch prevayled with god & men : so shal iaacob the king prevayle both wit● god & men , especially being his chief stuard , by his new testament . through the zealous reading whereof wil be found , that antychrist the king of the catholiq faith and discipline ( caled the mistery of iniquity ) doth sit in the temple of god , even as the scripture hath foretold . 〈◊〉 it is to be noted that the scripture hath also foretold , of the consumatiō . 〈◊〉 abolition , of this antychrist , the man of sin , & his mistery of iniquity , with the● most of his arival , or hyghest top of dignity , he is come vnto ▪ and this shal be done by the spirit of the lord in the mouth of his servants . for when 〈◊〉 words of god be fulfilled , then shal the servants of the lord prevaile ( by his word and spirit ) with ten kings that shal hate , & make the whore desolate , which sitteth in the hearts and consciences of peoples , multitudes & nations , and this whore is the woman caled the great citty which reigneth over the kings of the earth , meaning the chur : of rtome , by her false faith ād disciplin , which is so fast setleds in the hearts and consciences of the kings of the earth , that they think they doe god good service , in killing and burning his servants that do speak against her faith & disciplyne , & that wil not bay any of her wares , that is her antychristian doctrines ād ordinances . but as she hath had her exaltation and arival to the heyght and dignity of the 〈◊〉 empire of rome , by the love of kings , who have given their power and authority vnto her , and who have fought for her against the saints & servants of iesus . so she shal have her consumation and abolition ( from that height and dignity ) by the hatred of kings , who againe shal take their power and authority from her , and therwith defend the peace and persons of the saints & servants of iesus : & no● for religions peace , wil use their power and authority against the bloudy perseqution of antychrist and al his bloudy bishops and ministers , ād so becom nursing fathers vnto the church of christ . and as it hath pleased god , to give his majesty peace round about , as he did vnto king cyrus , in whose dayes the material temple began to be repared ( which was a figuer of the spiritual temple ) so i pray it may please him also ( in the peaceable dayes of king iames ) to begin to repayre the spiritual temple ) the apostoliq church scattered and dryven abroad into the wildernes of this world , whose ca●ing and gathering together , must be by the preaching of the word of god , both to jewes and gentils , and not by the sword of the kings of the earth , as antychrist and his ministers have now along tyme perswaded and prevailed , wherby not onely the jewes and infidels , but also papists and other false christians , are hindred and deprived from the knowledg of the apostoliq faith . and it is be noted that david might not build gods temple , because he had spilt much blood , which sheweth , no blood ought to be spilt , for the building of the spiritual temple . . cro. . . ergo peace in religion is a good meanes to make a vnity of religion among so many christian sects and it is wel worthy consideration , that as in the tyme of the old testament , the lord would not have his offrings by constraint , but of every man whose heart gave it freely : so now in tyme of the gospel , he wil not have the people constrayned , but as many as receave the word gladly , they are to be added to the church by baptisme : and therfore christ commanded his disciples to teach al nations , & baptise them , that is to preach the word of salvatiō to evry creature , of al sorts of natiōs , that are worthy and willing to receave it . and such as shal willing and gladly receave it , he hath commanded to be baptised in the water , that is dipped for dead in the water , ād therfore the apostle saith , els what shal they do , which are baptised for dead , if the dead be not raised why are they baptised for dead ? and therfore also he saith : we are buried thē with him by baptisme &c : and it is to be wel observed , that when christ wold have preached the word of salvation to the gaderēs , he did not compel them when they refused , but finding them vnwilling to receave him and his word , he turned from them without hurting thē : also whē iames and iohn saw that som of the samaritane● refused christ ▪ they wold have commanded fyer from heaven to consume them , as elias did . but christ rebuked thē and said : ye know not of what spirit ye are : for the son of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them . by al which , it may please his majesty and parliament , to take knowledge that christ wil haue none consumed with fyer and sword , for not heareing and not receaveing his word : and that ( howsoever it hath bene the mynde of antychrist , to destroy mens liues for religion , and therein haue not spared neither prince nor people ) yet it is not the mynde of christ , that princes should destroy their subiects , nor yet that subiects shold destroy their princes for difference in religion . and therfore why shold bishops perswade princes and people , and why shold king , prince and people be perswaded by their bishops and ministers , to be contrary mynded to christ ? verily it is a notorious ād playne token of a false faith and discipline , that is defended by fyer and sword , the power and authority of princes : and they cannot be christs bs : and preachers that perswade princes and peoples to such antychristian tyranny and cruelty . and it is very evident that those bs : and mm : which giue ouer men and women to the magistrate , to be perswaded by perseqution , doe shew clearly that their doctrine is not good , and that they want the word ād spirit of god , ād therfore flee to the magist : sword for the forceing of them to their faith and disciplyne , and as the wyne is not good which we are forced to drink , so those doctrynes are not good which we are forced to beleeue . but it may be by this tyme , al those bishops ( who vnfainedly feare god and truly love the king ) will haste and make speed to come vnto his majesty for pardon , acknowledging the truth of this booke , confesseing their ignoraace and arrogance , in the knowledge of gods word , and in compelling the people to heare the word preached , and for impri : burn : bannis : and hang : for religion : cōtrary to the minde of christ , ād also for stopping the mouthes of mē ād burning their books , that preach ād wryte contrary to their myndes ād wils , yea it may be they wil also confesse and say : oh most gratious king , we beseech your maiesty to shew vs mercy and to forgiue vs our spirituall pride and ambition , in that we haue thus long vsurped the blasphemous titles of spirituallords and lords graces , the which tytles we now to the glory of god , ād honor of the king do with vntained hearts confesse , to be due and belong onely to christ himself : and that the name and tytle of spiritual lord cannot belong to any earthly creature , no not to the king or emperor , because it is an heavenly name and tytle , how much lesse can it belōg or be due vnto vs , your maiestys vnworthy subjects and schollers . and for so much as we now vnderstand ( the lord be praysed therfore ) that the holy and heavenly name and devine tytle of spiritual lord is as much , yea as high and greate , as the name and tytle of a spiritual god , and also that it is a name aboue evry name , which god the father hath given vnto christ onely to the end , that evry knee shold bow vnto that onely and heavenly name , and that evry tongue shold confesse that iesus is the messiah , the lord , vnto the glory of god the father , that in al things christ might have the preheminence , for he alone is the head of the chuach , which is his body : the which cannot bee so long as we , or any other bishops , do hold and retayne that devine , high and super excellent name and tytle of spiritual lord : because then it cānot be said that god hath so highly exalted him , as to give him a name aboue evry name , seeing our names and tytles are also spiritual , and are caled spiritual lords so wel as the son of god , iesus the messiah . the remembrance hereof most gratious soueraigne doe make vs to tremble before god and the king . and therfore we most earnstly desire your sacred majesty , and the whole parliament , to dischardge and release vs of these fearful names and tytles ▪ that doe onely belong to the son of god , iesus the onely spiritual lord , that god hath given vnto his church . moreover , we doe ( according to the truth ) acknowledge , that if wee shold any longer retayne these devine and high names of spiritual lords and lords graces , we shold therin be intiteled , not onely with a name equal to our lord iesus , the onely begotten son of god , but also we shold be intytled with a name and tytle above your right excellent maiesty , yea above al emperors , kings ād princes of the earth the which alone we doe acknowledge to be a sufficient cause to put vs downe , and to depri●ue vs of these vsu●ped names , and blas●hemous tytles . also we doe confesse , that our pomp and state wherin we now live , is more like the bishops of the catholiq church of antychrist : then any way like vnto the bishops of the apostoliq church of christ ; vnto whom we acknowledge , we ought to bee made like , and also to be qualified with the like gifts and graces of the spirit , or els in no ●ase we can be meet bishops for the church of christ , as the apostle plainly teacheth both to tymothy and tytus &c : and we must further acknowledge and confesse , that our howses , howsholds and revenues are more fit ād meet for princes , dukes and earles , then for the bishops of christ . vvherfore ( being moved and stirred vp hereto by the feare of god ) we earnestly beseech your majesty and parliament , also to disburden vs of this great pomp and state , and of our great and princelyke howses , howshols and revenues ; that so we may be made equal ād conformable to the ministers of christ , and then we shal have both hope and cōfort of the world to come , although but litle in this , except your majesty and parliament doe grant free liberty of conscience , the which we now do also with the poore distressed christians , most humbly entreat and desire : and that for these . reasons : first , because therby the gospel of christ wil bee set free and at liberty , wherby al people both iewes and gentils wil be gathered to the apostoliq faith , church and discipline . secondly , because many of your maj : subjects , both men and women ( who now are forced to dissēble their religion , for feare of our perseqution ) wil be released and set free from their spiritual bondage ād slavery , wherin we now do hold thē against their consciences , and so they wil becom more faith ful christians to god , and more loyal subjects to your maj : then ever they were before , to the salvation of their soules and the saefty of the crowne and state. thirdly , because the poore distressed christians ( now bannished and dispersed out of their fatherland , over the face of the earth ) wil be redeemed frō greate misery and bondage , wherin now ( no doubt ) they live and abide , because they wil not be in bondage to any other spiritual lord or head , then the lord iesus messiah alone , whose faith and disciplyne they desier onely to learne and obey . fourthy , because therby great benefit and comodity wil redound , both to your majesty and to all your subjects , within your highnes dominions by the great commerce , in trade & trafiq both of iewes and al people , which now for●ant of liberty of conscience , are forced and dryven els where : and also from the revennues & liveings , which we and our glergie doe possesse , and from the courts and offiices we hold ād keep great profit and commodity wil redound , both to your highnes , and to al your kingdoms , we say more profit and commodity then we or any man is able to expresse . and therfore , we also desier al his maiestyes subjects , both greath & smale in al love ad feare of god , not to be offēded , or any way moved or grieved , when they shal see such a reformation of vs , as that famous king henry the eyght , did make of our lordly brethren the abbots and their clergye : for indeed such a reformation ought to come among vs and our glergy , seeing we are no way agreable to the new testament , of the onely spiritual lord iesus messiah , but are limbs and fellow members of that antychristian ād romish church , which in the scriptures is prophecyed to be abolished and destroyd . now therfore we pray you all let not king david say , the sons of seruiah are to strong for him , for that wil bee vnprofitable for you al. and for conclusion , we entreat his ma : and parlia : to enact ( that as our adversaries com against vs , onely with the word of god , so we go against them onely with the word of god , and not as we have done by civil authority , for so our selves may be forced to dissemble thus it may be , the lord wil perswade and work in the hearts of some of the bishops , who wil willingly resigne their antychristian tytles and popish pomp and state , with their princelike howses ād lyveings into the hands of the king , without any compulsion or constraint . but if they doe not , yet if it please god to open the kings heart , to see their antichristian and idol estate , ād the danger ād damage they cause both to the king prince and people , they wil be compelled therto , evē as their lordly brethren the abbots in king henry dayes were . and howsoever it be not regarded , or perhaps not descerned , yet in the sight of god ād his people they are greater idols , then their lordly bretheren the abbots : yea greater idols then the images of wood and stoone ( which that famous ād godly king edward , did pul downe and destroy ) for they did not imprison , nor burne , nor hang : nor yet caused to be bannished any of the kings subjects , that would not worship them , as these idol bishops doe . and out of doubt : these bishops are greater idols then the golden calfe , aaron made and offred vnto : for the calfe did not persequte nor ver , such as did not acknowledge it for their lord as the bishops doe : neyther did the calfe reygne and rule by force over the consciences of the people as these idol bishops doe . besides , the calfe was set vp in steed of moses , who brought the people out of egypt , and shewed them the wil of god , but these bbs : are set vp in steed of christ , who have brought vs out of the bondage of hel , and who sheweth vs his fathers wil in his new testament , the which these jdol bs : wil not suffer vs to obey but in steed therof wil force vs to faldown worship and obey ther father antychrists wil and old testamēt , which stinks in the nostrels of al reformed strangers that heare thereof , as wel as in ours that have taken our flight from it . therfore these spirituall lords and idol bishops ought to be pulled downe and suppressed , like the abbots their lordly brethren , though not sacrificed vnto the lord in smithfeild as the godly king iosias sacrificed the idol priests of the high places on the altars therof . and i doe verely beleeve , that if free liberty of cōscience be granted , that the spiritual kingdom of these idol bs : will in tyme fal to the ground of it self , as the jdol dagon fal before the arke for throug the knowledge of gods word , wil al godly people , with draw themselves in al peceable and godly wise , from the spiritual obedience of these spiritual lords and idol bbs : and quietly betake themselves vnto the obedience of the onely spiritual lord iesus messiah . but howsoever it be i shal be contented therewith , and so i wish al others , for we al ought to be content , if we obtayne freedom of conscience , and therefore to give god prayse cōtinualy , that hath wroght so blessed a worke in the hearts of the king and parliamēt , for whō as the scripture teacheth we ought to make supplications , prayers and intercessions , that they may com to the knowledge of the truth , and that we may lead a peaceable and quiet life in al godlines and honesty . and vnto whō we ought to give ( by the law of god ) al earthly honor feare and reverence , and willingly to paytribute and custō , tax and tol , so much and so often as it shal please his majesty and parliam : to appoint and gather , by any officer or officers whatsoever . for whom also , and for the whole common wealth of al his kingdoms , we ought to be diligent and ready to hazard and lay downe , not onely our goods , but also our lives at al tymes and occasiōs . for christ hath onely set vs free from al ecclesiastical lawes and ordinances , which himself hath not commanded in his last wil and testament . yea from the ecclesiastical lawes and commandements of the old testament , how much more hath he set vs free from the ecclesiastical lawes and ordinances of antichrist , but he hath not set vs free from the moral and iudicial law of god , for that the king is bound to execute , and we are bound to obey : and for want of the execution therof , there are in our land many whores and whorekeepers , ād many childrē murdered besides the death ād vndoeing of many persons about whores . wherfore i humbly desier that the morall and and iudicial low of god may be practised and executed , of al degrees both high and low without respect of persons , according the mynd of christ . for the lord wil have that evry man shal love him above al , and his neyghbor as himself , and christ saith , as ye would that men shold do to you , so do ye to them likewise . therfore as the king wold not have his subjects , to take away his life because he is contrary to them in religiō . so let not the king take away his subjects lives , because they are contrary to the king in religion : and as you wold not men shold force you to a religion against your consciences , so doe not you force men to a religion against their consciences . and as it is the duty of subjects to seeke the conversion of their king ād state , by the word of god , and not his and their destruction by fyer ād sword . so it is the duty of the king and state , to seek the conversion of of their subjects by the word of god , and not their destruction by fier ād sword , as the pope and his prelats doe teach : whose vassals therin both emperors and kings ( as wel as people ) have bene a long tyme : both to the destruction of thēselfs ād their subjects . for who knoweth not that prelats and preists haue perswaded subjects , to destroy their kings and princes , as wel as kings and princes to destroy their subiects : but 〈◊〉 pray thē both to take notice that the scrip : saith he that destroyeth the temple of god , him wil god destroy . let not therfore kings , princes nor subjects bee any longer perswaded to destroy one āother through the suttelty of bs : and their mi : who ( most of thē ) onely seeke the security of their owne pōp and glory , ād the stablishmēt of their spiritual thrones therin : for so long as they may confirm that , they passe not who perish , whether king , prince or people . againe therfore i humbly pray his ma : and par : to repeale and make voyd al popish lawes and canons , and to see the moral and iucial law of god , both firmly enacted , ad carefully practised after the minde of chr : and then shal christs spiritual throne be stablished in the hearts & consciences both of king , prince and people , so as the chu : christs spiritual kingdom shal increace in the knowledge of faith , and obediēce therof , with al loue , peace ād charity , one towards another . and the cōmō wealth of his ma : king : wil florish and prosper , ād also his throne be constātly stablished both to him and his heyres through out al his dominions , in a suer land of peace and love , tho●e with and towards another , to the glory of god and the cōfort of his maj : and of al his subjects , ād also to a famous ād excellent glorious paterne of govermēt , to al kingdōs , natiōs ād contries round about , as in the dayes of salomō king of israel . for if the holi lawes of gods word be practised and executed after christs wil , thē , shal neither king , prince nor people be destroyed for differēce in religion : then treason & rebelliō , as wel as burn : ban : han : and impri : for difference in religion wil cease and be laid downe , then shal not mē , womē and youth be hāged for theft : then shal not the poore lame , sik and weake ones , be stocked and whipped , neither shal the poore , stranger , fatherlesse ād widowes , be driven to beg frō place to place , neither shal the lame , sik ād weake persons suffer such misery ād be forsaken of their kinred , as now they be , thē shal not murder , whoredō and adultry be bought out for mony : then shal not the greate defraude and wrong the smale , neither the ritch oppresse the poore by usury and litle wages : then shal not men bring vp and i●herit others childrē in steed of their owne , neither shal an honest man be forced to liue with a whore in steed of an honest wife , nor yet an honest women with a whorekeeper in steed of an honest husband 〈◊〉 shal not servāt● be forced from mariage by bonds , nor yet be 〈◊〉 servitude , longer then six yeares , neither shal they be brought vp contrary to covenant , nor posted from one quarter or one yeare to another for their fredom ād in th end be forced to buy it of their masters , or els to go without it two then shal neither prince nor people be disinherited , for not being of the church : neither shal they be held lawlesse persons , though excomunicated neither shal any man dare kil them as now they may , and be quit by law neither shall any man feare to have his mouth stopt for preaching the truth , then shal no man need to flee out of his natiue contry and fatherland , for persequtions sake : then shal al mē live in peace vnder his owne vyne , lauding and praysing god honoring and obeying the king. then also wil no bloud be eaten among christians , wherby the iewes should haue just cause to stumble or be offended , neither shold any reliqs of the ceremonial law , ( as tithes and offrings etc : ) be any longer in use , wher by the jewes shold be hardned , in their vnbelief and kept from the faith of the messiah . then shal the iewes inhabit and dwel vnder his maiestys dominion , to the great profit of his realmes , and to their furtherance in the faith : the which we are bound to seeke in al loue and peace , so wel as others , to our vttermost endevor , for christ hath comanded to ●each al nations &c : and they are the first . lastly , then shal not so many mē and women be deceaved by false ministers , neither by their sermons , nor yet by their bookes , which are ful fraighted with false doctrines , ād confirmed and countenāced not onely by the kings authority ād power but also by wresting and false interpreting of the scriptures , and by aledging of popish fathers , which through the greate ignorance of the people doe greatly prevayle : but then shal be abolished through the word ād spirit of god ( his two witnesses ) in the mouth of his servants , who by ●ord ād wryting shal breed such knowledge , that none of wisdoms children shal bee deceaved , another reason , why so many good people are now deceaved , is , because we that have most truth , are most persequted . and therefore most poore , whereby we are vnable to wryte and print as ●e , wold , against the adversaries of the truth . it is hard to get our dai●y food , with the labors of our weake bodyes and feeble hands , how thē should we have to def●ay other chardges , and to write and print ? i haue through the help of god out of his word , made a scourge of smale coar●●s , wherwith antychrist and his ministers might be dryven out of the ●emple of god. also a declaratiō of certaine false translations in the new testament : but j wāt wherwith 〈◊〉 print and publish it , therfore it must rest til the lord seeith good to sup●ly it : in meane while , i humbly entreat his ma : and par : to give me ●ave to prove the bs. with one question , by which you may perceave the ●●orance of your bs : it is this , how they wil bee able to proue a resurrection from these words , i am the god of abraham , the god of prison . kings and magistrats are gods ministers and not the bishops , therfore i humbly beseech you to with ●and the bloudy mindes of your bs : that there be no more innocent christians persequted to death for religion . i read that in the netherlands aboue a hundred thowsand persons have beene put to death for religion , but now praised be god , we have no such wooful tidings preached amōg vs , the lord worke as much in our land i beseech him , that so you may no longer burne and bannish the servants of christ : for he saith they that doe these things have not knowen the father nor mee : yet i confesse you have the zeale of god , for you think you do god good service , in burning christiās that differ frō your religion . but i also confesse your zeale is not according to knowledge : for your bs : and min : being indued with vniversity and high schoole learning , devinity and doctrine , but being ignorāt of the lowly learning heavenly divinity and doctryne of christ , have and doe stil goe about to stablish their owne , and haue not yet submitted themselves , to the lowly learning devinity and doctryne of christ : and therfore like their predecessors , wil perswade you to burn : ban : etc : such christians as they hold to be in error about doctrines ano questions of faith and religion : right as if they had the power to rule , governe , and dispose the hearts and spirits of kings , princes , and people , even as they list , ād also to make them good and righteous when they wil , and to cause them to vnderstand and beleeue the gospel , even by a day and ho●er apointed , which to do , belongeth to god alone : and therfore christ saith no man cā come to me except the father draw him . and christ wil haue his ministers to preach to such as are worthy and wiling , and not as your min : who com to them , whō they hold vn worthy and finde vnwilling , and say , wil ye not com to chur : and heare , and wil ye not beleeue our doctryne ? but we wil make you , or els wee wil burne you for heretycks . thus wil they taunt meeke and holy christians who are torne like sheep among the wolves . but christs ministers wil with meeknes , instruct such as are contrary mynded , tollerating the evil men patiently , proveing if god at any tyme wil give them repentance , that they may know the truth : wher by they shew plainly , that they are christs disciples , and have that true faith , which worketh by loue , even as the apostle saith , the which i pray you to consider , that so you may both know and obay the wil of christ . now ( saith he ) abideth faith , hope and love , but the cheyfest of these , is love , for wher love is ther is no disdayne , it seeketh not her owne things , it is not provoked to anger , it suffreth al things , it hopeth al things , it indureth al things . yea the love of christ so loveth , that it wil not ver nor persequte any that cal on his name . therfore i humbly pray you to remember them that are in bonds , as though ye were bound with them , and them that are in affliction , as if ye were also afflicted in the body . and to shew them mercy , for mercy rejoyceth against judgement , but judgment mercyles , shal be to them that shew no mercy . if ye be friendly to your brethren onely what singuler thing do you , doe not the sinners the same ? be not like vnto them , but vnto your heavenly father , whose wisdom , love and mercy , i beseech him to grant you , that so you may come to the knowledge of the truth and be saved : and that we ( your majestis faithful subjects ) may lead a peaceable and quiet life ( even in our owne nation ) in al godlynes and honesty . amen . now , them that are persequted , i exhort with the words of the apostle peter . dearely beloved thinck it not strāge concerning the fiery trial that is among you to prove you , as though som strange thing were com vnto you : but rejoyce in as much as ye are pertakers of christs suffrings that when his glory shal appeere ye may ●e glad and rejoyce . if ye bee rayled vpon for the name of christ , blessed are ye for the spirit of glory ād of god resteth vpon you , which on their part is evil spokē of , but on your part is glorifyed . but let no man suffer as an evil doer , or as a murtherer or as a busy body in others matters : but i● one suffer as a christian , let him not be a shamed , but let him glorifye god in that behalf . for al the mar●rs of the apostoliq church have suffered as evil doers , and as heretiks . for the time is that judgment must begin at the howse of god : if it first begin at vs ( saith the apostle ) what shal the end be of them , that obey not the gospel of god. and if the righteous scarsly be saved , where shall the vngodly and sinner appeere ? wherfore let them that suffer according to the 〈◊〉 of god , commit their soules vnto him in weldoeing , as vnto a faithful creator . read esay . . . . . . he shal judge among the nations , ād rebuke many people , they shal break their sword into mattocks and their speares into sithes : nation shal not lift vp a sword against nation , neyther shal they learne to fight any more . the high looks of man shal be humbled , and the loftynes of man shal be abased , & the lord onely shal be exalted in that day : for the day of the lord of hosts is vpō al the proud and hauty and vpon al that is exalted , and it shal be made low . litle david overcame great goliah , yet not brought vp in warre . vnlearned peter confuted the learned preists , yet by caling a fisher man. attend , and helpe , and you shal see the wonderful works of god. for the foolishnes of god , is wiser then men , & the weaknes of god is stronger then men . and god hath chosen the foolish things of the world , to confound the wise , & things tha● are despised , hath god chosen , to bring to nought things that are . . cor. . . . finis . leonard busher . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e . cor. . . a ioh. . b jam . . ● c . petr. . . . matth. . marc. . . cor. . . ephe. . heb. . . mat. . mar. . ▪ act. . . luc . . . . act . . . . & . . 〈…〉 rev. . marc. . . mat. . rev. . luce . . . ioh. . . a matt. . . . e eph. . . . tim . . act. . 〈◊〉 . iam. . . . pet. . . . cor . . iohn . . . sam. . . . act. . . tim . . . . cor. . . . rom. . act. . ioh. . ephe. . ● . mat. . tyt. . . iohn . . cor . . . iohn . . & . io. . co . . ● gala. . galat. . ●e . . co. . ●att . . . tyt. . . . . mat. . . . act. . . re. . . re. . . . tim . . . mat. . . . marc. . act . . . ther is one furbusher a preacher in this lād . notes for div a -e . cor. . many thousand ambassadors & martyr● of christ hath bbs● caused to be slaine since ch● ascended . marc. . ▪ persequtiō destroy christians , but not errors . cor . . . tym. . . . luc. . . . persequtors rebuked of christ . . cor. . . col. . . persequtiō●lo make ●any strā●ers . ●ersequtiō●●usemani ●●ligions . 〈◊〉 the ●hurch . ● v. . . ●●eter were to have ●any reli●ōs in the ●nd , thē in ●●le churc : mat. . ▪ christ teacheth to flee persequtiō ergo it cannot possible be good . mat. . note . see . tim . . . rō . . . mat. . . thes . . ● . tym. . . peter . . rev . . . gal. . . & . . ● . . note false bbs : teach turks and pagans to persequte christians rom. . . 〈◊〉 . . . ● . cor . . false bbs : worse then turks and pagans . note falss bbs : spirituall ●ornicatiō . ● . thes . . . . cor. . . . & . cor . . . with ●ev . . & . ● . pet. . . ● . pet. . if idolaters ought to be slain then ought al those that submit & yeld spiritual obedience & reverēce vnto these bbs ) to be slaine , who then shold remaine in land alive ? rev. . . note . rō . . . . luc. . . or provocation . king edward was an enemy to persequtiō acts & mon : pag. . the christiā answer of king edward . rev . . . 〈…〉 rō . . . by digby , cates by &c : ma● . . . luc. . act. . the bbs : as the high preists , force men to obay man rather thē god. note wel . then ●ary til to morrow . rev. . gen. ● . rom. . . rom. . permissiō of cōsciēce a furtherāce to the gospel and a safly both to prsnce and people rev. . . & . . . . cor. . . . thes . . . . . tes . . . . tim . . . . . . tim . . . . . & . pe . ● . . . john . ● . . john . iud. . . . note wel . . john . . the siriah saith came in flesh . . john . . . . john . . . . . . co . . iohn . . . . & . . ▪ iohn . . . . . . . joh . . . ioh. . . & . . iohn . . . . cor. . . . . ioh. . . . cor . . . . rev. . ● . 〈◊〉 . rev. . . . . rev. . . . . note . . the. . . . . tim. . . . rev. . . . . & . . . . tim. . . & . . . pe . . . . joh . . . & . ● . . iohn . . iude . . like mother , like daughter . . tim. . rev. . ▪ . joh . . . fyer and sword , n● equal we●pons to the spirit & word . mistically psal . . ● psal . . . ● . joh . . ● rev. . ● rev. . . mat. . . mat. 〈◊〉 . ▪ . mat. . ▪ . rom. . ▪ luc. . . . txs . . ▪ i pray the lord to give such grace , the sea of rome may 〈◊〉 apace . nota frō popes submission ther is great suspi●ion . . tim. ● . . . james . . ▪ note a true signe of false bishops an ministers . iohn . . . iohn . . ▪ . cor. . ▪ . act. . . . cor. . ▪ . esd . . . . answer . another true signe of false bishops & ministers . the word of god the onely defender of the faith of christ . idol bbs : & false ministers authors of persequtiō rev. . ▪ rom. . . . mar. . ● . . tes . . . ● . tim . . , . . cor. . . . rev. . . act. . . . note act. . . a true church wil not persequte . mat. . rev . . . . cor. . . . luc. . ▪ gen. . rom. . . tym. . . tym . . rev. . . th● . . rev. . 〈◊〉 . caled the temple of god. . thesa . rev. . . . iohn . . re. . . esay . . . ezra . . . ha. . . . exod. . ● and . ▪ act. . . . mat . mar. . ▪ mat. . . . co. ● . luc. . . luc. . . . christs bs : wil not be lords over the consciences . ●he bs : do ●now in ●heir consciences ●hat this 〈◊〉 true . ●ob . . phi. . . col. . . the bs : in tytles equal to the son of god. note gods blessings il expected , vnlesse these idols bee rejected , who are exalted above al earthly gods. . tym. . tit. . . . to greate 〈◊〉 the ods , 〈◊〉 use the word , against gods word . the bs : greater idols then the abbots ●mages or goldē calfe ▪ ex. . ▪ what greater idolatri thē to obai other spiritual lords , then the lord iesus . . king . . . . . sam . . . . ty . . . ▪ rō . . . ▪ col. . . heb. . . deut. ▪ . . luc. . ● ▪ note . cor. . & . . ▪ frederich & iohn palsgraves said that vnder pretext of the holi ghosts office of correction litle els was sougt thē to reygne over the cōsciēces of the magistrats & subjects like as in the accursed popedom is cō to passe &c. note wel . iewes kepe back from the faith by perseqution . rev. . and . . . pet. . ● . it is the kings honor to search out a thing . pro. . exod. . . a cryeing sinne . iohn . . 〈◊〉 . . . . iohn . . mat. . . . ●y . . . ioh. . . cor. heb. . . iam. . . 〈◊〉 . . . ● . . tym. pet. . . pet. . . act. . ▪ antychrist and his persequtiō shal bee made low . . thes . . gal. . . cor. . . a free disputation against pretended liberty of conscience tending to resolve doubts moved by mr. john goodwin, john baptist, dr. jer. taylor, the belgick arminians, socinians, and other authors contending for lawlesse liberty, or licentious toleration of sects and heresies. / by samuel rutherfurd professor of divinity in the university of st. andrews. rutherford, samuel, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing r thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a free disputation against pretended liberty of conscience tending to resolve doubts moved by mr. john goodwin, john baptist, dr. jer. taylor, the belgick arminians, socinians, and other authors contending for lawlesse liberty, or licentious toleration of sects and heresies. / by samuel rutherfurd professor of divinity in the university of st. andrews. rutherford, samuel, ?- . [ ], , - , - , - , - , - , [ ] p. printed by r.i. for andrew crook, and are to be sold at his shop, at the signe of the green dragon in st. pauls church-yard, london : mdcil. 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pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a free disputation against pretended liberty of conscience tending to resolve doubts moved by mr. john goodwin , john baptist , dr. jer. taylor , the belgick arminians , socinians , and other authors contending for lawlesse liberty , or licentious toleration of sects and heresies . by samuel rutherfurd professor of divinity in the university of st. andrews . psalm . . . and i will walk at liberty , for i seek thy precepts . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 london , printed by r. i. for andrew crook , and are to be sold at his shop , at the signe of the green dragon in st. pauls church-yard . mdcil . to the godly and unpartiall reader . i offer ( worthy reader ) to your unpartiall and ingenuous censure these my ensuing thoughts against liberty of conscience , from which way looking to me with a face of atheisme , i call the adversaries , libertines , not intending to reach a blow to any godly man , or to wound those who out of weaknesse are captived with that error , but to breed in the hearts of the godly a detestation of that way , which in truth hath its rise from libertinisme , and savoureth rankly of wide , loose and bold atheisticall thoughts of the majesty of god , as if our conscience had a prerogative royall beside a rule ; yea ( which is prodigious ) in its simple apprehensions of god , of the mediator , of the revealed will of god , above the law of god : for . this way bringeth in aristotles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the worlds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so i thinke , and all say so , and our faith and hope must be resolved in the first principle of scepticisme . so it seems to me , for the young daughters of the minde , the simple acts of apprehending , knowing , beleeving god and divine truths are innocent , harmelesse and ill-lesse foul-works , being from under all dominion of either free-will or a divine law , and the minde , a free borne absolute princesse , can no more incur guiltinesse in its operations about an infinite sovereigne god , and his revealed will , by this lawlesse way , then the fire can in burning , the sunne it inlightning , the stone in moving downward , be arraigned of any breach of law , if toleration have place . . all certainty of beleeving , all stedfastnesse , rooting , and unmovable establishing in the truth , all life of consolations and comforts in the scriptures , all peace of heavenly confidence , all joy unspeakable and full of glory , all lively hope , all patient and submissive waiting for the fruits of the harvest , all wrestling in prayer , all gloriation in tribulation , and all triumphing in praising , all rejoycing in spirit , being bottomed on fallible opinions , on doubtfull disputations of scepticks , may be the reelings of wind-mills , fair phansies , and dream● ; for who ( say they ) is infallible : and who hath known the minde of the lord ? so as the truth must be monopolized to any one sect , or way ? who in faith or fulnesse of assurance can convince or rebuke gainsayers , hereticks , or such as bring another doctrine , and may not you the convincers and rebukers , as rather be gainsayers and hereticks , and such as bring another doctrine , as those whom you so labour to convince and rebuke ? . conscience is hereby made every mans rule , umpire , judge , bible , and his god , which if he follow , he is but at the worst , a godly , pious , holy hereticke , who feareth his conscience more then his creator , and is to be judged of you a saint . . hence conscience being deified , all rebuking , exhorting , counter-arguing , yea all the ministery of the gospel must be laid aside ; no man must judge brother idolater , or brother familst , or saints to be socinians , or men of corrupt mindes , perverse disputers , vain-janglers , wresters , rackers , or torturers of scripture , whose words eat as a canker , who subvert whole houses , who speake the visions of their owne head , and see false burdens , for all these were of old , but are now quite gone out of the world ; for who can make a window in any mans soule , and see there heart-obstinacy which only doth essentially constitute the heretick , the blasphemer , the false prophet ? but is not brotherly forbearance , christian indulgence a debt we owe to brethren , saints , and the truly godly in errours , and mind-infirmities , which by a naturall emanation or resultance get the fore-start of freewill ? to which i shall speak in these few considerations . . it is much to be desired with the prayers and suits of the children of god , that where there are two opinions , there may be one heart , that the father of spirits would unite the hearts of all the children of one father , and the heirs of one house . . papists here have exceeded in boundlesse domination and tyranny over the consciences of men : and what ever is contrary to the lawlesse decrees of their councells and popes , is an unexpiable heresie , and cannot be purged but by fire and fagot . . who ever refuse subjection of conscience to that enemy of christ , and to that woman-mistresse of witchcrafts , on whose skirts is found the blood of the martyrs of jesus , is presently an heretick , and his arguments answered with burning-quicke , this tyranny over conscience we disclaime ; yet for that ought , not the other extremity of wilde toleration to be imbraced . . we cannot thinke but all saints in this side of glory carry to heaven with them errours , mistakes , and prophesying in part , and the fairest stars and lights in this lower firmament of the church are clouded , and the benefit of the moon serves to enlighten the under garden of lillies , where christ feedeth , till the day breake , and the shadows flee away . and here brotherly indulgence and reciporation of the debt of compassionate forbearance of the infirmities one of another must have place . . yet so , as there can be no conflict of grace against grace ; nor can the taking off the foxes which destroy the vines , be contrary to the gentlenesse and meeknesse of saints in fulfilling the law of love , and bearing one anothers burdens , nor can love seated essentially in a new borne childe of the second birth be contrary to the zeale of god in withstanding to the face a saint looking awry , and walking not with a straight fo●● according to the truth of the gospel ; which way if heeded in sincerity , should breed more union of hearts , and be a greater testimony of faithfulnesse to a straying sheep , then our cruell meeknesse , and bloody gentlenesse in a pretended bearing with tender consciences under a colour of paying the debt of bastard love , while as we suffer millions to perish , through silence and mercilesse condolency with them in their sinfull depraving of the truth . farewell . yours in the lord jesus , s. r. the contents . chap. . of conscience and of its nature . the name conscience page . conscience the practicall knowledge ibid. conscience a power , not an act or habit p. . what sort of knowledge is ascribed to the conscience p. . of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . of conscience in relation to the major assumption and conclusion of a practicall sylogisme p. . the object of conscience p. . conscience to be reverenced ibid. of obligation of conscience , and the acts therefrom resulting p. . of witnessing of conscience , and self-reflection p. . the knowledge of our own state of grace , may be had by the fruits of the spirit of sanctification p. acts of conscience in relation to the conclusion p. . a conscience good or ill p. . a good conscience ibid conscience the rarest peece that god made ibid. a tender conscience p. . who ingrosse the name of tender consciences to themselves ibid. of a scrupulous conscience p. the causes of a scrupulous conscience ibid. chap. . conscience under synods , and how ; and that the conscience cannot have absolute libertie in matters of religion . how a synod compelleth p. . the conditions that libertines require to be in a synod p. . libertie to question every thing is licence ib. the church though not infallible , may determine infallible points ib. a confession , covenant , or synodicall decree , a secondarie rule of faith p. a ministeriall and publike , and a christian and private judgement and faith how they differ ibid. libertines give us sceptisme and fluctuation for faith p. there is need of interpretation and decision of synods . ib. that confessions ought to be only in expresse scripture words , is ●●●ther false principle of libertines p. ancient bonds of liberty of conscience p. the end of synods is not to remove heresies by any means good or bad , or to crush heresie so effectually as these heresies shall never 〈◊〉 heard of in the world again ibid. the necessity of synods p. pastors subject the disobedient to wrath , yet are not lords over the conscience ; ergo , neither are synods lords ●ver the conscience for that . ib. the subject of a synod not a sceptick conjecturall truth as libertines suppose p. the sence of scripture from synods beleeved truly to be infallible , though synods consist of men who are not infallible , as an 〈◊〉 pitcher doth contain gold and precious rubies and saphires in it , though there be no gold in the matter of the pitcher but only clay , cor. . . ibid. how a true decision of a synod is ever the same and not retractable p. though all truths be peremptorily decided in the word , yet is there need of a ministeriall and declarative decision of men , because teachers may deceive , and those that are taught are ignorant and dull p. men are to come to synods not as nullifidians but as ingaged for truth p. . synods may impose upon others and how ? ibid. ancient bonds or libertie of conscience stated p. the conditionall imposing of synods consisteth well with trying of all things , what libertines say on the contrary is naught ibid. conditionall imposing proveth the impose● to be no lord of the conscience . p. chap. . the church may complain of hereticks p. pastors are not out of their calling , nor apparitors , nor tale-bearers , if they complain to the magistrate of hereticks p. chap. . the state of the question of compulsion of conscience and toleration p. . opinions cannot be compelled , nor the mind or will in the elicite acts ibid. the question is , whether the magistrate may compulsorily restrain the externall act of the outward man in religion . ibid. shame and feare of rebukes , by pastors and church-censures have the same compulsorie influences on false teachers , that the fear of publike punishment by the synod hath p. . church censures are as compulsorie on the conscience , as coercing by the sword p. some externall actions of injustice flowing from meer conscience are punished justly , without any note of persecution by grant of libertines , and why not all others also ? p. ancient bonds of libertie of conscience p. discountenancing of men and negative punishing of them for their conscience is punishing of them ibid. ancient bonds p. . ibid. how religion may be compelled , how not p. one mans religion remaining in the mind and will , may hurt or benefit the man himself , not any others : but true religion , as it comes forth into acts of teaching may edifie and win others , and false religion may subvert the faith of others . ibid. the magistrate does not command religious acts as service to god , but rather forbids their contraries , as disservice to christian societies ibid. how tertullian and lactantius are to be expounded of forcing to heathen religion ibid. though we can compel none to religion it follows not that the magistrate may not punish those that seduce others to a false religion ibid. lactantius speakes of compulsion without all teaching p. those that are without the church are not to be compelled ibid. because the magistrates compulsion makes hypocrites it followeth note hee should not punish hereticks , for so he should not punish murtherers . p. the magistrate may by the sword curbe such impediments , that keep men from embracing the truth , according to augustine p. answer to doctor adam stewart ibid. impotencie of free will objected by master john goodwin , no reason why the magistrate ought not to punish seducing teachers , as of old the donatists objected . ibid. state of the question more strictly proposed p. it may as well be said because there be no expresse laws against murtherers , parricides , sorcerers , sodomites in the new testament , more then against false teachers , that therefore sorcerers are no lesse then hereticks to be tollerated . p. chap. . of fundamentals , the number of fundamentalls p. a saving disposition of faith to beleeve all truths revealed , though the man be ignorant of many , may consist with the state of saving grace ibid. three things among those that are to be beleeved . things simply necessarie . . simply profitable . . by consequence necessarie ; how the papists erre in these page some consequences necessary ibid. builders of hay and stubble on the foundation may be saved , and those that fall in murther and adultery out of infirmitie may be also saved yet there is no consequence ; ergo , the magistrate should tollerate both p. . chap. . errors in non-fundamentals obstinatly holden are punishable . obstinacie in ceremonies after full information deserveth punishment p. those that erre in non-fundamentals , may deserve to be punished ibid. to teach the necessity of circumcision , not an error formally & primarily , but by consequence fundamentall ; and the contrary truth not necessary , necessitate medii ibid. the toleration of all who erre in non fundamentals examined p. . queries proposed to m. joh. goodwin , who asserteth a catholike toleration of all religions , upon the ground of weaknes of freewill , and want of grace ? p. most arguments of libertines infer a catholike toleration in non-fundamentals , as well as in fundamentals p. what deductions the spirit makes in the soul of an elect knowing but a few fundamentals and going out of this life who knoweth ? p. . to know revealed truths of god is a commanded worship of god ? ibid. one generall confession of faith without a particular sense containing the true and orthodox meaning of the word not sufficient p. divers pious conferences betwixt us and lutherans ibid. they hate god and love blasphemies in the consequence who obstinately hold , them in the antecedent p. they may be false teachers and so punishable who erre not in fundamentals p. divers things not fundamentaly believed with certainty of faith , p. beleeving of truths revealed of god with a reserve , blasphemous , and turneth beleevers into scepticks and nullifidians p. beleeving with a reserve against the motion of the holy ghost p. beleeving with a reserve against the stabilitie of faith ibid. against the trying of all things , and spirits , inioyned by the holy ghost p. faith with a reserve against our prayers for knowledge and growing therein p. the holy ghost bids us not beleeve with a reserve p. to beleeve with a reserve contrary to our doing , and suffering for truth and faith p. two distinctions necessarie touching controverted points p. some things of their own nature not controversall , yet the deductions from them to our blind nature are controversall ibid. fundamentalls of faith most controversall to our blind nature p chap. . what opinions may be tollerated , what not . some far off errors may be tolerated p. schisme and actuall gathering of churches out of churches cannot be tolerated p. the place rom. . willing us to receive the weak , no plea for toleration p. phil. . . let us walke according to the same rule , &c. nothing for toleration . p. chap. . whether heresie be a sin or a meer error and innocencie , whether an heretick be an evill doer ? libertines make heresie a meer innocent and unpunishable error of the mind p. heresie is a sin as wel as idolatry though we could neither define heresie nor idolatry ibid. heresie proved to be an hainous sin ibid. the holy ghost contrary to libertines , supposeth undeniablie that hereticks are known , and so they are not known to god only , when he bids us beware of them , avoid them , bid them not god speed p. pertinacie may be , and is known to men p. heresie a wicked resisting of the truth , and yet not the blasphemie against the holy ghost p. libertines say that an heretick dying for his heresie hath no 〈◊〉 conscience , but a spirituall and heavenly end . p. the vain glory of the devils , martyrs who die for heresie p. spirituall stupidity and malice both together in hereticks and s●t●●s martyrs . p. some ignorance consists with the sin against the holy ghost p. chap. . of libertie of prophecying , of erroneous indictm●●● of conscience , that it is not our rule . who is an heretick to arminians , tit. . . p. none to libertines are hereticks , but such as professe a religion , which they beleeve with perswasion to be false . ibid liberty of prophesying taken in a threefold sense p. to desire false prophets to cease out of the land is no quenching of the spirit p. chap. . of indulgence in fundamentall or non-fundamentall errors . how the arminian libertines doe define an heretick p. hereticks to libertines only such as deny things knowable by the light of nature p. diversitie of opinions among them ibid. the punishing of men for publishing of fundamentall errors , and the indulgence of a toleration , yeelded to them though they teach all errors in non-fundamentals , a vain distinction , and hath no gro●●● in scripture . ibid. some murthers non-fundamentall in david which yet are consist●● with the state of salvation , should as well be tolerated , assome errors in non-fundamentals by the distinction of libertines . p. some non-fundamentals clearly in the word revealed , not to bee beleeved with a reserve , and others non-fundamentals with a reserve p. queries propounded to libertines p. why may not the magistrate lawfully spare the life of him , who 〈◊〉 of a libertine conscience meerly sacrificeth his child to god ? or why should hee punish with the sword , some acts not des●●●ctive to peace in the conscience of the punished , and not all acts of the same kind p. to compell men to ●oe against their conscience , that is , to sin , neither in old or new testament lawfull , deut. . and . p. there is the same obligation , the same formall reason ( so saith the lord ) of beleeving non-fundamentall revealed , and fundamentals , and the same necessity of divine command , not the same necessitie of means , called necessit●s medii p. chap. . of the obliging power of conscience . the state of the question touching the obligation that conscience layeth on us p. ancient bonds of libertie of conscience sect. . chap. . p. p. though the magistrate punish false teachers it followeth not , that he compells them to sin against their conscience ibid. gods way and manner of calling , is no ground why the magistrate should not punish false teachers . p. ancient bonds of liberty of conscience cap. p. . p. who is the selfe-condemned heretick , tit. . . ibid. chap. . arguments against pretended toleration . toleration hath no warrant in the word p. toleration inferreth sceptisme p. want of infallibility in the new testament , no reason for the toleration in the new testament p. toleration is against faith , hope , comfort in the scriptures p. toleration is against the ministery of the word p. rulers by the fourth commandment are to see all under them worship god p. proposals of the armie under sir thomas fairfax , . p. . ib. chap. . magistracie and perpetuall laws in the old testament warrant the civill coercing of false prophets . rulers as rulers , not as typicall rulers , punished false teachers with the sword p. typicalnesse did not priviledge all the kings of judah and israel to compell the conscience and punish false teachers as libertines say p. how typicalness priviledgeth men to such and such actions , how not p. seducers punished by bodily death p. punishing of idolaters and blasphemers of the law of nature p. how warres that are extraordinarie in the manner , and in some particular acts , may be and are in the substance of the acts , ordinarie ruler obliging us p. the law of god warranted by the law teacheth that false teachers and hereticks are to be punished with the sword p. the law of deut. . , . for punishing of idolaters p. there was no consulting with the oracle who should be put to death for his conscience in the old testament , but an ordinarie pay of trying such evill doers by judiciall proceeding and hearing of witnesses ibid. the end of punishing of false teachers with the sword is not their conversion to god ( ministers of the gospel only labour in that field ) but the not perverting of souls , and disturbing the safetie of humane societies p. sacrificing of children to molech punished with death by gods law , not as murther , but as spirituall whoredome ibid. chap. . cavils against coercive judiciall laws , for punishing false prophets in the old testament removed . laws punishing false teachers were morall , not temporary and pedegogicall p. power of fathers and masters in the fourth commandment coercive p. compelling to hypocrisie for fear of shame and reproaches , as guiltie 〈◊〉 compelling men with the sword , not to publish heresies , nor sed●●● others p. a third answer p. blasphemers and idolaters never were judged to die by consulting with the immediate oracle of god , as john goodwin imagineth , hagiomastix sect . , , , . ibid. we have as sure a word the scripture , as immediate consulting with the oracle of god p. want of infallibilitie should exclude all judges to judge , pastors to preach or write , synods to advise , because we cannot doe these with propheticall infallibilitie p. a twofold typicalnesse in the old testament , one meerly ceremoniall unreducible , another typicall , but of civill and naturall use ; the use of the latter ceaseth not , because it was sometime typicall , so is punishing of seducers p. seducers of old denied no other-waies god , then our false prophets now a-daies doe deny him p. ● not only those who offend against the principles of nature , but those that publish and hold errors against the supernaturall principles of the gospel : are to be punished by the sword p. such as sl●w their children to molech denied no more the word of god then our hereticks now doe p. there be false prophets now under the new testament as there were under the old testament . chap. . christs not rebuking toleration , and the law , deut. . vindicated . christs not expresse rebuking of the magistrates tolerating of heresies , makes not for christs approving of toleration of heresies , more then of tolerating the absolving of a murtherer at the time of the feast , or other crimes against the second table p. the laws deut. . three in number explicated , the first two were morall , the third ceremoniall for the most part p. thewars in the old testament warrant wars in the new , according to the naturall equity in them , but they bind not according to the ceremoniall and temporarie typicalness annexed to them page chap. . prophecies in the old testament especially , zach. . , , , , , . for punishing false prophets vindicated . the prophecies in the old testament especially that zach. . , , , , , . prove that false teachers under the new testament , ought to be punished with the sword p. so joh. goodwin answereth in his appendix to hagiomastix the prophesie zach. . and the house of david noteth not the jewes only excluding the gentiles ibid. master goodwins answer to zach. . p. answer of mr. goodwin p. it is not metaphoricall thrusting through that is spoken of zach. . but really inflicted death and bodily punishment ibid. chap . places in the new testament especially rom. . for punishing of false teachers vindicated . so john goodwin hagiomastix p. the ignorance of the christian magistrate in matters of religion , no ground why by his office , he ought not to know so far truth and falsehood , as to punish heresies , published and spread p. ordinary professors may know who are hereticks and who false teachers ibid. magistrates as magistrates , cannot judge all evill doers , for heathen magistrates who never heard the gospel , cannot judge gospel hereticks p. how christ taketh service of a christian magistrate p. ●● master joh. goodwin p. how master goodwin would elude the place rom. . to 〈◊〉 that false teachers are not evill doers p. ●● paul rom. . speakes of magistrates in generall , what they ought to be , not of roman magistrates as they were then ibid. roman well-doing and ill-doing not meant in this text p. chap. . the place tim. . , . for coercive power 〈◊〉 false prophets cleared the place tim. , , . explained p. ● we are to pray that magistrates as magistrates may not only 〈◊〉 but procure to us that we may live in godlinesse p. ●● rev. the ten kings as kings punish the whore , and burn her 〈◊〉 for her idolatrie p. extraordinarie punishing of hereticks , no case of the magistrates neglect , argueth that the magistrate ought to punish them p. chap. . exemption of false prophets from coercive power , is not christian libertie this libertie of conscience is not christian libertie p. a speculative conscience no more freed from the magistrate then ● practicall conscience p. ecclesiasticall censures as compulsory as the sword ibid. chap. . the parable of the wheat and the tares discussed and cleared . the scope of the parable of the tares , and the vindication thereof , p. the danger of punishing the innocent , in lieu of the guiltie , through ●●●stake , is no argument that hereticks should not be punished by 〈◊〉 magistrate p. the tares are not meant of hereticks , but of all the wicked who shall be burnt with unquenchable fire p. the parable of the tares , and of the sower , most distinct parables 〈◊〉 matter and scope p. ( let them grow ) not expounded by christ , and what it meaneth p. what is understood by tares p. ●●● heresie may be known ibid. what is meant by plucking up p. ●●● what is meant by the field , what by the wheat ibid. all the tithes of the parable must not be expounded , nor the time exactly searched into , when the tares were first 〈◊〉 p. how sins are more hai●●●● under the new testament , and 〈◊〉 god is now no lesse severe , then under the law , and a citie that will defend and protect a false prophet against justice , is to bee dealt with the same waies , as under the old testament , except that the typicalnesse is removed p. what ( let them grow ) imports p. how we are to bear permissive providences , wherein evils of sin fall out ibid. christ must mean by tares and wheat , persons , not doctrines , good and ill p. whether false teachers , if they repent must be spared , or because they may repent p. chap. . of the samaritam , and of the non-compelling of heathens , how the covenant bindeth us . the not burning of the samaritans doth prove nothing for the immunitie of hereticks from the sword p. how far we may compell other nations , or heathens to imbrace the true faith p. of the covenants obliging of us , to the religions observance thereof p. the word of god as it is in every mans conscience no rule of reformation in the covenant p. the equivocation of sectaries in swearing the covenant ibid. the author of the ancient bonds an ignorant provaricator in the covenant p. all morall compelling of hereticks , and refuting of false teachers by the word , is as unlawfull as compulsion by the sword , according to the principles of libertines p. the magistrate as the magistrate cannot send ministers but in a compulserie way p. how independents were insuared by presbyterians to take the covenant as the author saith p. how independents swore to defend the presbyterian government , and with tongue , pen , and sword , cry out at it , as tyrannicall antichristian and popish p. libertines make conscience , not the word of god their rule p. how appearing to the conscience makes not the word of god to be the obliging rule , but only as touching the right and due manner of 〈◊〉 obliged thereby . p. ● chap. . the pretended liberty of conscience is against the national league and covenant , the ordinances of the parliament of england ingaged by oath for a reformation of religion chap. . the place acts . . to wit , the counsel of gamaliel discussed , and found nothing , for libertie of conscience mr. goodwins unsound glosse touching the counsel of gamaliel , acts . p. ●● gamaliels argument proveth as strongly , that murtherers and adulterers should not be punished , as that men ought not to bee punished for their conscience p. ● the argument of gamaliel owned by adversaries , rendreth all 〈◊〉 fundamentals of the gospel uncertain , and topick sceptism●● all the most well setled beleevers p. gamaliels argument doth conclude , that we are not to oppose by arguments and scripture , any blasphemous way against the gospel immediate providence is not the rule of our actions chap. . whether punishing of seducing teachers , be inconsis●●● with the meeknes of christ , place luk. . discussed the lords not burning samaria with fire from heaven , luk. . is no colour for pretended toleration p. the case of elias calling for fire from heaven , and of the apostles , much different p. the meeknes of christ being extended to publicans , extortioners , and harlots , doth as well conclude , such ought not to be punished by the magistrate , is that false teachers ought not to be punished by him by places from the meeknesse of christ , socinians labour to prove the magistrate is to shed no blood under the new testament christs not breaking the bruised reed , would prove that hereticks are gracious persons though weak in saving grace , and lovingly cherished by christ , if the place isa . . mat. . , help the adversaries , p. christs meeknes not inconsistent with his justice ibid. rash judgement condemned , cor. . , . is nothing for pretended toleration p. that many through the corruption of their own heart , render hypocriticall obedience because of the sword , proveth nothing against the use of the sword to coerce false teachers p. ● matters of religion ●ught to be inacted by the law of princes & christian rulers , that such as contravene may be punished p. lawes of rulers in matters of religion 〈◊〉 only bind the outward man. ibid. the false teacher is to be sent to the church and pastors thereof , that he may be convinced before he be punished p. chap. . whether the rulers by their office , in ●●der to ●●nce , are to stand to the laws of moses , for punishing seducing teachers ibid. how judiciall laws oblige to punishment judiciall laws were deduced from the morall law p. true cause of war with other nations p. two kingdomes becoming one body , by a religious covenant , if it be mutuall , the one part may avenge the quarrell of the covenant on the other in case of breach p. the new altar erected by the two tribes and the half , beyond jordan , josh . . how a just cause of war ibid. christian princes laws against errors and heresies p. as constantine gave out severe laws against donatists , so did julianus the apostate restore temples to hereticks , and granted liberty of conscience to them , that so he might destroy the name & religion of christians , as is before observed , so aug. ep. . ●d donat. god only determineth punishments for sin ibid. the punishing of a seducing prophet is morall . the punishing of seducing teachers is an act of justice , obliging men ever , and every where p. false teachers in seducing others apprehend the hand of divine vengeance pursuing them , as other ill doers doe , and so it must be naturall justice in the magistrate to punish them p. the punishing of false prophets is of the law of nature ibid. idolatrie is to be punished by the judge , and that by the testimonie of job c. . who was obliged to observe no judiciall law , but only the law moral and the law of nature p. how the fathers deny the sword is to be used against men for their conscience p. church censures and rebukes for conscience infer most of all the absurdities that libertines impute to us p. that there was an immediate response of gods oracle telling who was the false teacher , is an unwarranted forgerie of libertines if heresie be innocencie , seducing hereticks ought to bee 〈◊〉 and rewarded the magistrate as a magistrate , according to prophecies in the old testament is to punish seduc●rs p. 〈◊〉 what mr. williams giveth to the magistrate in religion 〈◊〉 sufficient ibid. christian kings are no more nurse-fathers , isai . . . 〈…〉 true churches of christ , then to the synagogue of antichrist , according to the way of libertines p. 〈◊〉 the mind of divers famous authors touching the parable of the 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 the parable of the tares considered p. 〈◊〉 mr. williams holdeth that the prince owes protection to all idol●trous and bloodie churches , if they he his subjects p. ● how the magistrate is to judge of heresie p. a magistrate and a christian magistrate are to be differenced , 〈◊〉 can or ought , all magistrates to judge of , or punish all hereticks p. whether peace of civill societies be sure , where there is toleration of all religions p. ● peace is commanded in the new testament , no word of 〈◊〉 of divers religions , nor precept , promise , or practise there●●●● p. 〈◊〉 no ground for abolishing of judiciall laws touching that point ibid libertines give us heathenish not christian peace under many ●●ligions p. ●● chap. . whether punishing of seducing teachers be persecution for conscience . there is a tongue persecution condemned by libertines themselves p. 〈◊〉 libertines persecute others for conscience p. 〈◊〉 libertines ought not to suffer death for any truth p. ●● the lords patience toward sinners in the old testament no arg●●●● of not coercing false prophets p. ● hope of gaining hereticks no more a ground of sparing them , then of sparing murtherers who also may be gained p. whether to be persecuted for conscience true or false he a note of 〈◊〉 true church ibid. no new commandments under the new testament p. 〈◊〉 they that suffer for blasphemie , suffer according to the will of god in peters sense by libertines way p. ● . chap. . whether our darknesse and incapacitie to bele●ve and professe , together with the darknesse and obscuritie of scripture be a sufficient ground for tolaration . our inabilitie to beleeve is no plan for toleration p. preaching of the word without the spirit as unable to work 〈◊〉 , as the sword p. heresies are knowable p. forced conscience as strong an argument against deut. . as against us p. the magistrate commandeth the outward man , and yet commandeth not carnall repentance and hypocriticall turning to god p. because we may abstain from heresie upon false grounds , it follows not that the magistrate hath not power 〈◊〉 punish heresie p. libertinisme of toleration is grounded upon the pretended obscuritie of scripture p. toleration putteth a hundred senses on the scripture , and makes many rules of faith p. john goodwin denieth that we have scriptures or any ground of faith , but that which is made of mens credit and learning p. the means of delivering of scripture to us may be falli●le , yet the scripture infull●ble ibid. reasons to prove that the scriptures our non have are the very word of god p. the knowledge of god is commanded , and the ●ind is under a law , as well as the will and affections p. the trying of the missals of gregory & ambrose was meer foolery speculative ignorance of things 〈…〉 p. the place cor. . , , . cleared and vindicated . ibid. doctor taylors mistake of heresie ibid. what vinciblenesse must be in heresie p. d. taylor maketh the opinion of purgatorie no heresie simple errors of things revealed in the 〈…〉 sins how opinions are judicable and punishable p. son-sacrificing upon a meer religious ground , is not murther punishable according to libertines way p. chap. . divers other arguments for pretended toleration answered . p. the magistrates ministerie is civill 〈◊〉 spirituall p. the laws of 〈◊〉 , cyrus , danius , the ratifying the law of god by civill punishments , were the dutie of magistrates ibid. artaxerxes made laws by the light of nature to restrain men from idolatrie page from punishing of false teachers it followes no● , that jewes and the idolatrous heathens should be killed p. 〈◊〉 differences betwixt punishing of false teachers in the old and 〈◊〉 new testament p. circular turnings from protestanisme to poperie proveth nothing against the punishing of seducers p. the objection , that the sword is a carnall way to suppresse heresie answered p. most of the objections from forcing of consciences conclude against the laws of god in the old testament , as well as against us ibid. the law deut. . levit. . &c. was not executed upon such only as sinned against the law of nature p. no need of a law , processe , judge , witness , accuser , or inquiring , in the written law of god p. ecclesiastical and civill coaction doe both worke alike upon understanding and will p. errors against supernaturall truth are not rebukeable , because not punishable , & contra p. libertie of conscience makes false prophets to be true , and such as shall dwell in the mountain of god p. 〈◊〉 four sundry considerations by which sins are censured p. the magistrate is subject to the just power of the church , 〈◊〉 church to the just power of the magistrate , neither of them 〈◊〉 abused power p. how the jews suffered heathen idolaters to dwel amongst 〈◊〉 joh. baptist would have us lesse careful of thereticall doctrines , 〈◊〉 cause we are elected to glory , then of other vile sins p. ● joh. baptist and libertines teach , that libertie of conscience the way to find out truth ibid. when the holy ghost forbids us to beleeve false christs , or to 〈◊〉 antichristian teachers , be bids us also beleeve and receive them 〈◊〉 saints , by the libertines way libertines make the judging of hereticks to be hereticks , a bold intending into the counsell of god p. libertines say god hath decreed heresies to be ibid. variety of judgements in gods matters a grief to the godly p. the punishing of heresies investeth not the magistrate in a bead●●●● over the church chap. i. of conscience and its nature . acts . . and herein doe i exercise my selfe to have 〈◊〉 a conscience void of offence toward god , and toward man this is a part of pauls apologie which hee brings out before festur the governour , he dare bring out his conscience before his accusers ; the subject of this part is conscience , in which we have , . the subject , conscience . . the qualitie of it , free of offence . . the int●●●nesse and perfection of it , in the first , table , as a religious man toward god ; as one of a sound conversation , in the duties of the second , table , toward man. . and that not a●starts , when 〈◊〉 good blood of godlinesse came on him ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , alwayes , at all times . . this was not a conscience to lie beside him is the wretches gold , which for many yeares feeth neither s●nne nor winde ; but it is a conscience walking in the streets , and fraction . herein , that is , in this religion and hope of the restriction , do 〈◊〉 or exercise my selfe , this field doe plow. . there is considerable grammer in the object of this exercise , i labour to have , to be a lord , a master , and anowner of a good conscience ; a conscience is one thing , and to have a conscience another thing , often the conscience hath the 〈◊〉 and lords it over him , or rather tyrannizeth over the judas , and the man hath not the conscience . and these five doe 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 , the length and breadth of a good conscience . therefore of conscience ; . of the good conscience . of conscience , a little of the name ; . of the thing . the habrewes expresse the name by the name of heart . 〈◊〉 which i grant does signifie the minde , understanding , will , and by a figure it noteth the heart , sam. . . and davids heart smote him . salomon saith to shimei , king. . . thou knowest all the evill that thy heart ( thy conscience ) is privie to . conscience is but knowledge with a witnesse : it s observed , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conscience , a word used about . times in the new testament , is but once by the translators in the old testament , eccles . . . hence it noteth that a man hath a fellow , or ( to speake so ) a college-observer with him , and that is god who knoweth first , and perfectly the wayes and thoughts of a man , and his conscience is an under-witnesse , and an observer with god , but a dimme and blind beholder in comparison of god. . it is a knowledge not as large as that of the whole understanding facultie , but restricted , and in order onely to the mans actions , words , thoughts , the condition or state hee is 〈◊〉 , in christ , or not in christ . it so signifieth practicall knowledge that there is a verbe nifhal that signifieth to have a heart , or 〈◊〉 be practically wise , joh . . vaine man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would have a heart , or be hearted and wise ; and cont. . . thou hast taken away my heart , or , unheartned me , my sister , my 〈◊〉 . . the heart goeth also for a word that signifieth a picture , jo● . . who hath given understanding to the heart , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth curious ingtaving , wittily devised by the understanding , and it noteth an excellent picture , pleasant to see , from root that signifieth to behold , and to paint ; for all the inventions , pictures , ingraven works in the soule is in the conscience . sinners draw on their conscience and , heart many faire fancies , pictures , and ingraven peeces of devised pleasures . they use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spirit for the conscience also . psalm . . . the lord saveth the broken in spirit . prov. . . a wounded spirit who can beare it ? for the word spirit in that language signifieth the whole soule 〈…〉 and the whole strength , marrow , courage , and 〈◊〉 of the foule , jo● . josh . . . there was no more spirit in them , because conscience is all , it is the good or best , or the evill or worst in the man , does he keepe conscience , all is safe ; doth hee lose conscienes , all is gone : it is the spirits , the rose , the onely precious thing of the soule , the body is clay and ●are , the conscience is the gold of the man. now touching conscience . i propose these , . it s nature . . it s object . . it s office . . the kinds of conscience ; and . the adjuncts of it , the libertie of conscience , and that much controverted prerogative to be free in opinions , and in religions , from bands that men can lay on it . conscience is considered by divines as a principle of our acting in order to what the lord commandeth us in she law and the gospel ; and it commeth here to be considered , in a three-fold consideration . . as conscience is in its abstract nature ; yet as it is in man only , i speak nothing of the conscience of angels , and devils . . as the conscience is good or bad ; for the conscience in adam , before the fall was in a great perfection , and the glorified spirits carrie a good conscience up to heaven with them , as the damned take to hell a peace of hell within them , an evill conscience , yet their was neither in adam , not can there be in the glorified , an evill conscience , nor any such accidentall acts of conscience , as to accuse , smite , tormen● . . conscience is considered as acting well or ill , it hath influence on the affections , to cause a feast of joy , to stirre vp to faith , hope , sadnesse &c. touching the nature of conscience . it seemeth to me to be a power of the practicall vnderstanding according to which the man is oblidged and directed to give judgment of himselfe , that is of his state and condition , and of all his actions , inclinations , thoughts , and words . it is first an understanding power , not an act or an actuall judgement . . it is nor a distinct facultie from the understanding , but the understanding as it giveth judgement , in court , of the mans state and of all his waies , as whether hee be in favour with god or no , and now whether he be in christ , or not , and of all his motions and actions within or without . but it would appeare not to be an act , because to oblidge , to direct to accus●● , are acts of the conscience , and therefore doe 〈◊〉 slow from other acts ; it is true , the thoughts , rom. . . 〈◊〉 said to ●●cuse , or ●●cuse , but by thoughts there is mea●● the conscience 〈…〉 not first thinking , and then accusing , but the conscience brething out the bad or good 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 longing and accusing , or of exercising and conforming though , and acts . all acts flow from either young powers , which they call potencie , or from stronger and more aged and indicated powers , which they call habits : things produced by motion , and motion it selfe , are the effects of the never ( saith amesing de 〈◊〉 ) cap. . 〈◊〉 . . ●●nd therefore the act of accusing may be from the conscience which is an act ; this consequence cannot stand ; the motion , and the thing produced by motion , is from the mover , true , but the act of moving is from the mover , as he actuateth his power , so is directing , accusing from the power in the practical understanding ; not from the act of understanding which is nothing in this case , but the act of accusing , and nothing can come from it self as a cause . . when the beleever or wicked men go to sleep , and put off their cloaths , they doe not put off their conscience , and though the conscience sleeps not with the man , yet doth it not in sleep , necessarily act by accusing , or excusing , and therefore remaineth as a power in man , not ever acting ; see malderus in . q. . disp . . ar . . . it s an understanding power , and belongeth to the judgement and understanding . esa . . . judge , i pray you , between me and my vineyard . it s true , some make it the inclination of the will , as henriquez , quodlih . . q. . and durandur may seeme not farre from it , . d. . some say it belongeth to both . but the will is no knowing facultie , the conscience is a knowing facultie , eccles . . . for oftentimes also thine heart knoweth that thou also hast cursed others . . there is more of reason and sound knowledge in the conscience , then in the whole understanding soule , it is a christall globe of reason , the beame , the sunne , the candle of the soule ; for to know god and the creatures , in out relative obligation to god in christ , is the rose , the blossome , the floure of knowledge , joh. . . to see god , and his beauty expressed in christ , and the comlinesse a●d incomparable glory of his amiable and lovely essence as holden forth to us in christ , is the highest reach of the conscience . i● conscience be so divine a peece , 〈◊〉 banke-full with reason and light , then the more of knowledge , the more of conscience , as the more of fire , the more he●●● , the more of the sun , the more light . then when phancie goes for conscience , as in 〈◊〉 by siasts , and new spirits gropling beside the word of god a new angel commended onely from n●wnesse , a white angel without , and a black angel within , conscience must be turned in a dreame . . noveltie can goe for conscience , our nature is quickly taken with novelty , even as a new friend , a new field , a new house , a new garden , a new garment , so a new christ , a new saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , delights us . . heresie goeth for conscience ; somes conscience phancie that to kill their children to molech , is a doctrine that entred in the heart of god , to command , jer. . , . . a conscience void of knowledge is void of goodnesse ; silence and dumbnesse is not peace ; an innocent toothlesse conscience that cannot see , nor heare , nor speake , cannot bark , farre lesse can it bite before it have teeth , such a conscience covenanteth with the sinner , let me alone , let me sleep till the smoake of the furnesse of hell waken me . if there be any sense or life , fire can bring it forthe ; a worme at the heart can bear witnesse , if it have any life . this conscience is like the service book , or like the masse , or the popish image , you but see these things , they cannot speake , nor act upon the soule . . the nature of conscience is further cleared by its office , and object ; which are the second and third particulare proposed . that we may the more distinctly speake of these , it would be cleared what sort of knowledge is ascribed to the conscience . conscience is not the simple judgement and apprehension of things , as things are knowable ; this is the speculative understanding , but it is the power to know things our selfe , and actions , in order to obey god and serve him . . but the question is , whether conscience bee a simple practicall apprehension of things , or a compounded and discoursive apprehension . to which i answere . . that as the speculative understanding knoweth many things without discourse , as to a pure head the sunne , heaven , nature of motion , and many things in its second operation and worke , as to apprehend the sunne to be an hundreth , sixtie and seven times more then the earth , yet it referreth both the first and second operations of the mind to know things by discourse , so the conscience as conscience doth apprehend in its first operation , god , christ , sinne ; and in its second operation god to be infinite , christ to be the alone choisest of saviours ; so it is consummate and perfected in a discourse or syllogisme by conscience , totally and compleatly in order to our practice and faith . as he that killeth his brother hath not life eternall . but i have killed my brother . ergo , i have not life eternall . so caine. and he that beleeveth in him who justifieth the ungodly , is justified and saved . but i beleeve in him who justifieth the ungodly . ergo , i am justified and saved . so david , paul. the knowledge of the major by it selfe is an act of conscience , as to deny and mis-beleeve the major proposition is an act of a blinded and evill conscience ; but the compleatenesse of conscience standeth in the knowledge of the whole syllogisme . hence they say , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the magezine and thesaure-house of the conscience , the habit or power that judgeth of the law of nature is the major proposition , or the principles of right or wrong written in the heart by nature , maketh the conscience in regard of the proposition to be called , lex the law. in regard of the assumption , or the second proposition . conscience is a witnesse , a spie sent from heaven to record all the facts , in whi●h assumption are included both our facts , actions , words , thoughts , inclinations , habits of sin or grace , and the mans state and condition . in regard of the conclusion or third proposition . conscience is a judge and the deputie of god ; and it is but one and the same conscience acting all the three , the acts of law , a witnesse , a judge . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the conserving power of the soule , is that facultie or power , in which are hidden and laid up the morall principles of right and wrong , known by the light of nature , and so is a part of a naturall conscience , and in it are treasured up the scripture and gospel-truths , which are known by the light of a starre of a greater magnitude , to wit , the candle shining in a divine revelation , and this is part of the inlightened and supernaturall conscience . of this intellectuall treasure-house , wee are to know these . that in the inner cabinet , the naturall habit of morall principles lodgeth , the register of the common notions left in us by nature , the ancient records and chronicles , which were in adams time , the law of nature of two volumes , one of the first table , that there is a god , that he createth and governeth all things , that there is but one god , infinitely good , most just rewarding the evill and the good ; and of the second table , as to love our parents , obey superiours , to hurt no man , the acts of humanity ; all these are written in the soule , in deep letters , yet the inke is d●mme and old , and therefore this light is like the moone swimming through watery clouds , often under a shaddow , and yet still in the firmament . caligul● , and others , under a cloud , denyed there was any god , yet when the cloud was over , the light broke out of prison , and granted , a god there must be ; strong winds doe blow out a torch in the night , and will blow in the same light againe ; and that there be other seeds , though come from a farre land , and not growing out of the ground , as the former , is cleare , for christ scattereth some gospel-truths in this chalmer , as joh. . . then cryed jesus in the temple , as he taught , saying , yee both know me , and whence i am . joh. . . but now they have both seen , and hated both me and my father . . this is a part of the conscience , because by no faculty in man , but by the conscience are these truths apprehended . . and when any in ill blood , deny such truths , as that there is a god , and parents are not to be loved , we all say such doe sin , and offer violence to their conscience . . sins against these fundamentals , cry vengeance with a more hiddeous shout , and cry , than spirituall sins that are spun with a smaller threed , for such goe nearer to put off humanity . the knowledge of the assumption is conscience as a booke or witnesse , and it is either considered as it is in habit , and keeps a record of the mans facts , or as in act , it bringeth them forth , and applyeth the law to the fact , and is called di●t●●●● , the enditement , and charge given in , this and this hash than done . now that conscience bringeth good or ill out of the 〈◊〉 that containeth memoriall , or cronicle or the mans 〈◊〉 cleare , as . the conscience can looke back and laug●●● solace it selfe at that which is well done , and bring it forth psal . . . o my soule thou hast said unto the lord , thou art 〈◊〉 lord. psal . . . i said unto the lord , thou art my god , 〈◊〉 ezekiah , like the man that cheareth himselfe with the sight of the gold in his treasure , esai . . . remember now , o lord , i beseech thee , how i have walked before thee , in truth , and with a perfect heart . or . it can looke back and purge it selfe , as david , psal . . o my god , if i have done this . job . . job . , , . chap. . , , , , , &c. . it can bring out evill deeds , as josephs brethren doe ; when they are in trouble . this distresse is come on us , for that when we saw the anguish of our brother , and he besought us , wee would not heare , gen. . . the knowledge of the conclusion is judgement , and the sentence of a judge . . for the second point of conscience which is its object ; this can be nothing but gods revealed will expressed to us either in the law of nature , or in the law written , or the gospel . doctor hamond saith , to abstaine from a thing indifferent as marriage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as from a thing abominable or unlawfull , is by scripture and councels condemned as sinfull why ? because to marrie , or not to marrie , is indifferent . but he may remember , that papists forbid church-men to marrie , doe they forbid it , because marriage which to them is a sacrament , is an abominable and unlawfull sacrament ? i thinke no. yet all our divines say , not onely the manichaans , but also the papists are these , who teach a doctrine of devils , tim. . while they forbid marriage , though not under the notion of a thing abominable ; so the popish doctor acquitteth the papists , and condemneth protestants , who so farre agree to have the adaequate rule of conscience to be gods will reve●led in his word , that to make a religious law to forbid marriage and meates , and other things indifferent to them is a doctrine of devils , to all our divines , though they forbid them not as things unlawfull , and under the notion of things abominable . vse . if the conscience have an indictment against you from heaven , and from the word of god , which is the law-booke of the judge of all flesh ; ergo , we are to stand in awe of conscience . and looke how much goodnesse and true feare of god is in a man , as much feare of himselfe and reverence to his own conscience is within him . for . to be holden even with the charges and writs of an erring conscience is obedience to the law of nature , as we would not be willing that a scout , or a spie sent from a strange land should see our nakednesse , weaknesse , folly , securitie . when the conscience returneth , to the father of spirits , it can tell tales of men , and can libell many pollutions of the flesh and spirit acted by the man , while the conscience lodged with clay and a polluted spirit . . because conscience is something of god , a domestick little god , a keeper sent from heaven , a divine peece which is all eye , all sense , and hath the word with it , in so farre it is to be reverenced , and hath the reverenceth the king , reverenceth the ambassador , in so farre as he carrieth along the kings will , he that honoureth the lord must honour the servant . . salomon saith , prov. . . a foole despiseth his fathers reproofe , but he that regardeth it is prudent . vers . . he that hateth reproofe shall die . to receive instructions and rebukes from conscience , in so farre as they come from the word of truth is spirituall prudence , and he that turneth away his eare from his conscience , shall die . . as to submit to the word , is to submit to god , so to offer violence to a divine truth , is to wrestle with god , and by the like proportion to stoope before conscience carrying a message from god , is to submit to god , and to doe violence to the domesticke light and truth of god , is all one as to wrestle with god. . we count a tender conscience , such as was in joshuah , who did yeeld and cede to the law of god , and its threatnings , a soft heart ; then to stand out as a flint-stone or an adamant , against the warnings of an inward law must argue hardnesse of heart . . there is nothing so strong and divine as truth , a conscience that will bargaine to buy and sell truth , and will be the lord and conquerour , not the captive and taken prisoner of the gospel , bearing it selfe on upon the soule in power and majestie , hath his one foot on the borders of the sinne against the holy ghost . . it is like the man walketh not at randome , but by rule , who is not made all of stoutnesse , and ventureth not inconsiderately on actions and wayes which undoubtedly are the seeds or eternity , but feareth 〈◊〉 paedagoge and teacher in so far as the law and will of the judge of the world goeth along with him . v●e . because the word of god must be the rule of conscience , and conscience is a servant , and under-judge onely , not a lord , nor an absolute and independent soveraigne , whose voice is a law , therefore an iodolatrous and exorbitent rule of conscience is here also to be condemned . conscience is ruled by scripture , but it is not scripture , nor a canonicke book and rule of faith and conversation , it often speaketh apocriph● , and is neither god , nor pope , but can reele , and totter , and dream , ●●●scribe more to conscience then is just , and to make new and hold opinions of god , broad and venturous and daring affirmations , the very oracles of heaven , because they are the brood ( as ●s conceived ) of an equall and unbyassed conscience , is presumption , neere to atheisme ; the grossest idolatry is to make your selfe the idol : wh●reas tender consciences suffer most persecution , and are not active in daring , there is extreame pride in such as lead families and are christians in new heresies . some are extreamely sworne and devoted to conscience as conscience : humility is not daringly peremptory . many weake ones pine away in feavours of sinistrous thoughts of christ , as if his love were cold to them , esa . . . . and phancie an imaginary and a made-plea with christ ; oh he leveth any but me , and because they make an idol of the weak oracle of conscience , they make also an idol of meeke jesus christ , as if they would try , if christs love can be cold , and his blood and bowels can act any more mercy to them . the third is the office of conscience in one generall . it cometh under the name of obligation . but to come to particulars . there be two sorts of operations of conscience , some illicite and imbred , other imperate or commanded . these which be imbred are of two kinds . . such as conscience simply as conscience actethas in generall to oblige ; and in particular . . to direct ; . to discerne ; . to exci●e , dirigere , discernere , impellere ▪ others are such as issue from conscience , as good or ill ; as right , or not right ; as these in well-doing . . it approveth . . it excuseth . . it absolveth , in ill doing it disalloweth and reproveth . . it accuseth or chargeth . . it condemneth . these imperated operations of conscience , are such as conscience acteth on the affections , or commandeth the affections to act , but are not properly acts of conscience , nor of the practicall understanding ; but acts of the affections resulting from the consciences well or ill doing , as to rejoice , to grieve and check , and the like . but there be other acts that agree to conscience in order to the assumption ; others in order to the conclusion . in order to the assumption it specially doth be●re witnesse and testifie of its own acts , both that the man hath done this fact ; and . of the quallitie of it , that it is done against god , the mediator christ , free grace , the word of reconciliation ; as a faithfull witnesse must not onely depone the fact , but all the circumstances and quallities , in so farre as they come under the senses of seeing and hearing , and may aggravate the fact , and give light to the judge ; and what testimony the conscience giveth of the actions of man , the like it is to give of the state and condition , whether it be good or ill , hence these acts of recognition . as . conscience doth its duty in reflecting on it self : it tryes the mans actions and state ; hence these three words , cor. . . try , or tempt , or pierce , and dig into your selves ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , many dig holes and windows in the conscience of others who never digged a hole in their own heart , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , examine what mettall is in your selves and actions , men are unwilling to find oare or drosse in themselves ; and we are bidden , cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lead witnesses , sentence and judge our selves . to these generals there is a second act , which is called , psalm . . . speake with your heart . you testifie little of the man that you never heard speake . men are frequently to converse with their heart by heart-communing , and soule quaerees ; so you find out the by as and the weight that swaies with the heart , jer. . . neither say they in their heare , let us now feare the lord our god. hos . . . they say not in their heart , that i consider all their wickednesse ▪ there is laying of the consience in its reflect act , and the actions together , hag. . . lay your heart upon your wales . it is that which david saith , psalm . . . i considered , heb. i thoughted my wayes . . there is wandring and estrangement of a man from his own heart , & when he laies his case to heart , he is said to return to his own heart . king. . . if they shall be thinke themselves , heb . if they shall return to their owne heart , or come home to their own heart , in the land of their captivitie and repent , then heare then . men are abroad in their thoughts , and seldom at home with their own heart . but of this act of witnessing of the conscience , it is of moment , to know how & by what medium , or way the conscience doth witnesse to man of his state , that he is a childe of god & in christ , whether god doth witnesse our state and condition to us , by inherent quallifications in us , because we love the brethren , because we have sincere hearts , and ayme in all things to obey god. a●er . . god speaketh by his owne works of sanctification that we are in christ , joh. . . and hereby we know that we know him , because we keepe his commandements . joh. . . we know that we have passed from death to life , because we love the brethren . now as god speaketh and revealeth his glory , god-head , power , and eternitie , by his visible works of creation , so as we may gather by certainty of faith , that god is glorious , wise , omnipotent , eternall , rom. . , , . psal . . , , , . rom. . , , , upon them grounds , when we finde in our soules the works of that spirit that raised the lord from the death , as love to the brethren , because brethren , sincere walking with god , and christs life , gal. . . we may with the certainty of faith , collect that we are the children of god ; and if the knowledge of our state in christ , from the works of sanctification be but conjecturall , and may deceive us , and not a sufficient foundation of sound peace , nor enough to make us unexcusable , that from the sicknesse of inward heart-love which i feele in my owne soule to christ , i can have no divine assurance that i am in christ , and cannot be made inexcusable in not beleeving the spirit dwelleth in me by his acting and working , then we cannot inferre gods infinite wisdome , omnipotencie , and eternity , from his works of creation , and i cannot be inexcusable , if i beleeve not gods wisdome and power from the works of creation ; is not the pertinacie of unbeleefe as damnable , when i beleeve not god acting in his spirit as sanctifying , as when i beleeve not god acting in this first workmanship of creation ? . in all the actings , motions , and walkings of the holy ghost in my soule , in the stirrings of the new birth , when the spirit of jesus maketh a noise with his feet walking , acting , moving in love , joy , peace , long-suffering , gentlenesse , goodnesse , meeknesse , temperance , which are apples and blossomes which grow on the tree of life , gal. . , . it were no sinne to me to sleepe and beleeve these were but imaginary dreames , and phancied notions , if i ware not to beleeve where these are , the soule that findeth them undenyably is in christ . . the saints comforting themselves in their godly , sincere , and blamelesse walking before god in love , knew what they spoke , and what spirit was in them , and that they walked not after the flesh , as men speake and phancie in a night dreame , not knowing whether they be in christ , or not ; these were speeches of waking men , whose wits were in action . psalm . . . lord i have loved thy habitation , and the place where thine honour dwelleth . psal . . . i am a companion of all them that feare thee ; and of them that keepe thy precepts . vers . . o how love i thy law ! it is my meditation all the day . vers . . how sweet are thy words unto my taste ! yea sweeter then honey to my mouth . vers . . thy testimonies have i taken as an heritage for ever : for they are the rejoycing of my heart . vers . . i rejoyce at thy word , as one that findeth 〈◊〉 great spoile : and the church , cant. . . i sate downe under his shaddow , and his fruit was sweet to my taste . ver . . stay me with flagons and comfort mee with apples , for i am sick of love . esay . . with my soule have i desired thee in the night : yea with my spirit within me , i will seeke thee early . and ezekiah looking to his good conscience , saith . ezech. . remember now , o lord , that i have walked before thee in truth and with a perfect heart . so paul , cor . . for our rejoycing is this , the testimony of our conscience , that in simplicitie and godly sincerity , not with fleshly wisdome , but by the grace of god we had our conversation in the world , and more abundantly to you-wards . now if the saints can thus speake with the light and perswasion of faith , before god and men , to their owne solid peace and consolation , then may they be perswaded by these fruits of the spirit , that they are branches growing in the vine christ , else all these speeches are but delusions and phancies ; and they must speake no other thing of themselves as vessels of the grace of god , then hypocrits 〈◊〉 reprobates may say of themselves ? for d. crispe , and also libertines of new england , whose doctrine subverts the faith , say , there can be no marks of saving grace from whence we can draw either comfort or peace , be it universall obedience , st●●rity , love to the brethren , but it may bee in hypocrits , in a jew following the righteousnesse of the law , rom. . . and renouncing christ . surely if works of saving grace speake another thing then hypocrites and devils may have : then first , holy walking is no ground of comfort , and a good conscience hath no more to yeeld david , job , ezechiah , paul , the apostles , and martyrs , when they suffer for christ , and his truth , and are in heavie afflictions and chaines , then it can yeeld to the viledest of men . . a man , a christian shall never finde●ny grounds of certainety of his adoption in any thing , save in the hidden decrees of election , and reprobation , and in some immediate testimony of a spirit , which may be a great doubt to many , who walke as many antinomians doe , according to the flesh . . all their rejoycing in simplicity and godly sincerity , cor. . . is emptie phancies and delusions , for they rejoyce in that in which hypocrites and reprobates may have is deepe a share as they . but that there is also some immediate testimony of the spirit , though never seperated from the fruits of the spirit , i hope to prove elsewhere . the last act of conscience is in relation to the conclusion , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or judgement of all ; from whence flow the acts of approving , or improving ; excusing , or accusing ; condemning , or absolving : from these as the conscience doth well or ill , arise , . joy , called a feast , in which the soule is refreshed , not the phancie . . upon a solid ground , a bottome that cannot sinke , from that which is well done . . consolution , which is a joy in tribulation . . faith , going from what the man doth well , to a generall ; to these that walke according to this rule , peace . . hope , that the lord who hath promised will doe the soule good in the latter end , these foure issue from a good conscience ; from approving and ●●●cusing , but the affections which flow from improving , and ●●cusing , and condemning , are . shame , whence the man 〈◊〉 displeased with what he hath done , this is good when it looketh onely , or most to the sinne , or ill , when most to the punishment . . sadnesse . . distrust , or unbeliefe . . feare . . dispaire . . anger , vexation , or the worme that dyeth not ; it is no wonder that a greater number of troublesome affections ●low from the one , then from the other ; evill is fecound and broody . the . which i proposed is the second circumstance of the text , which draweth in the rest , and it is a conscience 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , free of stones or blocks , that neither actively causeth my self nor others to stumble nor passively is under a reatus or guilt before god , called a good conscience , to which is opposite an evill conscience . now the conscience is good , either in regard of integrity ; a cleane , a good , a pure conscience : or secondly in regard of calmenesse and peace ; to this latter is opposed a conscience penally evill or troubled , of which no more the good conscience is either good in judging , or recta , or vera ; the contrary of this , an erring conscience , which i speake of after the other ; or good in a morall quallity . in this meaning the conscience is good , which is first sprinkled with the blood of christ from dead workes , to serve the living god. heb. . . for by christ must the guilty be purged , that there may be no more conscience of sinnes , hebr. . . this is the conscience which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , good , tim. ● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . purged and washen , hebr. . . in regard the great spot of guiltinesse is taken away , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tim. . . cleare , pure , terse , like a christall glasse , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hebr. . . good and honest , or beautifull and faire , a good conscience is a comely , resplendent , lovely thing ; and it is a conscience in the text , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , void of stumbling ; there is a conscience that wants feet , and is lame , and halteth ; and is alwaies tripping , stumbling , falling ; to this is opposed a conscience , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. . . let us draw neere with a true heart , with full assurance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being sprinkled in the heart from an evill conscience ; and to this is opposed a polluted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conscience , tit. . . the wisdome of god in creating the world is much , and most seene in creating so rare a peece as the soule , and the most curious peece in the soule is that lumpe of divinitie the conscience , it is the likest to a chip , and 〈◊〉 of god , though it be not a part of the infinite majestie , yet it smelleth more of god then the heavens , the sunne , the starres , or all the glorious things on earth , precious stones , saphires , rubies , or herbes , roses , lilies , that the lord hath made , now wh●n the floure and crown of the whole creation , which is the spirit , is corrupted , it is the fowlest thing that is : when the angel● , the sons of the morning , fell , and their conscience the spirit of the purest and most glorious spirits was polluted with guilt , though infinite grace could have cured this rare peece , yet infinite wisdome , as it were , giving over the cause , and grace and mercie standing aloofe from the misery of angels , a saviour is denyed them , and justice worketh the farther on this noble peece , the conscience of these fallen spirits , to destroy them ; god would not stretch out one finger to repaire their conscience ; but when the conscience of man was polluted , because grace has ever runne in this channell to worke upon free choise and arbitration , to save men , not angels , and of men , these , and these , not others ; therefore the lord fell upon a rarer worke than creation , to redeeme the choisest peece of creation , to wash soules , and to restore consciences to a higher luster and beauty then they had at the first . now what ever god doth no man can doe it for him , an infinite agent cannot worke by a deputie , and among all his works none required more of god , of the artifice of grace , and mercy , wisdome , deepenesse of love , then to wash a polluted conscience , there was more of god required to mend and sodder the jewell , than to make and preserve it . the blood of bulls and goats cannot be spoken of here ; now to make conscience againe fundamentally good , there was need that the most curious art of free grace , should bee set on worke to act a greater miracle on this choisest peece , then ever was before or after ; to make the conscience good , an act of attonement and expiation to satisfie infinite justice must passe , and by shedding of , and sprinkling on the conscience the blood of god ; the conscience onely , and no other way known to men or angels , could be restored . vse . we professe that the morrall washing of the out-side of the cup hath nothing in it of a good conscience ; morrall honestie alone , can no more inherite the kingdome of heaven , then flesh and blood . . a good conscience from justification hath peace and joy . prov. . . a good conscience ; or heb. he that is good in heart is in a continuall feast . it s an allusion to the shew-bread that was set before god alwaies ; or as exod. ● . . bread of faces , that was to be before the lord continually ; called by them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perpetuall bread ; this hath no fountaine cause , but sense of reconcilliation with god. . a good conscience is a complent intire thing , as our text saith , both toward god and man ; it s not to be a morall man in the duties of the second table , and a seepticke in the duties of the first table , not in some few fundamentals , as parrones for libertie of conscience doe plead , but in the whole revealed will of god ; and therefore the good conscience consisteth in an indivisible point , as they say , the number of foure doth , if you adde one , or take one from it , you vary the essence , and make it three or five , not foure ; so paul taketh in compleatnesse in it , i have all good conscience , either all or none ; and a good conscience toward god and man ; not a conscience for the streets and the church , and not for the house , and not for the dayes hosanna , and not for eternity ; therefore they require an habit to a good conscience , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have exercised my self to have alwaies a good conscience , there is a difference between one song , and the habit of musick , and a step and a way , psal . . . order , ( not my one single step , ) but my steps ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the plurall number ; to fall on a good word by hazard , & to salute christ in the by , doth not quit from having an evill conscience ; as one wrong step , or extemporary slip , doth not render a beleever a man of an ill conscience ; the wicked world quarrell with the saints before men , because they cannot live as angels , but the true and latent cause is because they will not live as devils , and goe with them to the the same excesse of ryot . . the formalis rates of all good conscience , as conscience , conscience acteth not on by-respects , but for conscience , rom. . . wherefore yee must be subject not onely for wrath , but also for conscience sake . conscience then doth all by 〈◊〉 , and fayleth by compasse , and considereth the 〈◊〉 not of the clouds , but of the starres which 〈◊〉 regularly ; whereas the evill conscience , levit. . . is said to play the reprobate in gods testimonies . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to cast away , to loath , it is called , jer . . . reprobate mettall which no man would chuse ; there is conscience that walketh contrary to god , levit. ● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in occursu , there is a defect of the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word is from a root that signifieth to meet in the way , or to rafter or plank an house , where board is joyned with board , some will joyn issue with god , as if they had heardned their heart against him , and were nothing afraid to meet him , and joyne battle with him , as if they were good enough and strong enough for god , as one rafter in a house is apt to joyne with another , there bee some froward ones , who wrestle with god. psalm . . . with the froward , with the wrestler who boweth his body , thin wilt wrestle . but a good conscience knoweth god better then so , and is a masse of heavenly light , and therefore joyned with faith unfained . tim. . . and vers . . timothy is exhorted to held faith and a good conscience , as if they failed both in one vessell : if faith sinke , a good conscience cannot swimme ▪ much more might be added of a good conscience , but our care would be to keep conscience , as we would doe a jewell of gre●● price , and as we doe a watch of gold , a meat or straw will interrupt the motion of a watch , it cannot be violently moved ; when grace and the blood of attonement oyleth the wheeles of conscience they move sweetly and equally . some times its secure or dead , or ( which is the extreamity of sleepe , as death is superlative and deepest sleepe ) feared or burnt with a hot iron ; when the man hath sinned god out of the world , first as fooles doe , psal . . . and next out of his owne conscience ▪ and such a conscience in pharoah may awake per intervalla , and goe to bed againe , and be buried at other times ; it can discourse and argue away heretically the ill day & judgment , at other times it will crow furiously , and as unseasonably as the cock , which they say hath much in it of the planet of the sunne , and therefore beginneth to sing when the sunne hath passed his declination , and beginneth to ascend , when men are in deepest sleep . there is a second division of conscience , and it is from the second acts and good disposition of conscience , and that is a tender , or a not tender conscience . the tender conscience is onely choisest of consciences , so ● ames maketh it that which is opposed to an hard heart , the worst conscience that is ; we have some choise examples of a tender conscience , king. . . because thy heart was tender , and thou wast cast downe before the face of the lord : the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to grow soft is ascribed to oyle , psalm . . . his words were softer then oyle ; it is prov. . . tender and deare ; it is ascribed to young children , or young cattell , it s a conscience that easily yeildeth and rendreth to god ; so in job chap. . who was so tender at the remembrance of gods rising up against him to visit him , that vers . . hee durst not despise the cause of his man-servant , or his maid-servant , when they contended with him , and in david , who when hee but cut off the lap of the mans garment , who sought to cut off his life , yet his heart smot him : the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to strike , or kill , or plague , frequent in the booke of e●codus , god shooke every herb of the field . god strook or plagued the first borne ; it is some times to whip or scourge , so as the marke of the stroake remaineth ; after davids striking of the lords anointed , there remained an vibex , an impression and a marke in a soft heart . who ever would ingrosse the name of a tender conscience to themselves , doe challenge the high perfection of david , josiah , job , and of that which is the floure and garland of all godlinesse , and these that are not tender in conscience in some measure ( if any will thinke they have it in the perfection , they see little in their owne heart , ) are deemed prophane , irreligious , and men of bold and daring consciences ; so wee shall , and must yeeld in a question of personall interest , that these are the onely perfectists , and tender consciences who are for tolleration of all religions , and are professed antinomians , arrians , arminians , socinians , and such like . but the ●●●y shall reveale every mans worke what it is . it cannot be denyed but the more tenderness , the more of god , and the more of conscience ; but by tendernesse is meant feare and awsomeness of sinne , so no question , there is some conscience that is made of glasse , and is easily broken , and some of iron and bra●● lay hell on it , let christ say to juda● in his face , he shall betrary his master , and hee hath a devill , yet his conscience doth not crow before day light , to waken him . but give no leave to contend for our righteousness , wee beleeve wee have found a ransome , and yet we hold that tolleration of all religions is not farre from blasphemy , and therefore to any way to monopolize the tytle of tender consciences to themselves , as a characteristical note to difference them from presbyterians , & such as dare not , out of the feare of god , and reverence to their owne conscience , in this point awing them , but judge liberty of conscience fleshie liberty , in that title , seem to hold forth no tenderness of conscience at all , except they allow us to share with them in the name of tender consciences . which name i durst no more take then to call my selfe a perfectist , or holier then my brethren , whereas its more congruous to thinke and call our selves , the chiefe of sinners . to bee bold with the scriptures , and to dispence with new dreames touching god , christ and the mysteries of the gospel , in all heresies and blasphemies that they may be tollerated , is boldnesse of conscience . . pertinacie after conviction , and then to say , wee cannot come up to the rule , when the truth is , we will not come up to the rule , is no tenderness . . a tender conscience feareth an oath , and dare not say , every man may sweare a covenant with god in his owne sense , yes , it s a jesuites conscience . . to carry on a designe under pretence of religion , with lyes , breaking of oathes , treaties , promises , is a farre other thing then tenderness . . how antinomians , who deny that the regenerate have any conscience of sinne , or that they are to confess , or bee grieved in conscience , for incests , adulteries , murthers , rapes , oppressions , or the like , or can crowd in under the lap of this veil of tender conscences , is more then the truely godly can see . . to condemn all the godly in the three kingdomes , and the churches of new england , as not tender consciences , because they professe that liberty of conscience is atheisticall licentiousnesse , seemeth to be a harder measure then these godly persons deserve , who out of some tendernesse of conscience dare not but condemne liberty of sinning against the duties of this table ; and therefore , if tolleration of all false wayes intitle men to tender consciences , because it is the opinion of same 〈◊〉 men , why should not these who are also godly and our ●● conscience hold the contrary opinion , be also called 〈◊〉 consciences ? and if this be , we shall not know who they are , who are to be tearmed tender consciences , who not . but i had rather speake a little of a scrupulous consciences ; the scripture saith , the heart of josiah was tender , but that , he wept at the reading of the law , sure it was not scrupulositie , which is alwayes a fault and disease of the conscience , as when the conscience doubts and feares for triffles , where there is no grave and weightie cause . the place sam. . . in which abigal so speaketh to david , is not to be expounded of a scrupulous , but of a justly greived conscience . this shall be no greife unto thee , nor offence of heart unto my lord , either tha● thou hast sh●d bloud causelesse , or that thou hast avenged thy selfe . heb. it shall not be staggering , or stumbling to thy heart , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to offend , stumble , fall , to remove out of the place . isa . . . r●● . abraham reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they have made others to stumble , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nah. . . knees smite one against another : the one knee , in affrighted men , offendeth the other , and makes the other to stumble or fall . so in a trembling conscience , sin maketh the conscience to go out of the way , and fall ; as one knee trembling , maketh another knee in a race to fall . abigal disswadeth david from s●edding innocent bloud , or avenging himselfe on nabal , because so to doe should be no griefe of conscience . it s a litote . it shall be a feast and a rejoycing of conscience , that thou hast not sinned against god. and this is to bee considered , that a greived conscience , travelling with remorse , is 〈◊〉 so farre tender , that it either absteineth , if the sinne be to be committed , or it grieveth , if it be committed , and in the truely godly fo●●citeth for reconciliation . a doubting conscience is ignorant of the thing done or to be done , and inclimeth to neither ●●des . but a scrupulous conscience inclineth to the one side , but with doubting and a trouble of minde ; as the traveller walketh , but with some pain , as if there were a little stone in his 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 moral . l. . c. . ● . mald●rus in . 〈…〉 . ● . amesius de conscient . l. . c. . the causes of a scrupulous consciences are , gods wish and 〈◊〉 permission . . sathans working and acting on a cold , 〈◊〉 ●ad bodily complexion . . ignorance . we●●nesse of judgements . immoderates feare troubling reason . . inconstancie of the minde . . and withall some tendernesse . gregori●● said , ●●narum conscientiarum est ibi culpam agnoscere , ubi culp● non est . it is one of the most godly errors , and a sinne that smalleth of grace . papists , miserable comforters , say , a speciall way 〈◊〉 be delivered , is to sub●●● your selfe to a superiours blind command . they say , a priest was freed of his scruple , when he obeyed bernards bare word , and trusted in it ; hearing that , v●● et mea fide confisus sacrifica , goe and upon my faith sacrifice confidently . it were good to use heavenly violence against scruples phantasie will cast in , i should not pray , because god hath decree● whither i pray , or pray not , the thing i suit , shall never be , 〈◊〉 it s good to turne away the mind from threatnings ; he tempted providence , who having a weake head , will walke upon the house top . in rovings and grinding of a ●●morous mind , unbeliefe will breake one linke of gods chaine , and that broken must breake another , and that a third , till the saith of eternall election be broken . as in a wall of foure squared stones not well cemented , loose and breake out one stone , that will breake another and that other loose a third , till the whole wall must fall : weaknesse can spin out threed after threed , one doubt after another , till the poore soule be taken off the gospel-foundation of consolation . chap. ii. conscience under synods , and how ; and , that the conscience cannot have absolute libertie in matters of religion . the conscience is a tender peice , and either the best friend next to the physitian who can whol broken consciences , or the saddest enemie : if sick , it is like an aking tooth , the more you touch it , the more it paines you . the conscience of its owne nature , is a knowing power of the practicall understanding , a● therefore no ilicite acts of the foule can be compelled , nei●●er can conscience act being muzled and forced ; but this 〈…〉 but that men and devills in their conscience 〈…〉 beleeve many things in some 〈◊〉 against their will 〈…〉 out of the naturall efficacie of conscience cannot 〈◊〉 , but ●ee must beleeve that there is a god , yet where there is a trembling , there must be some reluctancie in the will and affections . juda● must beleeve his damnation was approuching , when he hanged himselfe , but against his heart . the balgick ar●i●ia●s , who contend for libertie of conscience in all wayes , apol. . 〈…〉 . say , by determinations of synods violence i● not offered to conscience , as conscience signifieth a meere internall act of the mind , immanent or byding within the mind , but as conscience signifieth an act of the mind by which any doth beleeve 〈…〉 oblieged 〈◊〉 teach others which he per 〈◊〉 himselfe to 〈…〉 so the man is compelled by a synods prescription , to dissemble what he beleeveth he ought to professe , and which he beleeveth to be false . answ . say that the decision of the synod be agreeable to the word , the lord layeth on the coaction to all ; to beleeve and accordingly professe the truth , and that by a synod as christ saith , he that heareth you heareth me : so the coaction , such as it is , must come principally from god ; instrumentally from the synod ; but it floweth from both by accident , and through mens abuse , who receive not the truth in love , but for feare of shame , least they should by the godly goe for perverters of soules , act. . that they doe hypocritically professe what they ought sincerely to beleeve and professe , may we not say many men of corrupt minds beleeved circumcision to be necessary , and yet for feare of the apostles censure that they should be judged troublers of souls , lyars and false teachers , as they are judged to bee act. . . would dissemble ? and they are no other wayes by a synodicall truth compelled to lie and dissemble by shame and falling out of the hearts of the apostles and of all the godly the one way than the other ; in that case than in this 〈◊〉 . for there be but two wayes of working on the mind to drive men to bee of another opinion , one by feare either of shame , reproach or censures civill or ecclesiasticall , another by meere teaching and instructing . now for the libertie of prophecying that arminia●s require , and so the libertie of synods , let us inquire if it be true libertie . . they require a full libertie to every man without scruple or feare of danger , to declare his mind in synods , and to examine what is controverted . answ . it is in some respect commendable that hereticks be candid and ingenuous to declare , even , what their hereticall judgement and inditement of conscience leades them to beleeve , but a full liberty to question , in the synode , whether there be a god , or no , or whether christ dyed for sinners , ought not to be , for that is lycense , and hereticall lycense : a point controverted any may question : and these , that act. . held necessitie of circumcision , might seeke resolution of their arguments and doubts , but under pretext of libertie free of feare and danger , they have not libertie to sinne ; that is , after they are or may be , ( if wilfulnesse stood not in their way ) inwardly convinced , they have not libertie obstinately to presse sophismes against the truth , for this is an undenyable principle , libertie to sinne is fleshly lycense not libertie . armin. in controversies of religion which the scripture doth not evidently decide , what can certainely be determined by the church , which ever , and in every thing which it determines , is beleeved may erre ? answ . there is nothing that the scripture hath left simple , and in it selfe controversall . act●● primo the scripture hath determined of all things conteined in it , whether fundamentals or not fundamentals ; onely in regard of our dulnesse and sinfull blindnesse some things are controverted , and therefore the church may determine from light of the word some thing that was a controversie to the fathers ignorant of the originall tongues which is now no controversie . yea the fallible church may determine infallible points . this is a principle that libertines proceed upon , that men who are not infallible may erre , and therefore can hold forth to others no infallible truth . which is most false , for prophets and apostles , nathan , samuel , david , peter being deserted of the immediately inspiring spirit did erre as well as the church and pastors now deserted of the ordinary spins can and doe erre . for ●●ll men , prophets and apostles are 〈◊〉 rom. . yet they may and doe carrie infallible truth to others 〈◊〉 blind man may hold a candle to others . . by this reason pastors can preach nothing certaine in fundamentals , though faith come by hearing , and faith is of a certaine and determinate fixed truth of god , more permanent than heaven or earth ; why , because by this reason pastors in preaching fundamentals are not infallible . . nor is this a good reason , it is beleeved the church may erre in synods , ergo , it doth erre and determines nothing that is infallible and certaine in synods ; no more then this is a good consequence , david may sinne in praying , ergo , he doth sinne in praying : a potentia ad actum non valet consequentia . armin. a confession is not a rule of faith it hath not the lowest place in the church . answ . the covenant written and sealed in nehemiahs time was a secondarie rule of faith , and a rule e'n so farre as it agreed with the law of moses , for they enter in a curse and an oath to walke in gods law , not to give their sonnes and daughters in marriage to the heathen , not to buy victuals from the heathen on the sabboth , to charge themselves to give money to maintain the service of god. nehe. . . chap. . , , . , . , . which written covenant was not scripture ; and act. . the decrees of the synod was not formally scripture , yet to bee observed as a secondary rule . for so farre arminians a doctor as a doctor beleeveth not , a doctor beleeveth as a sheepe , not as a shepheard , and his judgement of matters of faith is not publick but private and common to teachers with every one of the sheepe : and there is a like and equall power in shepheard and every one of the flock of beleeving ; and the sheepe in matters of faith are no more obleiged to stand to the judgement of the shepherd than the teachers to the judgement of the sheepe ; the teachers have a priviledge of order and honor above the sheepe , but no priviledge of law and power . then the church though she beleeve and certainly know , that she erreth not in her decisions , yea though it fall out she erre not , yet ought not to take power to her selfe to command others to beleeve that to be true which she beleeves , or to impose silence upon others , who , cannot in conscience acquiesce to what they command . answ . there is some-thing true in this ; there is a two-fold judgement , one saving , and christian common to all by which both shepheard and sheep beleeve ; and its true of this , that the sheepe are no more to stand to the judgement of shepheards , th●● the shepheards to the judgement of the sheepe in point of christian beleeving , which ( sure ) is common to both shepheard and sheepe : for the alone authoritie of god speaking in his word . and so the doctor beleeves not as a doctor but as a christian . but secondly , there is another judgement that is ministeriall , officiall , and authoritative , and this is terminated not on christian beleeving , but supposeth a ministeriall beleeving ; that what the shepheard teacheth others god revealed to him first , and is put forth in a ministeriall and officiall judging either in synods , or in publick pastorall sermons and authoritative , but ministeriall publishing the will and mind of christ . mal. . . they shall seeke the law from his mouth . heb. . . . that way the people depends upon the ministeriall judgement of synods and pastors : but it s most false that pastors depends on their ministeriall judgement who are sheepe , and that there is a like and equall power in shepheards and sheepe , and its false , that though the church beleeves she erres not , and doth not erre , yet the church may not command and in synods ministerially and with all authoritie rebuke , such a pervert soules . act. . . and that doctors may not as the heraulds and ministers of christ rebuke men sharply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they may be sound in the faith , tit. . . for pastors and synods teach fundamentals of faith ministerially to the people , and by hearing of them is faith begotten in the hearers , and they may command , exhort , rebuke with all long suffering , . tim. . , . tim. . . stop their mouthes , tit. . . and authoritatively enjoyne them silence . act. . , , , . act. . . though they cannot by reason of an erroneous conscience or a conscience burnt with an hot iron acquiesce to the determination of a synod ; yea though they bee unruly , vaine talkers and deceivers , they must be commanded to bee silent . nor must the church and angels of the church of thyatira , ephesus , or pergamus suffer jezabell to seduce , not ●avening wolves to devoure the flock , nor their word to eate as a ca●ker ; for this judgement authoritative as it is in the head of the church ( christ ) as in the fountaine and onely law-giver , so it is ministerially onely and by way of office in the elders , as the will and mind of the king is in the inferiour judge , the ambassadour or herauld , not in the people . and the people are obleiged to obey those that are over them in the lord , who watch for their soules , as those who must give an account . but there is no ground to say the shepheards are obleiged to stand to and obey the ministeriall and officiall judgement of the people : and of this it is said , he that heareth you ( ministers of the gospel , not the people ) heareth me , he that dispiseth you dispiseth mee . and this is more then a priviledge of order and honor , which one christian hath above another in regard of eminencie of graces , gifts , and of wisdome , experience , and age , it is a priviledge of office to speake in the name of the lord , and yet it is inferiour to a priviledge of law , because the lord onely imposeth lawes upon the conscience , for it is a middle judgement lesse then legislative , supreme and absolute over the conscience , this is in none save onely in the king and head of the church , and is royall and princely ; yet is it more ( i say not more excellent , it not being saving of it selfe as in beleevers ) than a priviledge of meere honour and order , for though it lay no more bands on the conscience to obtain faith because it is holden forth by men , it having no influence on the conscience because of men , whose word is not the formall object of faith , yet hath it an officiall authoritie from pastours ( which is not meerely titularie ) so as they may ministerially and officially command obedience to their judgement as far as it agrees with the mind of christ , no farther : and when it is disobeyed may inflict censures , which private christians cannot doe , and putteth these who disobey under another guiltinesse , then if private christians did speake the same word , to wit not onely in a case of disobedience to the second command , but in a state of disobedience to the fift command formally , as not honouring father and mother where as to disobey that same word by way of counsel in the mouth of a brother , though it be the breach of the fift command also , yet not in such a manner as when we refuse to heare the messenger of the lord of hoasts ; and his judgement as a messenger of god is publique and bindes as publike to highest obedience to the fift command , but as it is a judgement of faith common to the doctor with other christians , it bindes as the minde of god holding faith in the second commandment what wee are to believe . armmians . the word of god is sufficient for the deciding of controversies , its cleare , what neede it there of decision , if men acquiesce to the decision of god as it lyes in scripture — if the word of god expresse the sense of god , or if it have need of interpretation why is there not a free interpretation left to every man●● doe we think that our words are clearer than the word of god , we doe a ●●nithic injury to the word of god , if we believe that . how much better were it , if we would nourish peace and concord leaving interpretations free to every man ? it is most sure to containe our selves within the speaking of the holy scripture , and the forme of words of the holy ghost , and that no man be troubled who shewes himself willing to containe himself within these . answ . here is a meere fluctuation and septicism even in fundamentals and the faith of them , for all interpretation of scripture is rejected , there is no destinction in fundamentals or no fundamentals , for in principles of faith , that christ is god and man , and dyed for sinners , the scripture is most plaine , and what need then of our interpretation ? then let arrians and secinnians beleeve him to be god man and to die for sinners in their sense , the familists in a contrary sense , the georgians in another contrary sense , the papists in a third , the protestants in a fourth , and so as many heads , as many faiths , every sect , and man must have some sense , else his faith is non-sense , and if he erre from the sense of the holy ghost , the scripture is no scripture , if it be believed in a sense contrary to the scripture to him who so believes ; and so his faith is no faith , but a vaine night-phancie , and seeing the word of god gives us but one faith , and one truth , and one gospel , if interpretations be left free to every man , these libertines gives us millions of faiths with millions of senses , and so no faith at all . secondly , they give us two decisions , one made by god , and another by the church contrary to gods , that has no rule but every mans private judgement and free phancie , as if the decision of controversies made by the church in synods which we suppose is not divided from that of gods , were some other thing then the decision of the holy ghost speaking in the word and declared by the church in a ministeriall way , and if it be any other than this , it is not to be received , nor a lawfull decision ministeriall of a synod , but to be rejected . thirdly , if there be no need of a decision to expone the word , because the word is clear , & if we wrong the word of god if we think our words are clearer that gods , it is true , if we had eyes to see and apprehend the minde of god in his word , without an interpretation , then all ministerie and proaching of the gospel is cried downe by this , what have any to doe to expone the first principles of the oracles of god to the hebrews c. ● or what need they teach , exhort , preach in season and out of season ? what needeth the eunuch a teacher , or cornolius peter , or saul ananias to teach them ? had they not the scriptures ? if timothie , the preachers that speake the word of the lord to the hebrews , philip , peter , ananias think their words clearer than the word of god , they doe a great injurie to the word of god ; or if they beleeved their words were clearer than the words of esaiah and the prophets ; and they did that which was not necessary , if they opened and expounded the prophets and decided controversies ; for they should have acquiesced to the decision of god as it lyeth in the scripture , and not have preached but read the prophets , and left it free to the hearers to put on the words of scripture , what interpretation and sense they thought best . fourthly , that no confessions ought to be but in expresse words of scripture , shall free all one and consequently all churches from obedience to that which peter commands . pet. . . be readie alwayes to give an answere to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you , with ●●eeknesse and fear . when stephen acts . and paul acts . were accused of heresie and speaking against moses and the semple , they made a confession of their faith not in words of scripture , but in deductions and necessary consequences drawne from scripture and applyed to themselves , and these in nehemiahs time who wrote and sealed or subscrubed a covenant , did not write and seale the expresse decalogne and ten commandements , 〈◊〉 the words of the covenant of grace . i will be thy god and the god of thy seed , but entered into a curse and into an oath to walke in gods law which was given by moses the servant of god and to observe and to doe all the commandements of the lord our god and his judgements and his statutes and that ( say they ) we would not give our daughters to the people of the land , nor take their daughters for our sons , and if the people of the land bring ware or victuals on the sabbath day to sell , that we would not buy it of them . & nehemiah c. . v. , , , , , . &c. compared with nehe. c. . v. . which words are not a confession nor covenant in expresse scripture , save that they are historically insetted in the cannon of the scripture by the holy ghost . in which sense the law and decree of nebuchadnezzar daniel . and of other heathen kings as daniell . . . ezra . . , . c. . , , , . &c. are scriptures ; but they are not the expresse words of the law , for there is nothing in the expresse law touching the sabbath , of not buying ware and victual from the heathen of the land that nehemiah speakes of , which warranteth us to enter in the like covenant , and make the like confession of faith to defend and stand to the protestant religion , and that christ was god and man , and man in one person , and that we shall not buy ware or victuals from the anabaptist and familists of england who trample on the sabbath day though these be not expresse words of scripture . it is true , libertines say men have made apologies and confessions of faith for their own defence as steven and paul but they injoyned not these by authoritie and command as a rule of faith upon others , and wrote them not as a fixed standard of the faith of others , and that warrants no church to impose a faith upon others . answ . . this will prove that as one man accused of heresie may publish a confession of his faith which may cleare his innocencie and the soundnesse of his faith to others and remove the scandall according to that of pet. . . and by the same reason , independents , libertines , familists , antinomians , anabaptists and all the sects of england , upon the same ground that the albigenses went upon , should by some confession and covenant give an account of their faith and hope with meeknesse and feare . and what particular persons are obleiged to doe that churches when they are slandered as unsound in the faith are oblieged to doe : and so i looke at a forme or confession of faith as a necessary apologie for clearing of the good name of a church defamed with heresies , and new sects , but for the imposing of this confession upon others , these others are either neighbour-churches , or their own members . as concerning neighbour-churches they have no authoritie over them . yet may they declare that familists who say christ is not come in the flesh are the spirit of the antichrist , and for these , of their own church , if they goe out from them and separate to an antichristian side , after the example of the apostles and elders they may command them to abstaine from such and such hereticall opinions , and after they have convicted them as perverters of souls , proceed to excommunication against them as refusers to consent to the forme of wholesome words : as may be prooved from math. . , , . &c. rom. . , thes . . , , . and other scriptures as reve. . , , . v. , , , , , , , . now that it is not sufficient that they be put to subscribe a confession of faith in onely scripture words is cleare , . because the jews will sweare and seale the old testament in their own sense , but their sense makes the old testament to be the word of man , not the word of god. the sadduces acknowledged the five books of moses to be the word of god , yet because they denyed the resurrection of the dead , christ argueth them math. . . ignorant both of the power of god asserted in the books of moses and of the scriptures , especially of that scripture which god spake out of the bush to moses ; i am the god of abraham , the god of isaac , &c. exod. . . yet would the sadduces have sworn and subscribed all the booke of exodus as the undoubted word of god , but when they denyed the resurrection , sure these words i am the god of abraham &c. making the covenant of grace to dye when abraham dyed , and abraham to have perished in soule and bodie as they expounded it , was not the word of god , and papists will subscribe the old and new testament and the three creeds , the nicene creed , the creed of athanasius , and that which commonly is called the apostles creed . yet as they expound the word and these creeds , we say they transforme the word of god into the doctrine of devils and most abominable idolatrie , the greatest hereticks that were , arrius , nestorius , appolliuaris , macedonius , the treithite acknowledge the scripture to be the word of god , and will sweare and subscribe the word of god and containe themselves intra sacra scripturae l●cutiones , within the words of scripure . but their faith is not the saith of the scripture , and this makes ten thousand and millions of faiths where as the word faith there is but one faith . for arrius hath one faith , apollin●ris another , nestorius another , and every heretick a faith according to the sense that he fallely puts on the scripture , and all may sweare one confession of saith in scripture-words . arminians say , no man after he hath received a decree of a synod is longer oblieged to it , nor upon any other condition , but in so farre and so long as he judgeth in his conscience that it is true . answ . this is meere scepticisme , and to make the conscience whether erroneous , or not erroneous to be a bible and a rule of faith . for though the erroneous conscience say , it is service to god to kill the innocent apostles john . . yet the sixt commandement lyes upon these murtherers with equall strength , thou shalt not kill , otherwise they are nor guilty of murther . for if a synod decree to kill peter and john , because they preach that the son of mary is the messiah , is bloody persecution : then so soone as scribes and pharisees in their erroneous conscience ( for libertimes make exceptions of no consciences , an erroneous more than another , nor erring in fundamentals more than of another ) shall judge it service to god to kill the apostles they are loosed from the sixt commandement and no longer oblieged to this ( thou shalt not murther . ) so the authour of the tractate called armini . where mens scope is any way to remove controversies , there is there no care or little at all of the trueth of god , and where the externall peace of the common-wealth is heeded precisely , there peace of conscience is of none or of little value , the truth is not there perswaded , but crushed . ans . the learned and renowned professors of leiden answer the end of synods is not by any means good or bad to remove controversies but to burie them by the power of the word . . onely externall peace separated from truth should not be intended , but conjoyned with truth and peace of conscience . . the end of synods is not effectually and actu secundo to silence hereticks and gain-sayers of the truth , nor is it christs scope in convincing the sadduces that the dead must rise math. . to perswade the truth , so as there shall never be on earth sadducie again who denies the resurrection , for in pauls and in the apostles time the sadducies still denyed the resurrection , after the synod of jerusalem acts . there arose many that said we must keep the law of ceremonies , but the end of synods is to doe what may actu prime , remoove controversies and silence hereticks by clearing scripture , and truth , but the end is not to remove obstinacy that is not the scope of synods nor of preaching , nor of the scriptures , but of all these are in the event as god blesseth them and concurreth with them : the end of synods is not to oppresse or deprive ministers , the end of despised and obstinately refused truth is such . armini . synods should not ayme at setting up their own authoritie which in matters of faith is none at all , such decisions are the heart of poperie , and makes all religion without synods to be uncertain . ans . synods should take care that no man despise their authority , as timothie is exhorted by paul but their authoritie in matters of faith is conditionall , and so not nul . . synods are necessarie ad bene esse , not absolutely , for many are saved , both persecuted churches , and believers who neuer had help of synods to cleare their faith . . but none more contend then libertines doe for a faith as uncertaine as the weather which may change with every new moone . the same also may be said of preaching and a ministerie which the lord jesus ascending on high gave for the edifying his body the church , that religion is uncertain without it . for pastors in publick should convince gainsayers and so remove heresies . tit. . , , . . tim. . , as well as synods , and libertines in their conscience know protestant synods lord over the faith of none as if they took to themselves in fallibilitie as popish synods doe . armini . since synods may erre , how then place they religion in securitie ? ans . no otherwise then doctors and pastors doe place religion in security , by teaching truth and refuting errors and yet they may erre . obj. but pastours oblidge not men to receive what they say , under paine of censures , as synods doe . answ . vnder paine of divine if not ecclesiasticall punishment , and the one is that way as binding to the conscience as the other , yea more , for it is a greater obligation for pastours to subject men to divine wrath , if they receive not what they preach , then for synods to binde them onely to ecclesiasticall censurers and yet none can say that pastours exercise tyrannie over the conscience : for the former , ergo neither can synods justly he deemed lords over the conscience for the latter . armin. very often fewer , and provinciall synods doe 〈◊〉 mine more soundly then many and occuminical synods . answ . that is by accident ; one machaiah saw more that foure hundred prophets of baal . but this objection is against the saftie that is in a multitude of counsellers and in the exc●llencie of two convened in the name of christ above one . armin. decision of synods cannot oblidge men while they know that the decision was rightly made , it is not enough to oblidge any to consent that that which is decided be true and agreeable to the word of god , of necessitie every mans private judgement must goe before , otherwise it s an implicite faith . answ . that any man should duely , and as he ought beleeve , and receive the decision of a synod , it must be both true , and 〈◊〉 must believe and know that it is true , but that it may oblidge him and doth oblidge him , whether his conscience be erroneous or no , is as true , for then this commandement ( thou shalt not kill ) ( honour thy father and thy mother ) should lay no 〈◊〉 on a man that believes it is service to god to kill the apost●● , as joh. . some doe . for no man is exempted from an obligation to obey gods law , because of his own sinfull and culpable ignorance , for we speak not now of invincible ignorance of these things which we are not oblidged to know or believe . but if our sinfull and erroneous conscience free us from actuall obligation to be tyed by a law , then our erroneous conscience freeth us from sinning against a law , and ●o from punishment , for what ever freeth a man from actuall obligation freeth him also from actuall sinning , for all sinne is a doing against a law-obligation , and if so , then are none to be led by any rule but their own conscience , the written law and gospel is not henceforth our rule any more . arminiars . the last condition of a synod is , that the subject of a synodical decision be ever left to a free examination , and to a farther free discussion and revise . the learned professours of leyden answer that which is once true and fixed in the word of god , is ever true and fixed in the word of god. the arminians reply , what is true and fixed in the word of god is ●ver so , and ought to remaine so , for the word is beyond all danger of erring . but what is believed to be fixed and fixed and ratified in a synod is not so , because it is obnoxious to errour . answ . they require that before we come to a synod where fundamentall truths are synodically determined , we be as a razed table and as cleane paper in which no thing is written , and so must we be after a synod hath determined according to the word of god , that is be still scepticks and believe nothing fixedly , and be rooted in no faith , nay not in the faith of the fundamentals that are most cleare in the word of god ; for it is unpossible that we can beleeve the clearest fundamentals , as that god created the world , and christ god-man redeemed it , but we must beleeve them by the intervening and intermediation of ●ur own sense or the churches sense ; or the sense of some godly doctour ; now because all these senses are fallible , and we see familists put one sense on fundamentals , papists another sense , and all private men may doe the like , it is not possible that any man can be rooted in any faith at all by this way , for all senses are fallible , & though the scripture giveth clear & evident senses yet such is the hereticall dulnesse of men , that reject these infallible senses as false ; and those others that by their own confession are fallible and so can neither be established by the word , nor by the interpretations of men , though senses of scripture rendered by synods be fallible in the way they come to us , because men delivering them may erre , yet being agreeable to the word , they are in themselves infallible . and so the old and new testament in the way they come to us may be fallible , because printers are not prophets but may miscarry and dreame ; but it followeth not they are not the infallible word of life in themselves , when the spirit witnesseth to us that god , divinitie , transforming glory are in these books : as a spouse knoweth the hand-writstill , lovelinesse of a letter from her husband to be certainly no counterfeit but true , though the bearer be a rogue and can deceive . secondly , this answer still supposeth that synods do give senses contrary to the word of god , and so we grant they are not onely fallible but false and erroneous ; and are to be examined of new again in that case ; but we hold , when lawfull synods convened in the name of christ doe determine according to the word of god they are to be heard as ambassadours who in christs stead teach us , and what is once true and ratified in synods in this manner is ever true and ratified as the reverend professours say and never subject to any further examination , and new discussion , so as it must be changed and retracted as false . for this is to subject the very word of god to retractation and change , because a synod did declare and truely determine it in a ministeriall way to be the word of god. for what synods determine being the undenyable word of god i● intrinsecally infallible , and can never become fallible , though fallible and sinfull men that are obnoxious to errour and mistakes doe hold it forth ministerially to others : and it is false that we are to believe that what synods determine according to the word of god , we are to believe it is fallible and lyable to errour , and may an untruth , because they so determine , for then when a synod determines , there is but one true god , the principle of faith is believed to be subject to retraction and falshood , because a synod hath determined it to be a truth . but the truth is we are to believe truths determined by synods to be infallible , and never againe lyable to retractation or discussion , because they are and were in themselves and without any synodicall determination infallible , but not for this formall medium , because , so saith the synod , but because so saith the lord , it is true , new hereticks pretending new light may arise as math. . . and call in question all fundamentalls that are determined that are cleared in former synods , but it follows not but these truths are still in themselves fixed and unmovable as the pole-star , though evil men bring them under a new synodicall examination as familists doe now raze the foundations of christianitie , yet daniel and christ are innocent though wicked men accuse them judicially as deceivers : nor is it enough that libertines say it may be the word of god and the infallible word of god which the synod determineth , but it is not so to us , we are to believe it with a reserve , because we cannot know it so to be . but i answer this concludes not onely against a synodicall determination , but against all scripture , and all propheticall and apostolicall determinations in the scripture , for that there is one god not three as the treithits dreame , is believed by some to be false , by others to be true . yet undenyably it is in it self , true that there is but one god , nor is it therefore to be believed with a reserve , because the synod hath so determined according to the word of god : and this were some answer if we should teach that men should believe , because so saith a synod . but all the mysterie is , though a synod should determine a truth an hundred times according to the word , yet if the conscience say it is no truth , the determination of a synod doth not obliedge at all ( say libertines ) because the conscience according to the minde of libertines is the nearest obleidging rule , but any thing obleidgeth not to obedience and faith as it appears either true or good to our conscience , for to kill the apostles appears lawfull , to commit adulterie and murther appeareth good to many , yet are not men obleidged to kill the apostles , or to commit adulterie . armini . if a thing be determined out of the word of god by a synod , then was that thing before determined in the word of god , and yet that must be examined in a synod which is supposed to be decyded in the word , what need is there of a synodicall examination of that which is supposed to be lyable to no errour , for so must the word of god be examined . answ . what the bereans heard the apostle paul preach act. . , . was the verie gospel determined in the scriptures of the prophets , what then needed they try the gospel or examine what is infallible in private among themselves more then in publick synods ? this argument is against the apostles rule , try all things , and try the spirits whether they be of god or not , for sure these rules warranted them to examine paul , peter and johns doctrine and spirits and finding them to be truths decyded in the word to receive them , therefore after there is a scripturall decision it doth not follow that there should not be a declarative or ministeriall decision by synods and by pastours preaching the gospel . for this doth close subvert all ministery and preaching , and all trying of the spirits , nor is it hence concluded that we examine the word of god , as if it could be false , but that we are both in private and in publicke to examine and try whether that which is proposed to us as the word of god be the word of god or no : but wee examine and suspect the credit of men , who may and can lye . secondly , but this supposeth that what ever is brought under a synodicall discussion is false or at least fallible , which is a most false principle of libertines , and that nothing which is the word of god should fall under a synodicall discussion , to be tryed which is true : thus farre the word of god as it is the word of god is not to be tried , nor determined but in reference to messengers who are but sinfull men and can deceive , and to our dulnesse and sinfull ignorance , there is need that a ministerie and synods help us with declarative and misteriall declarations untill we be where they shall not need a temple . and what libertines say , the same said anabaptists , so bu●●inger saith anabaptists taught that the evangelist should be recited without words casting it ( that is without preaching ) and that every man was free to interpret the scripture as he will , and that the interpretation of scripture is not the word of god. so that the peoples conscience and private sense is their scripture and rule of faith ; we need not then scripture , every mans sense is his rule , which yet is not so good divinity as the heathen melytus accused socrates of , and thought socrates was worthie to die , for that such as the people beleeveth to be gods , he believeth to be nothing such , but thinketh there be some new dieties : and was it a crime that socrates thought the peoples lust was no good rule in divinitie ? armini . all should be admitted to synods because religion concerneth the conscience of all , or if it be confusion to admit all to come , yet should no decision be , except first all the church be acquainted with the businesse . answ . god never appointed all and every one to lay burdene and directories or lawes upon themselves as is cleare act. . god keeps ever that order in his church of some to teach and some to be taught , of some to obey and some to be over others in the lord : that before lawes bee made that concerne the conscience , there should be a reference of all made to the people , and they acquainted with reasons from the word of god before a decision : we shall not condemn , but it is nothing against us . armini . these that come to synods ought to be ingaged to be church , or to no confession . but every way free . answ . then such as convened in a synod in the church of pergamus and thyatira should not be principled in the faith of christ and his truth against the deeds of the nicolaitanes , with whom fornication went for a thing indifferent , or against such as hold the doctrine of balaam or jezabel , they must all come as indifferent to absolve as to condemn the nicholaitanes , and the false prophetesse jezabel . but paul and barnabus came to the councell of jerusalem as members thereof , being fore engaged to condemn circumcision as not necessary to salvation , and had preached against such a necessitie and yet were not byassed voters in the assembly and by this reason if fundamentals be to be established in a synod , and the contrary errours to be refuted , when doctours come to a synod they must leave faith and soundnesse of faith at home , and come to the synod with purpose to buy and bargain there for a new faith . and let all men come thither as scepticks and nullifidians , and goe so also away believing with a reserve , that that the synod hath determined , may be a lie . but as arminians take true libertie of free-will to be an absolute power to doe ill or well , stand or fall eternally , so they judge that libertie of prophecying is a liberty to teach , and believe indifferently either lies or truth , heresies or sound doctrine , whereas libertie to doe ill in any sense is licentiousnesse , not libertie . armini . the question is not , whether a man when he judges right can erre , for who can affirme that but whither either a man or a church who judgeth rightly according to the word of god , have any law or power to command and injoyn others to receive and believe , what they have rightly judged , and that without controversie , for no man is obleidged to receive and beleive a truth , which a synod unanimously or for the most part , hath truely judged , because the synod hath so judged , or sayth so . answ . but libertines make such a question , for they affirm that a synod doth never judge so rightly , but we must believe what they judge with a reserve , and so that what they determine is false , or may the next day be false . secondly , we conceive that god hath given to some one single pastour , and farre more to a synod of pastours and doctors a power to rebuke , teach , exhort with all authoritie . tim. . . to charge tit. . . them before the lord. . tim. . . to lay on burdens and decrees act. . . c. . . and that all that heare them believe and receive as true what they speak in the name of the lord , according to that , he th●● heareth you heareth me ; he that despiseth you , despiseth me . 〈◊〉 that will not hear an ambassadour as an ambassadour speaking from his master and prince , refuseth to hear the prince that 〈◊〉 him , yet we say not that they are to be heard without controversie as they object , that is , peremptorily , absolutely as if their word were the very oracle of god , but they are to be heard , but not but after trying and searching , and not but conditionally in so farre as they carrie the minde of god along with them , so that there may be an appeal to the scripture ; & place left for examining and trying of their doctrine whether it be so or not . another libertine saith , it is in vaine said , try all things , of a synod may impose : for either the tryall relates to a particular judgement to be made , and that judgement to a practice to be confirmed , or not , if not , as good not try , if i try onely for tryals sake , and if when i have tryed , i am but where i was , to will , i must be concluded by others vote and imposition ; if yea , then to what purpose is the imposition ? for if i approve it , the imposition is needlesse , if i reject 't is fruitlesse . answ . . there is no doubt , but trying all things thess . . relates to judgement and practice , nor is it more against the ministeriall and conditionall imposition of a synod , to you to try , then it is against the imposition and commanding power of the prophets , jeremiah , or others , or the apostles , paul act . or john. joh. . . for prophets and apostles impose scripture as paul did act. . on the bereans ; but conditionally after they finde it agreeable to the scripture , and the prophets and apostles , conclude by their vote and sentence , yet better you trie as not try . for this argument is more against the bereans trying of paul who had apostolike power to impose and place the poore bereans in the place they were in before they tryed , and so as good the bereans not try pauls doctrine , as try it ; for they are concluded by pauls vote , if they miscarry in their trying and finde , though mistakingly and ignorantly ( as this gamali●l argueth ) that pauls doctrine is contrary to the scriptures , are they not concluded under unbelief in refusing the gospel and in stumbling at the stone layed on sion ? sure they are . . if you approve pauls doctrine , the imposition , or peremptory command of paul to receive it , else he will shake the dust off his feet against you and leave death at your doore , the imposition is not needlesse , but the commanding power in the ambassadour of christ , be they one as a single pastour , or many , as a synod , is not needlesse but usefull and fruitfull , and is the power of god and the savour of life in it selfe . should an ignorant man say the commanding ministeriall power of the gospel which saith , except ye beleeve ye shall die in your sins , needlesse ? when it bringeth forth fruit . suppose paul say to elimas ( as in effect he did ) if thou wilt not beleeve , and cease to pervert others from beleeving , i will smite thee with blindnesse . if this imposing had wrought faith in elimas , as by the grace of god it might , had this imposing been needlesse the man might as well say : because this tree brings forth fruit being digged and branched , and pruned , therefore digging was needlesse . but he supposeth vainly that imposing and commands issuing from synods under penalties and censures are contrary to trying all things , because imposing concludes men under censures , though they trie the decrees of synods to be unjust , but the imposing of synods is conditionall , not absolute as libertines suppose , for after synods impose , if beleevers after trying and due examining , shall finde that truely and really the decrees are beside or contrary to the word of truth , the imposing neither is a just imposing , not any imposing at all . for neither prophet , nor apostle , nor angel from heaven , nor church can lay commands upon men imposing or binding under pain of censures to that which is unsound and false or unjust or wicked : and if people shall finde their decrees truly to be so after tryall they have power to reject them . and . the last part of the argument if i reject the imposing command of a synod , it is fruitlesse , is a poore one like the wit of the authour . for if i reject these imposing commands , when just and lawfull they are fruitlesse to me , and the favour of death as the despised gospel is : but not simply fruitlesse on gods part , is the argument supposeth , except the authour with arminians dreame that god intendeth obedience in all lawfull ordinances , but he cometh short of his end in the reprobate . but ordinances are not fruitlesse to god , for they prosper ever in the errand they are sent for esay . . . cor. . . . if they render men unexcusable , they are not fruitlesse , for they cleare the justice of god. . they that have right ( saith the authour ) and power of imposing , are lords of my faith , but so are not any men , the apostles themselves assumed it not ; for by faith ye stand . take away a christians judicious fa●th , and you take away his legges , his standing under him . answ . so doe all the ignorant and heady libertines in england argue , but not one of them had a head ever to prove this consequence . for the apostles had ministeriall right to impose and command in the name of the lord under paine of censures , yet are not either prophets or apostles lords of mens faith , but ministers and mere servants : it is just as if you would say such a justice of peace imposeth , that is commandeth you obey such lawes under penalties , ergo this justice of peace takes on him to be soveraigne prince and king over these whom he thus imposingly commandeth . . this imposing takes not away judicious beleeving , all is a beggerly suiting of the question . if imposing were a commanding that wee receive absolutely what they say , be it good , or ill , without examining the argument were concludent as god himself requires abraham to kill his sonne , abraham was without examination to give absolute obedience , and this proveth god to be lord of the conscience , for knowing his word to bee his word wee are not to examine it by the scripture or law of nature , because if we know who speaks , we are not to examine what is spoken . but though we know who speaks among creatures , be it a prophet , an apostle , an angel , yet must we examine both who speaks and what is spoken . . in vaine ( saith he ) did the bereans try the apostles doctrine , and unduelie were they commended , if that doctrine were imposed upon them . answer . it follows onely in vaine did the bereans try pauls doctrine , if paul tooke gods roome and commanded the bereans to receive his gospel hand over head , whether it was agreeable to the scriptures or no : the ignorance of the nature of protestant synods and of popish synods begetteth many ignorant and foolish objections in libertines . it is true papists say , their synods but impose ministerially upon men , not as lords of mens faith , but they take away what they give . for . they will have none to examine and try the decrees of their synods , which we leave to all . . though they say they propose nothing in synods , but what is agreeable to the word of god , yet wil they be the sole , & only infallible judges of what is the word of god , what not , what is scripture , what is the word of god in the breast of the church , and they must be the onely infallible expositors of the word of god , and what is agreeable to the word of god ( or which is all one to mens traditions ) what not , and so they by consequence make themselves lords over mens faith . which the apostle paul would not doe for he said not to the bereans , when you have tryed , whither my doctrine be agreeable to the scripture , or no , yet i and the apostles are the onely sole infallible judges both of our own doctrine , and of all your tryings , and you have not so much as a private judgement left to you . chap. iii. the church may complain of hereticks . the same authour argueth against the churches instigating of the magistrate against men for matters of conscience . ministers are not armed with force and it is not fit they should saevire per alios stirre up the magistrate against others , the magistrate is the minister of god properly for wrath . but it is fit for ministers to say as christ , i came not to destroy but to save alive . answ . the authour saith the question is not of transmitting of such things to the magistrate as belong to manners , but to conscience , as if an heretick failed against no manners . yet all his arguments prove that ministers should not complaine to the magistrate of ill manners and the scandalous conversation of any , and this he instanceth from the example of christ , who joh. . would not accuse a woman of adulterie . . the magistrate is as properly the minister of god for good , for the praise of well-doing , as the minister of god for wrath , and if the church should tell the magistrate his dutie , as watchmen should doe to all under their care ezek. . , , , . magistrate or other , if the magistrate spare the life of a murtherer , the watchmen are unfaithfull , if they complaine not openly and tell the magistrate he does not his dutie , and upon the same ground , if the magistrate must coerce with the sword seducing wolves and jezabels , the pastours ought to admonish him . and its atheisticall to say the magistrate is conscious of sins against manners , and of his dutie and obligation he needs no instigation . because no magistrate be he an achab or a david , but he needs be quickened to his dutie , and will send a murtherer away , and a bloody joab whom god will have not to live , and should the prophets be called instigatores , and savientes per alios , such as destroy mens lives when they tell the magistrate he is a murtherer and guilty of innocent blood , if he suffer the bloody man to live ? or should this be called tale-telling , and the pastor thrusting of himself into a more disaffecting office to be a tale-teller an apparitour or summoner of men to the civill magistrates court , he made such a poor man be fined and wife and children be starved because he is not of his opinion . what would this authour give an atheist leave to say ? but so s●ander free preaching or free synodicall complaining to the magistrate ? such a man of our charge is damned by his own conscience and devours the flock , as arrius and manes did , such a one is a bloody murtherer , a sorcerer , the magistrate bears the sword to execute vengeance on evill doers , and yet suffer known murtherers to live and be gray-haird , are ministers , who are to warn fathers , teachers , masters , judges , kings jer. . . nations , and kingdomes of their dutie , thrusters of themselves into a disaffecting office , and apparitours and summoners of men before civil courts , because they warne the magistrate of his dutie ? is this obtruding into another office to give warning to all to be free of the blood of all men ? this is like the speech of a wicked king amaziah chro. . . to the prophet who rebuked him , for seeking after the gods of the nations . art thou made of the kings counsell ? forbear , why shouldest thou be smitten ? i therefore summon this authour to compeer before the judge of the world , and give an accompt of this doctrine , for he speaks it against the faithfull servants of god of the church of scotland , who complained to the king of idolatrous seducers and semminary priests and jesuits , of bloody murtherers , of grinders of the faces of the poore and in●orrigible scandalous offenders ; whose wretched example was a shame to the gospel and brought guilt upon the land , that he might use the sword against such evill doers ? and should ministers be apparitours and tale-tellers either against such as deserve capitall punishment for sins against the second table as well as against the first table ? woe will be to him that calls good evill , and evill good . is the necessary duty of the calling of a watchman to warne the magistrate of his bloodie omissions , ( for so the lord calls it esay . . , . esay . , , , . prov. ● . . prov. . . and exhorts to it ) an over-doing ? and a tale-bearing ? he cites also the example ( p. . . ) of christ who would not accuse the woman taken in adulterie . what doth this prove ? ergo christ would not have faithfull pastors to complaine both to god , and to preach against rulers who punish not uncorrigible adulterers ? christ would not accuse her , he would not judge her . ergo the judges under the new testament who accuse , judge and condemn adulterers , are not followers of christ ? what can an anabaptist alleadge more to prove there ought to be no magistrates under the new testament ? adulterers must be tollerated : a minister should not preach that the magistrate sins in not punishing the adulterer . christ complained not of pilates mixing the galileans blood with their sacrifice to caesar , should therefore ministers not complaine though the christian magistrate suffer such blood-shed ? of the same kinde is that wrangling , prudent fathers encourage not their children to informe of one anothers faults , because it doth not nourish love . what then ? ergo ministers should complaine to the godly magistrate of no omissions at all ? i think by this divinitie , if one brother know his brother to kill his brother , he should neither informe father nor magistrate that the murtherer may be rebuked by the father or corrected by the judge , because that may hinder love , but let this wrangler answer , whither it be more reall love to the murtherers soul to informe against him , and more glory to god , more peace to the familie ; or to be silent and let his brother run to hell , and wrath lye upon the whole land ? it is but a losse of time to refute such weak foolerie against naturall reason , far more contrary to sound divinitie , for if pastors informe against evil doers out of desire of revenge , malice or hatred , they ought not upon these grounds to rebuke any sins at all , and we condemn the doing of good duties upon evill motives and principles . chap iiii. the state of the question of compulsion of conscience , and tolleration . the question touching libertie of conscience was never by us , nor any man , save libertines , themselves and ignorant anabaptists both of old and late moved concerning internall libertie remaining within the soule , as libertie to think , understand , judge , conclude , whither the magistrate can force men , with the sword to opinions , and cudgell them out of some into other contrary judgements , in the matters of god , for the magistrate cannot take on him , yea nor the church under the paine of censures compell any to think well of christ , or ill or antichrist . yet most of the senslesse arguments of the times are drawn from the immediate subjection of the conscience to god , from the nature of conscience , religion , faith , fear , and the elicit acts of the soul which cannot be compelled , yea in this meaning , we think god can neither offer violence , to minde , understanding , will or affections of love , fear , joy , because all these clicit acts cannot slow from any principle , but the internall and vitall inclinations of the soul , though the devils be said to beleeve against their will , yet not against the inclination of the understanding or desiring facultie . all the question is concerning the imperated acts and these externall , that is not touching opinions and acts of the minde , but that which is visible and audible in these opinions , to wit , the speaking , professed holding of them , publishing , teaching , printing , and known and externall perswading of others to be of our minde . so that the question will come to this whither the magistrates sword be to regulate our words that concerns our neighbour , as that we lie not , we forsweare not , to the hurt of the life and credit of our neighbour , that we slander not , raile upon no man , farre lesse against the prince and ruler of the people , but whether the words we utter or publish of god though never such blasphemies , and lies , because they come from the conscience ( as if truths or words we speak for or against our neighbour did not slow from a conscience either good or ill ) be above or beyond all swords or coercive power of men . it is clear the question must be thus stated , for all the lawes of the old testament ( which we hold in their morall equitie to be perpetuall ) that are touching blasphemies , heresies , solicitation to worship false gods and the breach of which the godly magistrate was to punish , command or forbid onely such things as may be proved by two or three witnesses , and which husband and wife are not to conceale , and from which all israel must abstain for fear of the like punishment . deut. ● . , , , . deut. . , . levit. . , , , , . but opinions in the minde , acts of the understanding , can never be proved by witnesses and such as neither magistrate nor church can censure . then we referre to all the godly , if libertines and anabaptists deal brotherly in affirming that presbiterians , persecute them , because out of tendernesse of conscience , they cannot come up to the light and judgement of their brethren in all opinions . . there is a tolleration pollitick and civil and spirituall or ecclesiastick shame and fear in punishing heresies either by the judge or the church , whither in civil or ecclesiasticall censures , rebukes , excommunication is an evil of punishment in both , as is evident , if we compare judg. . . where it is said , there was no magistrate in the land that might put them so shame in any thing . deut. . . with these places that speaketh of spirituall censures , in the feare and shame of them as . . tim. . . receive not an accusation against an elder , but before two or three witnesses , then an elder that is scandalous may incur shame of being accused , and mat . . let him be to thee as a heathen and a publicane tim. . . them that sinne , rebuke before all , that others also may fear . so the avoiding of idolaters , and hereticks . cor. . . tit. . . ● , joh. . gal. . . brings publicke shame on them . thesse . . then looke what forcing power the shame the magistrates can put hereticks to , and what compulsory 〈◊〉 it hath on the conscience and so should not be inflicted on men for their conscience and holding of heresies , as libertines say , the same compulsorie power hath concionall rebukes of pastors or private christians , and of admonition , excommunication or the avoiding of the societie of false teachers either by the whole church or by private christians , and the arguments proving the magistrate cannot punish for conscience in his politick spheare , doe also prove that hereticks should be rebuked sharply that they may be sound in the faith , contrary to tit. . . and that we should neither admonish them nor avoid their company which is absurd ; so they be more ingenious libertines who free false teachers and hereticks from both civil and ecclesiasticall censures , than these who free them from civil and subject them to ecclesiasticall censures , for ecclesiasticall compulsion hath no more influence on the conscience by way of teaching then politick or civil , and the arguments taken from the nature of conscience is as strong to prove that the church of pergam●● , ephesus , thyatira should suffer lyars , false apostles and seducers , such as hold the doctrine of balaam and jezabel the deceiving prophetesse , who teach and professe according to their erroneous conscience contrary to rev. . , , , . as that the godly prince should suffer them : nor can it be said that church-censures are spirituall punishments and so work on the spirit , and have instructing , rebuking and exhorting going before , but the sword is a bodily punishment , and hath not instructing going before . for i answer though these two punishments differ , yet they agree that formally both are alike compulsory of the conscience , and neither of them act upon the spirit by teaching and instructing as the word doth , so as excommunication of a heretick should have instructing and convincing going before , so should also the magistrate presuppose , before he strike with the sword , that the false teacher hath been instructed and convinced , and so he doth formally punish him with the sword , for his pertinacious perverting of souls . . nor can it be replyed that men should not be punished for either opinions , or for holding opinions that slow from meer conscience , when they publish preach and print them from no principle , but meer conscience , not for gain or a morsell of bread , or for preferment in the state or armie . to this i answer , lay aside opinions and answer me this , how the judges that are for libertie of conscience are not to punish some words except they would be guilty of persecution , to wit , such as these , the trinitie is but a fiction , christ is no more god then another holy man. yea , christ was but an impostor , and yet they punish words and deeds of the same kinde that come from meere conscience . the answer must be , the former words are from meere conscience and the publishers thereof will swear they hold them as the meere inforcing light and judgement of their conscience ; but these other words and deeds which the magistrate censures , are not from meere conscience . but i beleeve these that acted in the late controverted parliament and by vertue thereof , yea and many godly men of them that are punished by the judges and many of the godly that fled for fear act from meere conscience , and will sweare they did so act according to their sworn covenant , and to prevent a new warre : and that they did it neither for gain , nor for preferment in state or armie . and if it were referred to the consciences of most of the armie why they disbanded not when the parliament commanded them , but doe by their practices treat a warre to themselves and the land ( a judgement of god of all others the saddest ) when they have none to fight against but shadows and enemies of straw and hay ; i judge they would swear that they judged the charge of the houses against their conscience , and unjust , and that they hold up warres out of meere conscience , and to vindicate the oppressed subjects and for preventing of a new warre , and not for gaine or preferment . so the question is not yet answered ; why some externall actions of words and deeds comming from meere conscience without any carnall pretext , as they will swear cannot be punished , but violence must be done to conscience , so the men persecuted , and others that doe the like and speak the like from no principle but pure conscience , without any carnall pretext , as they will sweare , are punished and yet neither violence is done to conscience nor the men persecuted , for acting according to conscience and a sworn covenant . but they justly punished : if acting from meere conscience be the formall cause why men are not to be punished , it should hold in all such acts . . they seeme to me sick in the braine , who hold that it is an act of love and charity in the magistrate to restrain 〈◊〉 , socinianisme &c. and to discountenance such seducers , and yet bring arguments against all externall 〈◊〉 in matters of religion or compulsion in generall : a discou●●●nancing and a keeping of men from places , dignities , offices is the highest compulsion of penaltie you can devise . what arguments fight against any compulsion of the magistrate positive or negative doth fight against all . if it be lawfull for the magistrate , as for all other men , to doe all hee can for the truth as some say , and the magistrates invitations , recommendation , exemplarie profession , generall tuition , excluding coercing , are all nothing but words , these agree to all christians as christians and are nothing peculiar to the magistrate , the magistrate as a magistrate cannot request , he must command as a magistrate , and all his commands if disobeyed , are in order to the sword . . the question is not whether religion can be inforced upon men by the magistrate by the dint and violence of the sword , or onely perswaded by the power of the word , wee hold with lactantius that religion cannot be compelled , nor can mercie and justice and love to our neighbour commanded in the second table be more compelled then faith in christ . hence give me leave to prove two things . . that religion and faith cannot be forced on men . . that this is a vain consequence ; religion cannot be forced but must be perswaded by the word and spirit , ergo the magistrate can use no coercive power in punishing hereticks and false teachers . for the first , we lay hold on all the arguments that prove the word preached to be the onely means of converting the soule , begetting of faith and that carnall weapons are not able , yea nor were they ever appointed of god , to doing down strong holds , nor can they make a willing people : and lactantius said well , what is left to us , if anothers lust 〈◊〉 th●t by force , which we must doe willingly ? and that of tertullian . it is of the law or right of man and of his natural power what every man worships , what he thinks he should worship , nor doth the religion of one either doe good or doe evill to another man , nor is it religion to compell religion , which ought to be received by w●ll not by force : since sacrifices ( of worship ) are required of a willing minde . in which i observe . . tertullian speaks not of the true christian religion which is now in question : but of religion in generall as it is comprehensive of both true and false religion . because he speakes of that religion which by the law of nature a man chooseth , and is humani juris & naturalis potestatis : but it is not of the law of man or naturall power , nor in flesh and bloods power to chuse the true christian religion , that election is supernaturall saith tertullian there and else where often , as also the scripture joh. . . math. . . math. . , , . religion is taken two wayes . for the inward and outward acts of religion as seen both to god and man as lactantius , tertullian and others say , so it is most true . christians ought not with force of sword , compell jews , nor jews or pagans compell christians to be of their religion , because religion is not begotten many , by perswasion of the minde , nor by forcing of the man. again religion is taken for the externall profession and acting and performances of true religion within the church or by such as professe the truth , that are obvious to the eyes of magistrates and pastors , and thus the sword is no meanes of god to force men positively to externall worship or performances . but the sword is a means n●g●tively to punish acts of false worship in those that are under the christian magistrate and professe christian religion , in so farre as these acts come out to the eyes of men and are destructive to the souls of these in a christian society ; t is even so ( & not otherwise punishable by the magistrate ; ) for he may punish omissions of hearing the doctrine of the gospel and other externall performances of worship , as as these omissions by ill example or otherwise are offensive● to the souls of these that are to lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honestie ; nor does it follow that the sword is a kindly means to force outward performances , for the magistrate as the magistrate does not command these outward performances as service to god , but rather forbids the omissions of them as destructine to man , for example a physician commands fasting , pastors after the example of james commands fasting when judgements are on us , the physician commands it , in so farre as eating troubles the common societie of humours , members and temper of the body , and the physician forbids eating so as he will have no more to do with the patient , if he will disobey : and so trouble the temper of the bodie , which is the onely object the physician works on . pastors command fasting to be in sincerity for afflicting and humbling the soul under the mightie hand of god. so the magistrate forbids cutting of a veine or shedding of blood as a thing troubling the peace of humane societie , yet his command is not a direct means of preventing diseases in the bodie of a subject and for healthie living . but the physician commands to cut a viene and to shed blood for health and to prevent a disease , and sinnes neither against the magistrate nor god in so doing : so doth the magistrate not directly command going to church as a worship to god , so as his commands have influence on the conscience as the pastors commands have , but he commands going to church and hearing so as the omission of hearing harts the societie whereof god hath made him a civill and politick head : in this latter sense must lactantius , tertullian and others be taken , otherwise these words , the religion of another does his neighbour neither good nor ill in rigour , are not true , the ill example of others in idolatrie brings ill upon all the church . deut. . . yea and the fierce anger of god. v. . again la●●antius saith false religion cannot be compelled , but he denyes not that christians may punish blasphemies in true religion . . he denyes we may propagate the gospel among pagans with the sword : both which points we teach . there 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) of force and injurie , because religion cannot be compelled , the business is to be tran●acted by words rather than blowes , that there may be willingnesse . let them ( enemies of the truth ) draw the sword or sharpnesse of their wi●● if their reason be good , let it be produced : we are ready to 〈◊〉 , if they teach ( nothing more cleare then that he speaks of the pagans that would force pagans worship on christians : we beleive nothing of their religion whilt they are silent , as we cannot yeeld to them while they rage against us , let them imitate us , and declare the reason of the whole matter , for we ( christians ) doe not allure , as they ( pagans ) frequently object to us , but we teach , we prove , we demonstrate : therefore none by us are kept against their will , for he is unprofitable to god who wants devotion and faith : and yet no man departs from us when the truth detains him . but saith celsus fol. . if in the time of lactantius christians killed men for their religion , no man can doubt but lactantius in these same generall words inveighs against christians who would compell men to their faith against their will , and that he abhorres the violence of ours against hereticks . answ . these are of a wide difference , to kill blasphemers , and false teachers for spreading heresies and blasphemies , and to compell them by warre , and fire and sword to be of our christian religion . as i hope to prove , for the formers lawfull , ●he later unlawfull . it s true lactantius speaks of all religion true and false , that we are to compell none with the sword to any religion , but he no where saith that the magistrates may not kill open and pernicious seducers and false teachers who pervert others , for the magistrate is not to compell yea nor to intend the conversion of a pernicious seducer , but to intend to take his head from him , for his destroying of souls . and lactantius denyes religion after it is begotten , can be defended , that is nourished and conserved in the hearts of people by the sword , but by the word and spirit . those are farre different tormenting and pietie ( saith he ) nor can violence be conjoyned with veritie , nor justice with crueltie . and again , but as in religion , so also in defending of religion they are deceived , religion is to be defended not by killing but admonishing , others read , by being killed , not by crueltie , but by patience , not by wickednesse , but by faith . but here he speaks of defending in a hostile way , by killing those that will not be of our religion , be it the pagan religion and most develish not of defending the christian professors , from the infection of wolvish seducers , by the sword of the nurse-father of the church , who is to defend good men and to execute vengeance on evill doers . for in all this lactantius speaks of such a violence as is without teaching , parati sum●s andire si doccant tacentibus certe nihil credimus . but suppose some father : were in that errour ( as augustine was , but retracted it ) though , augustine 〈◊〉 we may compell man to the faith , yet 〈◊〉 of improper compulsion , and of donatists the such as are 〈◊〉 the church , whom he thinks the magistrate on 〈◊〉 to punish , which is not a compelling of the 〈◊〉 to the sound faith , but an act of justice in punishing him for his 〈◊〉 of heresi●s to the perverting of the faith of others . upon these 〈◊〉 is cyrilius saith , moyes law is one and he kingdom of c●●●t is wholly heavenly , and spirituall , and 〈◊〉 ●efore hath spirituall 〈◊〉 and spirituall armour : and therefore a spirituall not a car●●● sword to punish the enemies of this kingdom , 〈◊〉 christian men . but he speaks of 〈◊〉 without the church ( who as i constantly 〈◊〉 ) are not with warres and the sword to be compelled to 〈◊〉 the christian religion and therefore a●deth on the 〈…〉 did fight against amorites , canaanites and 〈…〉 with 〈…〉 of iron : but he speaks not of the laws 〈…〉 . and 〈◊〉 , in which death was decreed for the false prophet within the visible church . at 〈…〉 the fathers have 〈◊〉 with unsound emperours who have tollerated , 〈◊〉 , arrians , and jews , but that is no law for us . but the other point is that though these that are without are not to be compelled to embrace the true religion it followeth nto that the magistrate should not 〈…〉 prophets , or pernicious teachers such as baals 〈◊〉 , who openly 〈◊〉 the people of god to idolatr●● . . become the magistrate cannot , 〈◊〉 ought not to compell 〈…〉 lyars , to be 〈…〉 it with their own as well as they must be such externally , no more then he can compell them to inward fear , love , faith in god , and to the externall performances 〈◊〉 . but it doth not follow that therefore the magistrate cannot command externall acts of mercie , c●●astitie , selfe-contentednesse , and should not punish murther , adulterie , theft , robberie , perjurie , for to punish these makes many hypocritically peaceable , chast , content with their own , true in their word , as well as punishing false teachers and hereticks maketh many hypocritically sound in the faith so augustine contra petilian . l. . c. . . there is no ground in scripture to say that because the canaanites erred against the duties of the first table onely , that therefore israel was to destroy them in warre . for joshua . , , . the contrarie is clear , joshua made warre with them , because god having hardened their heart they came out in battle against israel : and so the cause of the warre was not religion and their madnesse of idolatrie ( though on the lords part it was a provoking cause ) but violence in invading an harmelesse and innocent people , so ioshua and israel compelled them not to embrace the true religion , then from thence it cannot follow therefore no lawes were to be made against the false prophets and blasphemer . and if that consequence was null then , it cannot be strong now . so we say under the new testament : we cannot bring in to the faith the heathen and pagans by violence and the sword , it follows not ergo , no blasphemer within the visible church should be forced . . violence and the sword is no means to work men to subjection to christ , it follows not , ergo because the weapons of our warfare are not carnall , but spirituall cor. . . . the apostle should not say shall i come unto you with the rod or in love , or in the spirit of meeknesse . . cor. . . and therefore he should not deliver any to sathan . . nor is this a good consequence , because the fear of bodily death or punishment by the sword cannot convert , therefore it cannot terrifie men from externall blasphemie and tempting of others to false worship , for the externall man his words , solicitations , doe ill by teaching , and his actions , not the inward man or the conscience and the soule is the object the magistrate is to work on . for neither under moses more then now , could the sword convert men to the true religion . yet bodily death was to be inflicted on the seducer , then , as now deut. . . and all israell shall hear , and fear , and shall doe no more any such wickednesse as this is among you : and afflictions work the same way now rom. . . for rulers are not a terrour to good works but to the evil , wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? doe that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the same . there be five pull-backs that keep men even in heresie and in a false way , as may be collected out of augustines writings from which by the terrour of just lawes , they may be affrighted from seducing of others as . fear of offending men especially those of their own way ; . an hardning custome in a false way . . a wicked sluggishnesse in not searching the truth of god. . the wicked tongues of enemies that shall traduce them , if they leave heresies . . a vaine perswasion that men may be saved in any religion . see augustine epist . . & ad vincent . epist . . epist . . ad bonifacium . contra petilianum . l. . c. . lib. . contra cresconium cap. . contra guidentum . l. . c. . & lib. contra parmen . c. . contra gaudent . l. . c. . de unitate eccles . c. . epist . . and so that which the objector mr. john goodwine long agoe objected is easily answered , that the magistrate cannot in justice punish that which is unavoydable and above the power of free-will to resist , but such are all heresies and errours of the minde . for this might well have been objected against that most just law deut. . why should god command to stone to death a seducer that tempts any of his people to worship false gods , because such a man is sick but of an errour in the minde , he beleeves he does service to his god , whom he beleeves to be the true god , in so doing , and had the heathen and jews under moses more strength of free-will and more grace to resist apostacie , blasphemie , wicked opinions against the true god , then we have now under the gospel . and the lord hath expressely said deut. . . israel shall feare ( bodily death ) and doe such wickednesse no more : now this was not ceremoniall or typicall fear , but meere naturall feare sufficient to retract and withdraw men from externall acts of seducing and blaspheming , which is all that the magistrate can doe . . this is the verie objection of donatists and augustine answers truely . by this answer the magistrate should not punish murtherers and adulterers for they have not grace to resist temptation to murther , certainly the spirit of revenge , and of whoredoms must be as strong above free will as the spirit of errour and lies . achab then sinned not in beleeving the lying prophets who deceived him : and it was not in his power to resist the efficacie of lying inflicted on him for his former sins . and what sinnes the magistrate punisheth he doth punish as the formall minister of god. rom. . and so this is the pelagian , arminian and popish objection against god and free grace , as much as against us . . the wickedest seducer is punished for his externall acts of false teaching and seducing which may , and must be proved by witnesse or confessed by the delinquent , before he can justly punish him , but not for any mind-error which is obvious neither to judge nor witnesse . then the true state of the question is not whether the sword be a means of conversion of men to the true faith , nor . whither heathen by fire and sword are to be compelled to embrace the truth . nor . whither violence without instruction and arguing from light of scriptures , should be used against false teachers , nor whither the magistrate can punish the opinions of the mind , and straine internall liberty . but whither or no ought the godly and christian prince restraine & punish with the sword false teachers , publishers of hereticall and pernicious doctrines , which may be proved by witnesse , and tends to the injuring of the souls of the people of god , in a christian societie , and are dishonourable to god , and contrary to sound doctrine ; and so coerce men for externall misdemeanours flowing from a practicall conscience sinning against the second table , as well as from a speculative conscience ( to borrow these tearmes here ) when they professe and are ready to swear they performe these externalls meerely from and for conscience . for since false teachers and hereticks in regard of the spiritualnesse of their sinne are the worst of evill doers , and such as work abomination in the israel of god , and there is no particular lawes in the new testament for bodily coercing of sorcerers , adulterers , thieves , traitors , false witnesses , who but speak lies against the good name of their neighbour , not against the name of god , nor against sodomites , defilers of their bodies with beasts , perjured persons , covenant breakers , liars &c. what reason in nature can there be to punish the one , and not the other ? for it may with as good colour of reason be said , that all the lawes in the old testament , for drawing of the sword against sodomites , adulterers and such like , were typicall and temporary , and are done away now in christ , for christ will have these converted in as spirituall a way by the onely power of the word of god as the other and no where in any expresse law in the new testament doth god command to use the bloody sword against them , more then against blasphemers : and to remove these grosse sins out of christian societies by the sword is no lesse a carnall and a bodily afflictive way of dealing with their consciences , as to deal so with seducers ; and it s enough to that negative argument , that no where it is expressed as a dutie of the magistrate , under the new testament to use the sword against false teachers , nor does our saviour or the apostles rebuke the magistrate for omitting of their dutie in this . yea paul , cor. . , , . when he shewes that some of the corinthians abused their body with mankinde , were theev●s , drunkards , extortioners , he no where saith that it was the magistrates dutie to take away their head for sodomie , which certainly it was , and that by the verie law of nature , but he was gods instrument for their conversion by the power of the word , ver . . and cor. . . as he laboured to convert the galdehians who sometimes worshipped dumb idols , and the ephesians who worshipped the vaine idol diana act. . yea , nor is there any new testament law for taking away the life of a murtherer , for that of our saviours . math. . . all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword : except we say it was so a judiciall law among the jews , as it was a law of nature gen. . before there was a common wealth erected among the jews , cannot be called a new testament law , to peter and john and the disciples who were obliged at that same verie time to keepe the passeover and to be subject to all the jewish laws . chap. v. of fundamentals . a foundation ( saith pareus iren. c. ) is that which is in the lowest place of the building to beare up that which is built upon it , and without which the building cannot stand . that then must be the foundation of faith and salvation which is precisely necessary to be believed by all that are saved alardas valek gives us four fundamentals facienda & vitanda things to be done and eschewed in the decalogue . credenda , to be believed in the creed . . roganda , to be sought from god in prayer . ●surpanda things to be practised , as the sacraments . how the repenting thiese knew all these , i see not , yet a taste of some of them ye may see and with the infused life of god he was ready to believe and doe the rest . for the first he knew robberie and violence to be damned in the decalogue ▪ we are justly here , and repented . . for the second , he believed in christ as a king , the son of god and a saviour . christ was accused that he called himself the sonne of god and a king , when the man saith of christ this man hath done nothing amisse : he believes him to be the sonne of god , and the saviour who had the keyes of paradice at his girdle . . he prayes to him . lord remember me when thou comes to thy kingdome . . for externall worship or sacraments , it is like he knew little : yet he confessed christ a king when his disciples denyed him and fled , and the world persecuted him . cycillus hyerosolymitian reduceth them to two ; the knowledge of points of faith . . the doing of good works . had he added according to the new covenant it were good . calvin saith epist . i refuse not the augustine confession . cui pridem volens & libens subscripsi . sicut eam author interpretatus est . yet in the . article thereof the substantiall bodie and blood of christ is said to be really present under the spece of bread and wine . ambrose in cap. . lu. negat christum , qui non omnia qua sunt christi confitetur . it is onely thus farre true the that hath sufficient meanes of believing what the word saith may confesse all truths of christ and doth not denie christ , but as some doe not all the good they may , yet have a saving disposition to it , though either they through infirmities leave it undone , or through want of oportunitie , yet believing are saved : so these that want means of knowing and confessing all truths yet have the habit of faith to believe them , though they never actually confesse them , doe not deny christ . though irenem l. . c. . tertullian de virginibus velandis augusti . to . . de tempore sar . . and russi●●● in the exposition of the creed say that which is called the apostles creed , came from the apostles : yet there is no sufficient ground for us to believe the authentick authoritie of it . conrad , worships while he was yet ▪ sound ▪ de pausis just it & necessariis deserendi papatus . par . . dis . . the . saith of these points that are contained in the apostles creed : some things are simply necessarie for salvation , without which faith and repentance cannot be . some not so necessarie , yet profitable and of themselves saving . . other things by consequence and by accident are necessarie , not of themselves and separate from the fundamentals , the church of rome erres in the fundamentals , in the doctrine of our saviour and his offices , in the doctrine of merit , humane satisfactions , indulgences , the scriptures , the church . in the . they erre about baptisme , the lords supper , confirmation , unction , pennance , though of themselves they happily deprive not of life eternall , yet because the subject about which the matter is versed is most necessary , they are pernicious errors . these of the third sort touching creation , providence , mortification , though of themselves they might be called errours , simple ignorance , yet for the dangerous consequences , they are pernicious heresies . mr. john durie in his theological consultation maketh three sort of necessary points . . these , without the knowledge of which christ cannot be known in the covenant of grace , nor by faith retained , which are comprehended in the paction of the covenant . . saving points which secretly lurk in these necessirie points , yet by just and evident consequence may be deduced there from , though they be not in the expresse words of the covenant . . some things that are profitable , the expresse knowledge whereof conduceth to the fuller knowledge and faith of these things necessarie , yet are not such , but christ may be believed by simple soules and rested on for salvation , without such a precise forme of speaking . augusti . de trinit . l. . c. . it is one thing to know what we are to believe , another thing how , or with what certaintie we are to believe . nazianz. orat. . de theol. perinde ea qua ex scripturis colliguntur , atqui ea qua scribuntur . what is in scripture by consequence is scripture : the ignorance of the resurrection , which was in scripture to the sadduces by consequence onely was an ignorance of the scripture 〈◊〉 . . , , . and a soul condemning errour . it is a question , yea no question , to die denying the resurrection is to die without saith , happily to die ignorant of it , having never heard the gospel is not so high a sinne , but who can say such can be saved ? august . serm . . de verbis apost . si negent equalem , negant filium , si negant filium , negant christum , si negant christum , negant in carne venisse . origen l. . de peccat . c. . all christians faith stands in these two , that the first adam destroyed us , the second saves us : errours about justifying saith , and errours touching historicall faith are farre different . the foundation is christ and none but he . . the gold builded on the foundation is the doctrine of christ , and a created thing , yet simply necessary to be believed . . the hay and stubble that is builded on it must be vanities and fooleries believed , yet of themselves such as extinguish not saving faith and love , no more then sins of infirmitie are inconsistent with saving faith , then both the mans hay and stubble and his sins of infirmitie against the second table may be burnt and the man saved : but it follows not the church and magistrate should therefore not punish or censure the builders of hay and stubble upon the foundation , but should tollerate them , for a godly man , as david and peter may fall in adulterie , in treacherous murther and denyall of christ , yet it follows not that the magistrate should tollerate and not punish murther and adulterie in a christian societie , and that paul should not sharply rebuke , and if need be , farther proceed to the censure of the church : if peter either deny his lord , though out of infirmitie and fear , or if he judaize and looke awry to the gospel . chap. vi. errours in non-fundamentals obstinately holden are punishable . yee must beare one anothers infirmities , and restore these that fall with the spirit of meeknesse . gal. . . and yet not tollerate their errours , and forbear to admonish and also sha●ply rebuke them and if need be , the church and magistrate may proceed to further censures , to excommunication and the use of the sword , for justice is not contrary to meeknesse , nor one fruit of the spirit contrarie to another . he 〈◊〉 spareth the rod hateth the childe : yet should not a father be cruell to his childe , nor is his correcting contrarie to fatherly compassion , but not correcting is crueltie to and hatred of the childe : and the like we are to think of the punishments and censures of the nurse father of the church , and of the church . there be some things of doubtfull disputations that the weak in knowledge cannot conceive , and yet are to be instructed in meeknesse and received as brethren . rom. . . . but if these same weak , after sufficient instruction , when the ceremonies of moses law became deadly and unlawfull ( as they were then indifferent ) would needs be circumcised , abstain from meats , and keep the whole ceremoniall law , whatever should be said on the contrarie , and would compell others to be circumcised and pervert the souls of many even after the date of the indifferencie of these things is expired paul then is so farre from giving place for an hour or betraying christian libertie gal. . or from bearing with them that he withstandeth them to their faces , and wisheth that such as trouble others so were cut off and might bear their judgement . gal. . . . which clearly holdeth forth , what ever the meaning of these words be , that paul though these that would teach others they must be circumcised , were worthy to bear their judgement and to be punished for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth . and it shall be a work of difficultie to prove that to be circumcised was necessary to salvation , and these that so taught act. . and gal. chap. . did teach an errour of it self fundamentall and that subverted the faith : who ever then would be circumcised fell from christ gal. . as paul saith , but that was by consequence , sure it was not an errour , in terminis fundamentall , as this , christ is not the saviour of mankinde , onely it was an errour that by consequence subverted the foundation , and was a falling from christ by consequence , and a comming again under the debt of the whole law , and of salvation by the law , which was ever impossible , and to say it was necessary to salvation , necessitate medij , so as all the galathians who received christ and the gospel and would have plucked out their eyes for paul , who died ignorant of this point ( who ever will now be circumcised is fallen from christ ) were eternally damned , and dyed out of christ is a groundlesse saying : there was a glorious church in galatia before paul wrote that epistle to them , for he wrote it upon occasion of their being seduced , who were made believe the necessitie of circumcision , and it is clear paul would not have written that of circumcision , if that errour had not been sowen among them by false teachers , if therefore such as were made beleive that had not beene bewitched to believe the necessitie of ceremonies for justification , they being in christ , should have been saved by faith , though this controversie in terminis had never come to their ears : whither are believers justified by faith onely , or must they also be circumcised and keep the law ? that they may be justified and saved . and sure many are now in our dayes ( which is more ) glorified , who never knew , but onely virtually , and implicitely , that to be circumcised , or to keep jewish dayes is not necessary to justified persons , yea sure many in britaine are saved who never knew this fundamentall truth . . act. . it is cleare that some taught the brethren , except ye be circumcised after the manner of moses , ye cannot be saved : the contrary truth is no expresse fundamentall truth , because a fundamentall truth expressely necessary is so necessary ( necessitate medij ) as without the knowledge thereof we cannot be saved . now these teachers knew that the apostles and elders and saints at at jerusalem were not circumcised so , and they knew believing gentiles were not circumcised at all , and yet they knew the apostles were not damned , they knew all children dying before the eight day were not damned , they must then hold that circumcision was onely necessary to salvation , by way of precept : and the brethren that believed and so if they had dyed in that state had undeniably been saved , were ignorant of this ; and v. . there was much disputing among believers yea among the apostles who were not ignorant of fundamentals : and undoubtedly had saving faith long before , math. . . . till james fully determined the question from the word of god. v. , , , . then it is most clear that these that erre in other points that are not fundamentals in which all christians agree may be perverters of souls and so deserve to be rebuked by the church and punished . . this opinion of so 〈◊〉 ring all , save such as erre in fundamentals , though they 〈◊〉 non fundamentals is grounded upon this , that the scripture is evidently plain and clear in fundamentals , but in other points 〈◊〉 non-fundamentals , the scripture is dark , and in regard of the darknesse and naturall ignorance of our minde which is in●●cible almost , we must forbear one another and give and take elbow-roome and latitude of indulgence , because the magistrate and church are not infallible , but both godly and learned may be on each side , so that there should be no peace nor union of hearts in christian societies , but all churches or earth must disband and be dissolved , if each should punish and censure one another for holding contrary tenets . but . mr. john goodwine who contendeth for a catholicke tolleration of all , of any religion whatsoever , whither they erre in fundamentals or non-fundamentals , and his words because nnanswerable to me against this distinction i set down i desire it be taken ( saith he ) to serious consideration , 〈◊〉 , or how farre , it is meet to punish or censure poor miserable men , for not holding or not asserting the truth of these things , which they cannot come without much labour and contention of minde , yea not without some good degree of some reason and understanding too , to judge so much as probable , nor at all to come to believe or know them certainly , but onely by an immediate and supernaturall work of the spirit of god● are 〈◊〉 to be punished , because god hath not imparted to them his spirit of grace and supernaturall illumination ? this learned and sharp witted divine ( as any i see of that way ) confirms me much that tolleration in non-fundamentals and non-tolleration in errours fundamentall , is a distinction cannot subsist , in the way that libertines in england now goe : for to know or believe supernaturall non-fundamentals as the histories of the miracles of christ the prophets and apostles requires a work of the spirit of grace and supernaturall illumination , is to know or believe fundamentalls ; why then should men be punished for holding errours in the one and not in the other ? and the conscience cannot be compelled in the one more then in the other : but with favour i desire an answer to these quaeries . quaere . . whether men deserve to be pitied and spoken of compassionately , as poore miser 〈…〉 which they 〈…〉 work of the spirit of grace , and supernaturall 〈…〉 the false prophet , deut . and elima● the perverter of the gospel deserves to be pi●ied ? query . hence whether the sinfull blindnesse of our in 〈◊〉 that makes us , because poor and miserable , 〈…〉 must not black the spotlesse justice of our lord , who yet punisheth originall mind-blindnesse in thousands of the sons of adam ? query . whether this hinteth not at 〈…〉 power of believing , and doing what we can , otherwise god cannot deny further grace , or punish that naturall impotency of not knowing or not believing ? quer. . whether the same query may not be retorted upon the justice of gods law , deut. . 〈…〉 , thus whether is it mee● that the just god should command a poo●● miserable seducing jew , who saith , let us go and worship strange gods , since this miserable impostor ▪ being a son of sin and wrath by nature , cannot come without much labour and contention of mind , yea nor without some good degree of reason to judge so much as it is probable , nor at all to believe or know certainly , that 〈◊〉 no● the true god , but the god of the jews , onely ; excluding on the world from saving means of salvation , is the onely true god , onely to be served and worshipped , but onely by an immediate and supernaturall work of the spirit of god ? are men either jews under the law , or gen●●les under the gospel , to be punished and stoned to death , because god hath not ●●parted to them his spirit of grace , and supernaturall 〈◊〉 ? quer. . is it meet to punish david ( suppose he were no king ) for adultery and treacherous murther , since without a worke of the spirit of grace , who only effectually 〈…〉 being led into temptation , he cannot eschew the 〈◊〉 into adultery and murther ? are men-adulterer● and men murtherers to be punished , because god hath not imparted ●●to them his spirit of grace , by whose actuall assistance only they can decline adultery and marther● quer. . whether did even 〈…〉 teach that the magistrate should punish with the sword poor miserable men , because they canot believe 〈◊〉 of faith by the supernaturall illumination of the spirit ? whether is 〈◊〉 the question perverted when a query is made , whether the magistrate is to punish poor men for not understanding , not 〈◊〉 not judging , not believing supernaturall truths ? we say the magistrate or his sword hath nothing to do with the elect and internal acts of the minde , of understanding , knowing , judging or believing , but onely with the externall acts of speaking , teaching , 〈◊〉 ●ishing dangerous and pernitious doctrines to the 〈◊〉 and destraction of the soules of others ? quer. . whether the magistrate does therefore force the conscience of a false teacher , because he cannot , he dare not keep up doctrines pornicious to the souls of others , but publish them , because his erroneous and evill conscience judgeth them to be saving and necessary truths , when the magistrate punisheth him , more then he forceth the conscience of a murtherer whom he punisheth , though this murtherer judged in his conscience that the man be killed did him so crying and oppressive an injury as in the court of god , deserved bodily death ; or when this man murthered his son in a sacrifice to god out of meer conscience ? quer. . whether or no this divine , who will have 〈◊〉 to be punished for erring in fundamentalls , because they believe them not , doth not say , none that teacheth there is ●● god , that jesus christ is a grand impostor , and faller 〈◊〉 the truth , and saith satha● is the only god of this world , and 〈◊〉 to be served , ought to be so much as rebuked , for without the immediate and supernaturall worke of the spirit of god , they cannot know or believe these truthe ; and are men to be rebuked and preached against , because , god hath not imparted to them his spirit of grace ? whether doth not this arguing evict all the ministery , rebukes , and exhortation , and morall extirpating of heresies by the power of the word ? quer. . whether this be not the old argument of 〈◊〉 who argued from liberty of free-will to conclude liberty of conscience ? and said forcing of free-will , if the magistrate hinder men to be a willing people to christ , is an injury done to conscience and to free-will , and to god the creat●● , of the soule ? and the same might be objected against the decree of 〈…〉 quer. . whether on 〈◊〉 are men punished , because god 〈◊〉 not bestow the spirit of grace 〈◊〉 them , by which they would flye all evill-doing , when they are punished for evill-doing . quer. . whereas this distinct argument presupposeth that the magistrate should tolerate errors in fundamentalls , and in non-fundamentalls , because of the difficulty of knowing of fundamentalls , must it not follow that men are far rather to be tolerated , 〈◊〉 ●●re in fundamentalls , 〈◊〉 such as erre in non-fundamentalls , and so the more blasphemous that seducing teachers be , as if they deny there is a god , and that nature , and chante rules all , and that christ was an imposter , the gospel a fable , the scripture a meer 〈◊〉 , the more they are to be pitied , and 〈◊〉 measure of indulgence and toleration is due to them then to such ●● are godly and erre but in lesser points , that are more easily 〈…〉 concerning usury , accidentall killing of our neighbour , or the meaning of some places of scripture , or erre in matters touching church-government or the like ? quer. . since also 〈◊〉 lay for a ground , that the magistrate is not infallible in judging of matters of religion , especially that are supernaturall , such as the mysteries of the gospell , the incarnation , sufferings and death of christ , his satisfaction for sinners , &c. and christians are not infallible in either reaching these to others , or in believing them , for their faith and practise , and therefore the magistrate ought to tolerate all these ; how then can this divine talke of a certainty of knowing and teaching , and holding of divine truthe●● for by 〈◊〉 principle of toleration , that no man hath infallibility in matters of religion , since the prophets and apostles fell asleepe , there can be no certainty of faith either in ruler or people , but all our faith in fundamentalls or non-fundamentalls , must be fallible , dubious , conjectu●●● and for such as yeeld a toleration in non-fundamentalls , but deny it in fundamentals : . they must quit all arguments used by libertin●● for toleration , from the nature of conscience , that it can not be constrained . . that they 〈◊〉 bee a willing people that follow christ . . that 〈◊〉 lord of the conscience onely . . that co●pulsion 〈◊〉 hypocrites . . that to know , maintaine , a●d 〈◊〉 truths of the gospel , is not in our power , as to kill or 〈◊〉 to kill , because acts of the understanding fall not 〈◊〉 dominion of free-will . . that the preaching of the 〈◊〉 and perswading by scripture and reason , not the sword and strong hand , is the way to propagate truth , and 〈◊〉 pate heresies . . that the laws of moses against false 〈◊〉 , were onely typicall , and perished with other 〈◊〉 , and therefore there is no warrant under the n●● testament for punishing hereticks ; all these and the like 〈◊〉 with equall strength conclude against toleration of such 〈◊〉 erre in non-fundamentalls , as well as in fundamentall 〈◊〉 in neither the one not the other , is the conscience to ●●●strained ; nor can magistrates be lords of the 〈◊〉 fundamentalls , more then in non-fundamentalls , and 〈◊〉 must be a willing people in fundamentalls , as in non-fundamentalls ; nor can the sword , but preaching of the word onely , be a means of propagating of non-fundamentalls more then of fundamentalls , when then libertines 〈◊〉 lost all these arguments , by reason of this 〈◊〉 which here hath no place , their cause must bee weake and leane . to determine what is fundamentall , what not , and the number of fundamentall points , and the least measure of knowledge of fundamentals , in which the essence of saving faith may consist , or the simple want of the knowledge of which fundamentalls , is inconsistent 〈◊〉 saving faith in minimo quod non , is more then magistrat● or church can well know . sure it borders with one of gods secrets , touching the finall state of salvation , or damnation of particular men . and it is as sure , this is a fundamentall , to belie●● that god is , that hee is a rewarder of those that seeke hi● , that there is not a name under heaven by which men may 〈◊〉 saved , but by the name of jesus that no man 〈◊〉 come to the father , but by christ , that hee that 〈◊〉 not , the wrath of god abideth on him , and he is condemned 〈◊〉 , then he was condemned and under wrath before , even from the wombe . nor is this a good argument of bellius , where christ is , what he doth , how he sits at the right hand of god , how he is one with the father , many things of the trinity , of god , predestination , angels , the state of men after this life , are points not so necessary to be known , for publicans and harlots who enter into heaven , may be ignorant of them , and though they were knowne , they make not a man better , according to that , if i had all knowledge , if i have not love , it is nothing . for . the exact knowledge of these are not so necessary , and that is all that this argument can conclude : — but the scripture saith no more , that publicans and harlots , remaining publicans and harlots , enter into the kingdome of heaven , in sensu composito , nor when it saith , the blinde see , the deafe heare , the dead are raised , the meaning should be , blinde , and deafe , remaining blinde , and deafe , doe see and heare : or the dead remaining dead in their graves , and void of life , doe live and have life ; but these that were blinde now see , when blindnesse is removed , otherwise some may take harlotry into heaven with them : and because the word of god is a seed , when this is in the heart of a dying harlot , christ came to save sinners , and to save me : how , or what way the spirit sits upon this egge and warmes it , and what births of saving truths , the spirit joyned with the spirit of a dying man , brings forth , who knowes ? the repenting thiefe knew christ to be the saviour of men , and a king , who could dispose of heaven , but what deductions the spirit made with in , who knows ? nor is it a truth that the knowledge of any revealed truths of god makes no man the better ; for it leanes on this ground , that , . the spirituall law of god commands not a conformity between the understanding power of the soule and the law , to require that the minde conceive , apprehend , and know god , and his will , as he reveales himselfe to us , which yet is included in the command of loving of god with all the heart , with all the soule , with all the strength , and so with all the minde , though that knowledge be directed to no other practice , but beliefe . . it leanes upon another false ground , that to believe ( i speake of an intellectuall assenting to divine truth● ) it being an act of the understanding , and a necessary result of knowledge doth not make a man better , which yet is most false , for beside that it is commanded , not to believe a re●●aled truth , is a sin , and renders men morally ill , and wor●● now that text that saith , cor. . though i had all knowledge , saith also , though i had all faith , yea though i gave my goods in the poore , and my body to be burnt , i am nothing ; that is , i cannot bee saved , or any other then a damned hypocrite that tinkles like gold , and is but brasse : now by this reason , to give to the poore , to believe omnipotency in miracles , should not be commanded of god. davenentius thinkes a generall confession of the catholicke church sufficient , and that betweene us and lutherans there is not required a confession in particulars controverted . but it is true lutherans and we agree in most fundamentalls , but a confession in generall fundamentals when expounded and believed practically by each side ( as it must be ) must have contrary senses to each side ; now this way the jewes and samaritans both agreed , there was one god , and that the messiah should come , and that he should tell them all things , yet one confession common to both , that each might believe and be saved was not possible , for christ saith , joh●● . the samaritans worshipped they knew not what , but salvation is of the jewes : and should christians and jewes agree in one generall confession drawne out of the old testament , that there is one god , that the messiah is , he that dyes for the sinnes of his people , that the decalogue it a perfect rule , 〈◊〉 we could not sweare and subscribe that confession , for 〈◊〉 expounded by the jewes , it could not be the doctrine of the old testament , nor any part of the word of god , but 〈◊〉 contradictory thereunto as any point of heathen divinity , for fundamentalls to some may be , and are untruths to others , even this , that the messiah christ is the saviour of the world , both iewes , and we say , but they meane one thing by messiah , we another ; so we cannot have one faith , nor one confession . i deny not , but these were pious conferences , that at lipse an . . in which there were on the one side , matthias hocus , polycarpus leiserus , henricus haffuerus ; on the other side , joan. bergius , joan. crotius , theophilus nenbergius , who went through the augustine confession and agreed in the truth , almost in all . at the agreement or concord of marpurge , an . . were luther , melanthon , osiander , brentius , stephanus agricola , who brake not the bond of peace with zwinglius , bucer , hedion , there present . at the conference of wittingberge , an . . where were present capito , bucerus , musculus , and other grave divines of higher germany ; on the other side , luther , melanthon , pomeranus , cruciger , in which luther said , brethren , if ye teach and believe that the true body and true blood of the lord is exhibited in the supper , & quod hee percept●o vere fiat , and that truely or really there is a receiving thereof , we agree as brethren ; but the truth is , there were contrary faiths touching the presence of christs body and blood in the sacrament ; and therefore i humbly conceive all such generall confessions as must be a coat to cover two contrary faiths , is but a daubing of the matter with untempered mortar ; much dealing like this was in the councell of trent , in which neither papist nor protestant was condemned , and yet the truth suffered ; i speake not this as if each side could exactly know every lith and veine of the controversie , for we prophesie but in part , but to shew i cannot but abominate truth and falsehood , patched up in one confession of faith ; for if two men should agree in such a bargaine , a covenants with b to give him a ship full of spices ; b promises to give an hundreth thousand pounds for these spices , a believes they are metaphoricall spices he gives , b believes they are the most reall and excellent spices of aegypt ; b promises a hundreth thousand pounds of field stones , a expects good , reall , and true money ; this were but mutuall jugling of one with another . it were another consideration , if both sides agreeing in this generall confession were ignorant , and did neither know nor believe any sense that were destructive to the true and sound sense of the confession , for then they might be saved by , or in one and the same faith of this general confession , whereas now the contrary senses of this confession make them now not one generall , but two particular 〈◊〉 , and contradictory faiths ; for the question is , whether the side believing the generall confession with a sense in the consequence , that destroyes the text , have any faith at all of this generall confession . for it is a question to me whether a turke hath the faith of this point , that there is a god , since he believes positively so many blasphemous fooleries of this god , as the alcharon suggesteth , and whether a papist as a papist , believes christ to be the onely one saviour of sinners , since withall he believes so many thousand gods and true christs to be at once in sundry places , and so many blasphemies against the nature , offices , and essentiall properties of christ , as the romish faith teacheth . but ye will say , it is not charity to say that papists have not the faith of the one onely saviour , seeing he would dye for that point , and for the consequences that there bee many saviours , if the monster of tran-substantiation stand , yet he neither knows nor believes the logicall consequence , nor the consequent , but hates both , to wit , if the bread bee truely and really the saviour that dyed on the crosse , ergo , how many hoasts and consecrated breads there bee , there must be as many a thousand , ten thousand christs and gods , yea he would be burnt quick before be deny this truth , there is but one onely saviour the son of mary ; then if yee hang him or 〈◊〉 him for believing transubstantiation , since he is otherwise a 〈◊〉 , pious and just man , ye hang him for the meere ignorance of a poore logicall consequence , and for no blasphemy : and the like may be said of familists , antinomians , and others , who ( as they say ) are godly men , and cannot see the logicall consequences , and absurd blasphemies that you with your wit , deduce from their doctrine , for their sou●e hates these blasphemies as much as you . ans . i say not for believing tran-substantiation only , men are to be hanged ; the question now is of bodily punishing , hanging and burning quick , are particular kinds of punishing , in which i should be as sparing as another man , but the question may draw to this , whether the laws of england & scotland be bloody and unjust , that ordains seminary priests and jesuits , whose trade it is to seduce souls to the whole body of popery , to bee hanged . i conceive they are most just lawes , and warranted by deut. . and many other scriptures , and that the king and parliaments of either kingdomes serve christ , and kisse the son in making and executing these laws . . i see nothing said against bodily punishing of such as teach transubstantiation to others : for the idolaters and seducers in the old testament believed the same way , there is one true god jehovah that brought them out of aegypt , exod. . , . jeroboam who made two gods , and jehu who was zealous for jehovah , king. . . c. . , , . king. . . , . c. . . , . and joram , king. . . acknowledged god could kill and make alive , and was just in his promises and threatnings , yet worshipped the golden calves , those who cryed the temple of the lord , must acknowledge there was but one true god , yet they burnt incense to baal , and killed their children to molech , jer. . , . , . they that asked of jehovah the ordinances of their god , and fasted to jehovah , esa . . , , , . yet inflamed themselves under every green tree , esa . . . and slew their children under the clifts of the rocks : the heathen knew god , and one god , who made the heaven and the earth , and worshipped him , though ignorantly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rom. . , . act. . . yet denyed and hated this logicall consequence that they had forsaken the lord , jer. . , . or deut. . . forgotten the rocke that begat them , ps . . . . ps . . , . that they forsooke him dayes without number ; yea they did more then god required , to keep god in their minde , and not forget him as they said , they changed him into the forme of corruptible things to be memorialls of god to them ; and the lord said , for all this , they r●fuse to know me ; they have said , it is not the lord , yea they would have dyed for it , rather then have said , there is no god that made heaven and earth . and they did erre indeed , in a consequence , against the light of nature , yet the irreligious and wicked stopping of eyes and eares at naturall consequences in matters of religion is no innocent 〈◊〉 as is cleare , esa . . . they have not knowne , nor understood ▪ for he hath shut their eyes that they cannot see , and their hearts , that they cannot understand , . and none considers in his heart , neither is there knowledge , nor understanding to say , i have but in part of it in the fire , yea also i have baked bread upon the coales thereof , i have roasted flesh and eaten it , and shall i make the residue thereof a● abomination , shall i fall downe to the flocke of a tree , . he seedeth on ashes , &c. now as israel said ever , the creator of the ends of the earth is our god , the tree is but a likenesse and resemblance of god , esa . . . esa . . , , . so they denyed this consequence , ergo , a part of your god is burnt in the fire , and with the coals of your burnt god , you bake bread , roast flesh , and warme your bodies when you are cold , and worship a lye , and an abomination , as the papists say , we adore very christ in , and under the accidents of the bread , even the same god-man , maries son , who dyed on the crosse ; yet they deny this consequence , ergo , a part of your god and saviour is baken in the oven , eaten , and cast out with the draught , and a part thereof , even of the same floore and dough is made a god by the priest , and ye say , i will b●● downe and worship the residue of that which the baker did bake , and roast , in the oven . and so yee worship a lye , and an abomination , as the old idolaters did , esa . . yet the papist will deny this consequence , that he multiplyes gods as loaves are multiplyed in an oven ; because as esaiah saith , he knoweth not , he understandeth not , god hath shut his eyes ; certainly that knowledge he denyes to the idolator , is the naturall knowledge of a naturall consequence . if ye worship a bit of an ash-tree , or a bit of bread , ergo , the halfe of your god , or the quarter thereof , is baken in an oven , ergo , there is a lye , and an abomination in your right hand ; then the deniall of logicall consequences in religion , and the teaching thereof to others , may be , and is an heresie , and punishable by the magistrate , as deut. . and exod. . so christ rebukes matth. . saduces as ignorant of the scripture , when they denyed but the consequence or a logicall connexion , as god is not the god of the dead but of the living , ergo , the dead must rise againe , and abraham must live , and his body be raised from the dead . and . the idolaters who were to dye by the law of god , exod. . deut. . denyed not the true god more then our false teachers doe now . we see no reason why none should be false teachers , but such onely as deny fundamentals , and that pertinaciously , though these by divines be called heretickes . . rom. . . paul saith , now i beseech you , brethren , marke them that cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned , and avoid them , then as we are not to distinguish where the law and the word of god does not distinguish , so we are to count them false teachers , who lead in a faction in the church , contrary to any doctrine of truth , whether fundamentall or not fundamentall , and to avoid them as seducers . . peters errour , since he beleeved christ was come , matth. . . was not fundamentall , but consistent with faith , yet paul withstood him to the face , because he was to be blamed , and if he had pertinaciously gone on to walke not uprightly according to the truth of the gospel , since paul would not have given place by subjection to such , no not for an houre , gal. . , , , , . he should have been worthy of more then rebuke , yea of higher censure , the like we must say of barnabas and other jewes , who all sinned though in a farre inferiour degree with these , who came in privily to spye out the christian liberty of the gentiles to bring them into bondage , under the ceremoniall law . . gal. . . paul saith , if we or an angel from heaven should preach ( any other gospel ) then that which we have preached , let him be accursed ; which place , with good warrant , our divines bring against the unwritten traditions of papists , of what kinde soever they be , fundamentalls or non-fundamentalls , whether they be obtruded as necessary points of salvation or not necessary , but accidentalls , or arbitrary points , yet conducing for the better observing of necessary points , for i have proved else-where , that papists esteem their unwritten traditions , not necessary points of faith , yea many of them to be accidentals , serving onely ad mellus esse , for order and decency , yea and great doctors of them say , neither the pope nor the church can devile novum dogma fidei , a new article of faith , or a new sacrament : nor can we say that the adding of romish ceremonialls , such as consecrating of churches , baptising of bells , signe of the crosse , are fundamentall errours , and inconsistent with saving faith ; the text gal. . , . evinceth that they or some other gospel or doctrine , beside that the galathians had learned ( for paul taught the galathians many points besides fundamentall onely ) and so that the teachers of them were accursed , and so to be separated from , rebuked , withstood , censured , yea cut off as troublers of the church , gal. . . these to whom the spirit of god giveth the title due to false teachers are punishable as false teachers and heretickes , though in a lesse degree . but the holy ghost giveth the title due to false teachers to such as erre not in fundamentalls , ergo , the assumption is made good by tit. . , . the apostle willeth them to be rebuked as not sound in the faith , as those that turne others from the truth in giving 〈◊〉 to jewish fables and commandements of men , to fables and needlesse genealogies , and vaine janglings , and strivings about the law that were unprofitable and vaine : now these questions about genealogies and the law , opinions on either sides being vaine and unprofitable , and not edifying in the faith could not be fundamentall errours of themselves , and inconsistent with saving grace and salvation , but hay and stubble builded upon the foundation : yet consider what the holy ghost saith of them , tit. . . for there are many unruly and vaine talkers , and deceivers , especially they of the circumcision , . whose mouth must be stopped , who subvert whole houses , teaching things they ought not , . rebuke them sharpely that they may be sound in the faith , and to soundnesse in the faith he opposeth , v. . giving heed unto jewish fables and commandements of men that turne from the truth , tim. . . if any man teach otherwise ( then i have taught ; now pauls doctrine of widows , of elders , and not sudden accusing them , his charge to timothy not to drinke water , but a little wine , were not fundamentalls , the ignorance whereof excludeth men from salvation , ) if any man consent not to the wholesome words , even the words of the lord jesus christ , and to the doctrine which is according to godlinesse , . he is proud knowing nothing as be ought , doting about questions and strife of words , whereof commeth envy , strife , railing , evill surmisings , . perverse disputing of men of corrupt mindes , and destitute of the truth , supposing that gaine is godlinesse , from such turne away ; then doting about questions , strife of words , besides , not consenting to the words of christ and doctrine of godlines , is disputing of men of corrupt minds , from which we are to turn away . as i besought thee to abide still at ephesus , when i went into m●cedonia , that thou mightest charge some that they teach no other doctrin . . neither give heed to fables and endlesse genealogies , which minister questions , rather then edifying , which is in faith , then to preach fables and endlesse genealogies which are not fundamentall errors , are yet another doctrine then the apostles taught , and those that so teach are to be charged to teach no such thing , and so under two or three witnesses ▪ if they wilfully continue therein ; to be accused and censured , yea and we are to avoid them , and not to receive them in our houses , nor bid them god speed , and so non-fundamentalls as questions of genealogies come in under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of teaching 〈◊〉 doctrine . now sure questio●s of genealogies are but the hay & stubble that are builded on the foundation , which shal suffer burning , when the teacher holding the foundation christ shal be saved , yea such as teach circumcision , though with chri●t , then must teach another gospel , though not as necessary to justification , as peter and barnabas , compelled the gentiles to be circumcised ▪ though they believed that circumcision was not necessary to salvation . and it should be hard to assert the believing of the day of christ to be at hand , since the believing of it was an article of faith , the time when , or how soon , in the believing thessalonians , though they were mis-led by some false teachers , is nothing so fundamentall as that an errour touching that time must be inconsistent with saving faith , for the apostles said , these were the last dayes , and christ had told , the day and hour was known to no man , no not to the angels , yet paul insinuates as much , as they did , shake the faith of the thessal●nians , who made them believe , it was at hand . . thess . . . wee beseech you brethren by the comming of the lord jesus — that ye be not soon shaken in mind , or be troubled , neither by spirit , nor by word , nor by letter , as from us , as that the day of christ is at hand . yea , . we beleeve with certainty of faith , many things which are not fundamentals , as pet. . . but ( beloved ) be not ignorant of this one thing , that one day is with the lord as a thousand yeares , and a thousand yeares as one day . how many ( suppose we ) are in glory that dyed ignorant of this , and had not faith , or any certainty of faith of this point , that time 〈◊〉 with god no coexistence of a duration long and 〈◊〉 yet peter proposeth it to bee beleeved with certain●y of faith , and how many poynts of sacred history doth the 〈◊〉 ghost tell us heb. . of caine and abels sacrificing , 〈◊〉 abraham sojourning in a strange country , of sarabs 〈◊〉 a child in her old age , of isaacks blessing of jacob , and josephs worshipping leaning on the end of a staffe , moses being hid three months , the falling of the wals of jerich● , which we beleeve by certainty of divine faith , that are not fundamentals ? yea , and if we beleeve not whatever paul and the rest of the apostles have written , and what moses and the prophets , have said , we must take them to be false witnesses in saying , preaching , & writing what is not true , as paul 〈◊〉 , cor. . . and the apostles sayth , act. . . and we are his 〈◊〉 of these things , and so is also the holy ghost . now 〈◊〉 things referre not onely to christs death and resurrection , but to poynts not fundamentall : as namely who were the instruments of his death , even the high-priest , pharisees and cheife-priests , ver . . whom yee slew and hanged on ● tree , act. . . whom yee crucified , act. . . whom yee have crucified . now the apostles and the holy ghost were witnesses of the truth of both fundamentals and non-fundamentals , of all that jesus began to doe and teach , untill the day 〈◊〉 was taken up to heaven , as is cleare , act. . . ye shall be witnesses unto me both in jerusalem and in judea , and in samaria , and 〈◊〉 the uttermost part of the earth , luke . . ye are my witnesses of these things , that is , ver . . of all things that must be fulfilled with were written in the law of moses , and in the prophets , and in the psalmes concerning me , then the witnessing of the sacrificed , types , and particular ceremonies that shadowed out christ , of his being borne in bethlehem , mic. . of his being crucified between two transgressors , esay . of his riding 〈◊〉 jerusalem on an asse colt . zach. . of his casting out buyers 〈…〉 out of the temple , through his zeale to the house of god , psal . . of the betraying of him by judas , and 〈◊〉 historicall things that are not fundamentals , yet all th●● were a part of the apostles and the holy ghosts testimony , act. . . and to be beleeved with divine certi●ude of 〈◊〉 faith , no lesse then the articles of fundamentalls , that christ was the sonne of man , and died for our sinnes and rose for our righteousnes , except we say that the apostles are false witnesses , and make god a lyar , in saying that judas betrayed him not , and that barrabas a murtherer was not preferred to him , cor . ● . job . . . job . . . for if we give god the lye in non-fundamentals , and turne non-fundamentals into controversies and conjectures , and thinke we must beleeve fundamentals , one or two fixedly and peremptorily , and lead a good life , and so we are saved but not otherwise , but as touching non-fundamentalls , we may beleeve these with a reserve and a demurre , and may beleeve them for a day , or an houre , and deny them to morrow , and again , bee carried about with a new wind of doctrine and beleeve the third day , and deny them the fourth day , beleeve them the fift day , and deny them the sixt day , and so make a whirly-gigge of our faith , and a new faith for a new-moone , or for a halfe , and a quarter moone , as the independents , in their apology makes this a principle of their faith to beleeve these things so , as wee leave roome for a new light to cast a board again at the blowing of the wind of a new phancy ( of which we have seene more in the assembly of divines , these four years , past then we desire to see in any that professe godlinesse ) and as the holland-arminians say ( from whom new lights or old darknesses have their rise ) a faith of a thousand yeares may be the worst of all , which ( say we ) is most false , a false opinion of god , and a thousand yeare old lye , a gray-haird untruth is the worst of conjectures , but faith it neither is , nor can be called . but the late independents , and the new libertines of england do only say such a monthly faith is to be tollerated because of the darkenes of our mind in the matters of god , which yet is faith , not but a conjectural opinion . but they say , by a command of god , we must have no other faith except in some few fundamentals , and no man since adam died ( except the man christ ) ever knew or could determine how few , or how many , so our faith in fundamentals in that , totters , for they say , these precepts and commands of the holy ghost . try the spirits whither they be of god or no. try al things , hold that which is good , & the example of the noble bereans who examined pauls doctrine , by the scriptures , doth lay a divine command in them to beleeve non-fundamentals with a reserve . yea they say with the arminians , &c. that it is against liberty of prophesying , whereas liberty of lying in the name of the lord is of the devil , who hath taken liberty or rather helish licence to lye from the beginning , & they say , it is against our growing in knowl●dge , and the prayers of the saints that god would open their eyes to see the wonders of his law , and lead them into all truth , and against the prophesies that in the last days the earth shal be filled with the knowledg of the lord , the light of the moon shal be as the light of the sun , and the light of the sun , as the light of seven days , and the day star shal arise in the hearts of many , and the spirit shall be powred on all flesh , young and old , maids and children . to all which i say , either the spirit of god moves men to the faith of this ( there is no church visible on earth , but such as is constituted of beleevers , such as those of corinth , and rome , and others were , after they were planted and watered by the apostles ) or no. if no , they have not faith of it , and so it is . . no truth of god to independents , &c. for which they can suffer , but a meer opinion , then they cannot suffer for it in faith , and to beleive any truth of god because the lord so saith , is wrought only by the holy ghost , if it be wrought by the holy ghost , then it is a truth of god , and a divine truth , for the holy ghost moves no man to beleeve a lye , for a truth of god , if it be a divine truth then doth not the holy ghost will you so to beleeve it for a truth , as you must upon a new light beleeve the contrary to morrow . for i renew the argument in its full strength , touching the faith of the contradicent which you beleeved the last day , either the holy ghost must move you to beleeve that contradicent as a truth of god , or no : i● no , it is not divine faith you have of it ; if yea , then the faith of the former was the beleeving of a lye , so that you must make the holy ghost the father of beleeving a lye . . the object of divine faith a lye . this is to teach us to be carried about with every wind of doctrine , whereas faith of fundamentals or non-fundamentals is to beleeve a truth , because so saith the lord , that cannot lye , nor speake untruth , but you will men to beleeve those non-fundamental truths , so as they may bee as well lyes as divine truths . these precepts , try the spirits , try all things , enjoyne an examination of fundamentalls , as well as non-fundamentalls : and what reason have independents to say these precepts hold in non-fundamentalls onely . mr. john goodwin with better ground saith , they hold in all , for must we hold that which is good onely in non-fundamentalls ? and did not the bereans try pauls doctrine by the scripture , in the most and onely necessary fundamentall which paul preached , that jesus christ was the messiah that dyed , rose againe , act. . . and are therefore commended by the holy ghost , v. . ? above those of thessalonica , and must wee beleeve every spirit who preach fundamentall truths , or fundamentall errours , who say christ is not yet come in the flesh , upon trust ? the contrary of which john expresly enjoyneth , joh. . , , : yea we are rather to try fundamentalls , and to walke upon sure and unmoveable principles , since an errour here hazardeth our eternall salvation , and is of as great concernment as our souls are , but errours or mistakes in non-fundamentalls , though they bee sinnes , yet are consistent with saving faith , and the state of salvation . . try all things , try the spirits , must have this sense , beleeve what ever god saith , be it fundamentall or non-fundamentall , not onely after you have searched the scriptures , and sound it agreeable thereunto , as the bereans did , but though you finde it consonant to the writings of the prophets and apostles ; yet because you are not infallible , nor the spirit that leads you therein infallible , beleeve it with a reserve ( say the independents ) and with leaving place to a new light , so as you must believe it to day to be a truth of god , to morrow to be a lye , the third day a truth , the fourth day a lye , and so a circle till your doomsday come , so as you must ever beleeve and learne , never come to a settlement and establishing in the truth ; but dye trying , dye doubting , dye with a trepedation and a reserve , and dye and live a scepticke , like the philosophers that said they knew nothing , and i thinke libertines cannot but be scepticks , and there is more to bee said for the scepticisme of some , then the libertinisme of others . . would these masters argue formally , they must say what ever doctrine , we are to try before we receive it , that we may uncompelledly receive and beleeve it , after tryall that ought to bee tolerated by the magistrate in doctrine and practice , or profession sutable thereunto before men . i would assume , but whether there be a god , and but one god , and all fundamentalls or non-fundamentalls , be divine truths ; yea , and whether fornication be sin , and plurality of wives , and community of goods , and spoyling of wicked men of their wives , and their lands , and possessions , as the israelites spoyled the aegyptians , are such truths that we must try before we receive , beleeve , and accordingly beleeve and practice ; ergo , the magistrate is to tolerate fornication , plurality of wives , spoyling of men of their possessions and goods , and community of goods , but the conclusion is absurd and blasphemous , and against the law of nature ; for if there be no magistracy , nor violence to bee done to ill-doers under the new testament , neither must we defend our owne lives , nor flye , nor resist injuries , but turne up the other cheeke to him that smites the one , and if a man take your cloake , give him your coat also , according to the sense that anabaptists put on the words ; yea and cut off your hands and feet , plucke out your eyes , if they cause you to offend and shed your owne blood , which is the greatest and most unnaturall violence that is . . the sense of this ( try all , and hold that which is good ) must be , try and search the true senses of divine truths , and then having tryed and beleeved , hold the truth , and beleeve it for a day , and yeeld to the light of the just contrary to morrow , and having found a contrary light , try that the third morrow , and yeeld to another new and contrary light the third morrow . now the holy ghost must command doubting by that meanes , and doubting till we lose faith , and finde it againe , and lose it againe in a circle , and if we must try all things , and try all spirits , the bereans must try their owne trying , and their owne doubtings and beleeving , and so into infinite ; and when they finde christ to be in pauls doctrine , and that of moses and the prophets , yet must they try and doubt , and beleeve the doctrine of the prophets and apostles , and of the holy ghost , with the libertines reserve , waiting when the holy ghost shall give himselfe the lye , and say , i moved you to beleeve such a truth , and such an article of faith the last yeare , but now after a more deepe consideration , i move you to beleeve the contrary , yet so as yee leave roome to my new light . . the sense also of these ( lord enlighten mine eyes ) that i may know thee with a suller evidence not of moon-light , but of day-light , or as of seven dayes into one , bee this , lord open my eyes , and increase my knowledge , grant that thy holy spirit may bestow upon my darke soule more scepticall , conjecturall , and fluctuating knowledge to know and beleeve things with a reserve , and with a leaving of roome to beleeve the contrary to morrow of that which i beleeve to day , and the contradicent of that the third day which i shall beleeve to morrow , and so till i dye ; let me , lord , have the grace of a circular faith , running like the wheels of the wind-mill ; for the growing knowledge we seeke of god as in a way of growing ever in this life , till grace be turned into glory , pet. . . if our growth of knowledge stand , as libertines say , in a circular motion from darknesse to light , and backe againe from light to darknesse , like the motion of a beast in a horse-mill , so as i know , and learne and beleeve this topicke truth of faith to day , i unknow , i unlearn and deny it to morrow as an untruth : and againe , i take it up the third day as a truth ; then we seeke in prayer not settled and fixed knowledge , and a well-rooted faith of truths to beleeve them without a reserve , or a demurre , to sen● way the opinion i have of this non-fundamentall or fundamentall truth as a grosse mistake , and to welcome the just contrary opinion as a truth : and againe , to send it away upon a new light , &c. now this is but a mocking of god to pray for his spirit that wee may barter and change opinions with every new moone ; for our prayer for new light , is not that the holy ghost would teach us faith and opinion of truths and falsehoods in a circle ; but that god , . would give the spirit of revelation to see gospel truths with a cleare revelation of faith . . that hee would be pleased to cause that light by which we see the same ancient gospel-truths , shine more fully , with a larger measure of heavenly evidence . . that our light may so grow into the perfect day , that we see new deductions , consequences , and heavenly new fresh conclusions from the former truthe of god. but by scepticall faith , we pray that god would give us a contrary new light , to get a new faith , of truths , formerly beleeved contradicent to the word of god , and to that faith which produced joy , yea joy unspeakable and glorious , pet. . , . and glorying in tribulation , and sweetnesse of peace , rom. . , , . for this , not the light of the moone turned in the light of the sun , or of the sun , as seven dayes in one , but light turned in night darkenesse , the truth in a lye , and the spirit of truth made the father of lyes . the apostles never bid us know any truth of god with a reserve . libertines bi●lus , the apostles , and the holy ghost in them , bids us know assuredly that jesus is christ the lord , they exhort us to bee rooted and established in the faith , col. . to be fully perswaded of all , both fundamentalls , and the historicalls , of the birth , life , miracles , words , facts , death , sufferings , and buriall , resurrection , ascention , &c. of christ , as luke exhorteth theophilus , luke . , , . yea the apostle clearely heb. . exhorteth to the faith of many points concerning christ , beside the first principles of the oracles of god ; that of catecheticke points fit for babes who have not stomachs to beare stronger food , v. . . . because he rebuketh them for being dull of hearing , which is opposite to being teachers of the word of truth to others ; which must insinuate they were to have faith , and not conjecturall and fluctuating opinions of the things they were to teach . . he reproves them for that they had not their senses exercised to discerne good and ill , and that they were unskilfull in the words of righteousnesse . . he exhorteth them , chap. . . to be carried on to perfection , beyond the principles of the doctrine of christ . now to be carried to know all , except some fundamentalls and principles with a reserve and a doubting of the truth , is not to have the senses exercised to discern good and ill , nor to be skilfull in the word of truth , nor to goe on to perfection , but to stand still , as in a horse-mill , and be at the same perfection of knowledge in knowing and beleeving all , even fundamentalls , say some , or all non-fundamentalls , say other libertines , with a reserve , and a resolution to judge them all falsehood and lyes . . it argues the word of god , of obscurity and darknesse , as not being able to instruct us in all truths , and renders it as a nose of wax in all non-fundamentals , histories , narrations , &c. in which notwithstanding the scripture is as evident , plaine , simple , obvious to the lowest capacities in most points , except some few prophesies , as it is in fundamentalls , and layes a blasphemous charge on the holy ghost , as if hee had written the scriptures , upon an intention that we should have no assured and fixed knowledge , no faith but a meere probable opinion , a conjecturall , dubious apprehension of truths , with a reserve to beleeve the contrary , as if the lords purpose had beene that we should all be scepticks , and dye doubting : and how then can god in justice punish any man , for not beleeving and doing the will of our master and lord ? if it bee unpossible even by the light of the spirit to know his will in whole ( as some say ) and in the most part ( as others say ) yea it must not be our sinfull darkenesse in that wee cannot beleeve most of the matters of god , but with a reserve , but it is the will and command of god we doe so : and how shall we know the second faith contradictory to the former to be the minde of god ; and not the first , and the third , and not the second , and the fourth ; and not the third , and so to the end ? since we are to beleeve all the foure with a reserve , and all to our dying day with a reserve for the word is alike dubious now as in pauls dayes : and since the apostles charge us to beleeve and be comforted in beleeving the truths which they beleeved , not as apostles , but as christians , and as fellow-citizens with us , we must say that the apostles also beleeved with a reserve , which is blasphemous . all our practises according to fundamentals or non-fundamentals must bee in faith , that is , with a perswasion that what we doe is according to the revealed will of god , otherwise we sin , rom. . . and are condemned in all we doe . but if this faith with a reserve , be the rule of our practise , we can do nothing in faith , but with a resolve upon doubting : so what you doe , may as possibly be murther , idolatry , stealing , lying , as obedience to god , yea , you must beleeve , that what you do to day is lawfull , but yet so , as to morrowyou must beleeve upon a new light , that it is unlawfull and sin , yea , and this makes the erroneous conscience the rule of your faith , and practise , for if the holy ghost command you to beleeve such points , with the faith of a reserve , he must command you to practise , according to the present faith that he commands you to have of those truths . but the present you have , may be the beleife of a lye and a blasphemous untruth , and so the ten commandements should bee a rule to no man. but his erroneous conscience , if then he beleeve that it is such acceptable worship as god craved of abraham , that you sacrifice your sonne to god , you beleeve it with a reserve , and you are to practise it with a reserve , and oblieged to practice what you are oblieged to beleeve : but you are oblieged to beleeve with a reserve , that it is acceptable service to god to sacrifice your child to him ; for it is a non-fundamentall not clearly determined in the word , as least it is contraverted by many that goe for godly people . now if so , god shall obliege men to sin and not to sin ; to doe his revealed wil , and not to doe his revealed will , in the same commandement , which were blasphemous , now that we are to practise according to our faith of reserve . i prove by the doctrin of libertines , for they teach a man is to suffer death , and any torment , rather then that he say , there bee three persons in one god , and two natures and one person in christ , and that presbyterian government is lawfull , that the christian prince is to punish false teachers if he beleeve in his conscience , though hee is to beleeve with a reserve and doubt somely , that these are truths contrary to the word of god , then is his faith with a reserve , which may be the faith of a lye , his onely oblieging rule of his practise , according to the way of libertines . i confesse hee is rather to suffer death then to professe any doctrine contrary to the dictates even of an erroneous conscience , because he should choose afflictions rather then sin . but when we are commanded faith with a reserve , as they say , we are commanded to beleeve a lye ( which is blasphemous ) and what we are commanded to beleeve by the lord in his word , that must be an oblieging rule to our practice , and so must we be oblieged to sin ; nor can it be said to offer your child to god in a sacrifice , is against the light , and a cleare law of nature , and a fundamentall errour ; for in this dispute libertines arguments are for a toleration of all , whether they erre in fundamentalls or non-fundamentalls , nor can they determine what is of their owne naturall , are controversall and disputable to humane reason , and what not , for we either speake what are de facto actually controverted , in all the christian world , or what be those that in regard of their disproportion to humane reason , of their owne nature , may be controverted . . or we speake of those which are not controversall amongst christians , who acknowledge the old and new testament , to be the word of god , and what are not clearely determined in the word ; and touching the former , there is nothing we know not controverted in the christian world , except that there is a god ; and that is also controverted two wayes : atheists so farre winke , though nature cannot , no not in devills , and godlesse men run it selfe starke blinde , as they deny there is a god , out of malice . . they cavill at all arguments brought to prove that there must bee a god , though they be strong enough for the wit of the devill to answer . now for these that are of their owne nature controversall ( though no truths , especially truths revealed and spoken by the god of truth , are in themselves controversall , or such as can bee opposed ) yet are there two sorts of truths that are in relation to humane reason controvertable . . the principles of nature that god is , that he is infinit , omnipotent , just , mercifull , omniscient , &c. to be loved , served , obeyed , &c. that superiours and parents are to be honoured , our neighbour not to bee hurt , that wee should doe to others as we would they should doe to us , are not of themselves controversall ; but the practicall conclusions drawne from thence are controversall in regard of our darkenesse , as polygamy , community of goods , all these , whether the saints may rob and spoyle wicked men of their possessions , and kill them upon the right , and authority of saintship , are of themselves controversall in relation to our nature who acknowledge scripture to bee the word of god ; but for supernaturall truths that cannot finde lodging in the sphere , or under the shadow of naturall reason , such as the doctrine of one god in three persons of the incarnation of two natures in christ , of the imputed righteousnesse of christ , of salvation by beleeving in a crucified saviour , the resurrection of the dead ; and those that are not knowable but by supernaturall revelation , though they be the fundamentalls of the christian faith , yet are they more controversall of themselves then the most part of non-fundamentalls , as joh. goodwin does rightly observe , for nature hath more shadow of reason to cavill and plead against these , then any other truths ; if then no coercive power ought to be used against such as teach errours contrary to the word of god , and against fundamentalls , because such points are controversall , there is farre more warrant to free those from all coercive power who deny all principles of the christian faith , and turne so from the faith that they deny the word of god , the bookes of the old and new testament , to be any thing but phansied fables , because they teach things most controversall ; and so upon the grounds of libertines , one catholicke toleration is due to all ; and if any shall turn jew or mahometan , or indian or heathenish in his religion , having been a glistering star in the firmament of christianity , & should pervert the right wayes of the lord , with elimas , the magistrate hath nothing to doe to punish him , though he carry navies , and millions of soules to hell , yea , nor is he to be rebuked nor declaimed against as a childe of the devill , and an enemy to all righteousnesse , but with all meeknesse and gentlenesse to be instructed , for rebuking of him thus , is as unjust , since it is not in his power what he thinks or apprehends for truth , or what not , ( say libertines ) as to command the sun to shine at midnight . chap. vii . what opinions 〈…〉 but are there no far off 〈◊〉 at all to be 〈…〉 not learned men give divers and contrary expositions 〈◊〉 one and the same text of scripture and hath not the church suffered errours and erronious 〈◊〉 in godly 〈◊〉 men in all ages even in 〈◊〉 , 〈…〉 have not implored the sword of the 〈…〉 them , though all errours printed and preached hurt the soules of others more or lesse . answ . some errors are about things that god 〈◊〉 indifferent , for the time , 〈◊〉 opinion and 〈…〉 meate● and dayes , rom. . cor. . 〈◊〉 in these , god gives an indulgence , and bid● us so long as the date of indifferency in doreth , bea with the 〈…〉 cor. . you shall not finde that paul 〈…〉 with the unlimited practise of dayes and meates 〈…〉 and in all cases , as for the case of scandall , 〈…〉 the practise , to the scandalizing of the weake , and calleth it soul-murther , and here it in like the church may suffer sinfull ignorances , for ●s the magistrate is not to publish all externals , sinnes of inf●rmity against the second table , ●or then humaine societies must be dissolved , and 〈…〉 subsist , except there be a reciprocall ye●lding to the infirmities of men , as they are weake and 〈◊〉 ; as we must not make a man an offender for a word , though it bee a hasty and sinful word , even in a family where the lord of the house hath the power of the 〈◊〉 , and proportionally in other societies , we would heare solomon saying , eccles . . also take not heed to all words that are spoken , least thou leave thy servant curse thee . so it would appeare , that some lower errours , that are farre off , without the compasse of the ordinary discerning of man , and lye at a distance from the 〈…〉 on ( as fundametals , and gospell promises lye heard the heart of christ ) may bee dispensed with as a conjectur● , what became of the meate that christ eats after his resurrection , when he was now in the state of immortality , and some probable opinions that , neither better the holder , no● much promove or hinder the edification of others , are not much to be 〈◊〉 , save that 〈…〉 is sinfull , and happily may bee tollerated : or whether the heavens and 〈◊〉 , after the day of judgement , shall be 〈…〉 and turned to nothing , and be no 〈◊〉 or if 〈◊〉 shal be renewed , and delivered from vanity and indeed with new 〈◊〉 to stand 〈◊〉 as lasting and eternall 〈…〉 and witnesses of the glory of god ▪ 〈…〉 christs , and the redeemed in heaven in 〈…〉 live in glory to be eternall lectures , and testimonies of the glory of the lord , redeemer and sanctifier of his people ▪ 〈…〉 most probable , and the scripture may 〈◊〉 to say much some other side . for diverse expositions of one and 〈…〉 heavens and new earth , when 〈…〉 of the expositions , so farre as is revealed ●o the godly and learned , who in this life doe but know and prophesie in part , doe neither doubt the fundation , 〈…〉 truth , that is non-fundamentall , we think the opinion of both may be tollerated , even though the one of them be in it selfe an errour , and that upon the ground that church and magistrates both are to tollerate , not to punish these infirmities , against both tables , that are the necessary results of sin originall , common to all men , as men , 〈◊〉 about with them a body of sin . and the like i say another the like opinions about matters of religion , and especially matters of fact , as the virginity of mary for all her life . such opinions and practise ●●as make an evident schisme in a church , and set up two distinct churches , of different formes of government , and pretending to different institutions of christ , of which the one must by the nature of their principles labour the destruction of the other , cannot be tollerated , &c. for each pretending their fellow churches to bee of man , and so of the devill , though they should both make one true invisible church , agreeing in all fundamentals , and many other truths , yet sure the whole should be a kingdome devided against it selfe , 〈…〉 destroyeth peace much 〈…〉 the devisions of one and the 〈◊〉 church of 〈◊〉 though they pretended not to be different churches , for those that said they were of paul professed they could not be disciples of peter , but he sharpely rebuked them 〈◊〉 man , and such as devided christ , and by consequence must say , paul was crucified for them , and was their redeemer , and so , if obstinately they had proceeded 〈◊〉 that separation , paul would have none on to higher censures of the church : farre more could he not end●●e gathering of true churches out of true churches , which is the professed practise of independents : and yet both sides pretending the spirit of descerning ; could say , the spirit testifies to my soule that paul is the onely called preacher , and the other , nay but to my discerning cepha● or peter is the onely man , that i can heare or follow . and a third , nay , not any on earth , nor any ministery wil i acknowledge , but jesus christ whom the heavens must containe till the last day , 〈◊〉 my onely , onely preacher , now if a jezabel come in and say no ministry is to be heard but christ , and turne away all from hearing the word , and not suffer sergiur 〈◊〉 or any other to hear paul or any godly minister , sure jezabel should be a perverter of the right wayes of the lord , and so not 〈◊〉 suffered . as touching opinions more manifesty erronious a● justine marty● his saving of men 〈◊〉 , of they used the light of nature wel , though they were ignorant of christ , the montanisme of tertullian , and his way of damning 〈◊〉 mariage ( which the very jesuit tole●u● commiteur in joan. said he wrote contro fidem catholicam , against the catholick faith ) and augustine his condemning of all in 〈◊〉 dying without baptisme , and origen his 〈◊〉 at a so●● of purgatory after death , the greek fathers their presidence of good works , and faith as the causes of predestination , their pelag●●nisme and semi-p●lagianisme touching men● freewll beginning and meeting gods grace , especially , hard sayings of chrysostome , greg●● nyssy●●● , and others , and the 〈…〉 hieronymus , nostrum est incipere & dei 〈◊〉 〈…〉 extolling of the bishop if rome , for personall gifts , their orations of 〈…〉 to the martyrs dead ; without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with that doubtsome condition , if there be 〈◊〉 feeling of our affaires in the dead , which was the ground worke of invocation of saints , it is a question and to be proved , whether the church and christian magistrate ( when th●● were any ) should tollerate these , for some opinions to truths are as brasse , so as we cannot put a stamp of necessity of edification on them , and some are peeces of gold and foundation stones , so other truths are neare of blood to fundamentalls , and pinnings in the wall , though not foundations , and because the want of them may hurt the 〈◊〉 they must goe as peeces of current silver . onely two or three objections must be removed ; as . rom. . they erred against a law of god ▪ who kept dayes , and abstained from mea●s , concei●ing that the conscience of gods law , did injoyne such a practises whereas there was no such law now , the apostle was perswaded there were no creatures uncleane now ; but to him , who , through error of conscience , believed they were uncleane , v. . yea the earth bring the lords , they might eat swines flesh or meats , though sacrificed to idols , without conscience of a law , cor. c. . c. . yet paul is so far from censuring such weake ones , that he bid● receive them as brethren , and not trouble them with thorny disputations . answ . paul bids receive them , ergo , he bids tollerate them all together ; it follows not , he will have them informed that there is no such divine law that presseth them , and so a morall tolleration of not refuting their error is denyed to them . . he bids receive them in a practice in it selfe , for that time , indifferent ( for cor. . . neither if they did eat , were they the better , nor if they did not eat , were they the worse ) but onely erroneous in the manner , because of the twilight and sparklings of the light of the gospell not fully promulgated to the jewes . will it follow that the jewes should be tollerated still , and perpetually to circumcise and keepe the ceremoniall law , and to teach others so to doe ? for libertines contend for a constant and perpetuall tolleration of all jewish and sinfull practises . ob. . paul speaking of ceremonies , ph. . . saith , let us therefore , as many to be perfect , be th●● minded , and if , in any thing , ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveale even this unto you . . neverthelesse whereunto we have attained , let us walke by the s●me rule , let us minde the same things . answ . this is the onely magna charta abused for liberty of conscience , which yet crosseth it , but favours it now . paul giveth two rules , neither of them are for tolleration , but against it ; the one is for the minde within , the other for the practice without : for the former , he willeth all the perfect to minde this , that is , to endeavour pauls one thing , and to be followers of him , v. . forgetting that which is behind , and pressing toward the marke , and if any be otherwise minded in the matter of circumcision , if he minde the journey toward the garland , god shall cleare his doubts to him there is nothing here for libertines , except we say , let all the godly minde to walke toward the garland , by practising circumcision , ( as if that were the way ) and by tollerating of others to practise jewish ceremonies , and if they be otherwise minded , god shall reveale their error , but in the meane time we are to suffer them to minde that , for the which paul saith , their end is destruction , their belly their god , and they are dogs and evill doers , v. . . . as for the other rule of practise , v. . if it plead for libertines , the sense must be , as far as we have obtained the minde of christ let us practise , that is , let us be circumcised , and teach and professe and publish to others , all the heresies and blasphemies that seeme to us to be true doctrine according to this rule , and let us minde the same thing , let us contend for the garland , and walking according to our conscience our onely rule , and practising unlawfull ceremonies , and publishing and professing all the heresies we can , we minde the same crowne and garland . now except walking according to the rule be restricted to carefull and diligent practising of these things in which we all agree , which must exclude a practising or publishing of doctrines controverted , and that we should abstain from practising and publishing of opinions in which we agree not , nothing can be extorted hence in favour of tolleration . our brethren say , let us gather churches out of true churches , and separate our selves from true churches , and preach familisme , antinomianisme , arrianisme , and what not ? and then we walke according to the same rule , which must be most contradictory to the 〈◊〉 of the holy ghost , and therefore libertines durst 〈◊〉 draw a formall argument for tolleration out of these or any other places , but bring us such reasons as by the nineteenth consequence comes not up to the purpose ; for by the glosse of libertines , let us walke according to the 〈◊〉 rule , must be , let us practise and walke ( for it cannot be meant ●f heart-opinions ) according to the known rule conceived by our conscience to be right ( though it may be wrong and sinfull ) and so let us be circumcised , and make a faire shew in the flesh as the false apostles did , for if some beleeved circumcision , and the law to be necessary for justification , then paul must bid them walke contrary to their light , and then the perfect had attained light to practise unlawfull jewish ceremonies . chap. viii . whether heresie be a sin , or a meer error and innocency : whether a● hereticke be an evill doer ? what is naked and meere simple heresie ( say the belgick arminians ) but a meere device ? or is heresie onely error ( say they ) which hath place in the minde of him that erreth : nor is error sufficient to constitute a thing heresie , nor if it were , is it the object or cause of any punishment , a meere error does not goe out of 〈◊〉 that erreth , he that erreth cannot be punished● the minde of man is not lyable to any command , onely god commandeth 〈◊〉 , thoughts are free from paying tribute to men , pertinacy is not of the nature of heresie , nor blasphemy ; nor if they were , can heretickes therefore be punished ? nor doth sedition make heresie punishable ; so they make heresie nothing but a name , who ( say they ) can say an hereticke is an evill doer ? evill doers confesse their evill deeds , and know them to be worthy of punishment , by the law of god and man : heretickes deny they are hereticks , or that they have any bad opinions , or that they blaspheme , they professe the contrary , that they are ready to dye an hundreth deaths rather then they should blaspheme , theeves steale , that they may steale , heretickes seduce not , that they may seduce , but that they may reduce men to a better minde and 〈◊〉 them from 〈…〉 . so 〈◊〉 oelsut also de heret●●i● 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . f. , . asser . . but . though neither we nor libertines could define idolatry nor murther , nor adultery , yet sure the law of god condemne● idolatry , murther , adultery 〈◊〉 sins ; this is the custome of juglers and sophisters , who deny there is such a thing as robbing , or hedge-robbers , why , what 〈◊〉 hedge-robbing you cannot define it , and not one of twenty , agree with another what hedge-robbers are , therefore there is not such a thing as an hedge-robber . nor doe sorcerers confesse they are sorcerers , nor can you tell what so 〈◊〉 it ; and there is not such a thing in the world : so many 〈◊〉 . asser . . heresie is not a meere error , nor innocency , but a hainous transgression against god. . because paul , gal. . ver . , , . reckoneth heresies among the workes of ●he flesh , with idolatry , witchcraft , envy , strife , and sedition , then it is a worke of the devill , and of sinfull flesh . . that which god permitteth , that those that are approved may be made manifest in the church of christ , that must be a sinne , but such is heresie , cor. . . . grievous wolves not sparing the flocke , false prophets , and false christs , who deceive ( if it were possible ) the very elect , such as make their disciples twofold the children of the devill , theeves and robbers , who come to steale and to kill , and to drinke the blood of soules , these who subvert whole houses , and whose word eat as a gangreen , are not innocent , and simply erring men , nor is their error , simple error , but a high trangression against god , but such are heretickes , act. . , . mat. . . mat. . . joh. . , , tit. . . tim. . . . these who are deceivers and deceived , unruly , and vaine talkers , to be rebuked sharpely , that they may be sound in the faith , and these , whom we are not to receive into our houses , nor bid them god speed , least we be partakers of their evill doings , these of whom we are to be aware , lest they insnare us , and whom we are , after once or twice admonition , to reject , and from whom we are to turne away , must bee such as doe more then simply erre in minde , and their errors being so pernitious must come out of him that erreth , and subverteth whole houses , and lead 〈◊〉 women captive laden with divers lusts , and must be subject to commands of those that are in place , since they are to be sharply rebuked are not innocent , but doe grievously sinne and are punishable . but such are hereticks , tit. . , , . joh. . . tim. . . tit. . . tim. . . such as doe evill and that as false teachers , and resist the truth , at james and jambres resisted moses , and doe paul and the faithfull preachers of the gospell much evill , in perverting soules and in withstanding the gospel , as alexander the copper-smith did , who subvert whole houses , lead soules captive , deceive many , who speake words which eate the soules of many as a canker , and subvert the faith of many , though they deny they doe evill , or seduce any , or that they intend to seduce any , are evill doers , not innocent . but such are hereticks who privilie bring in damnable heresies , and make merchandize of men , with faire words , and buy and sell soules , pet. . , , , . tim. . . tim. . , . tim. . . tim. . , . these cannot bee innocent , nor free of all commands , rebukes , punishment , whom the holy ghost stiles proud , perverse disputers , men of corrupt minds , destitute of the truth , tim. . , . false christs , matth. . . deceivers , tit. . . men of corrupt mindes , reprobate concerning the faith , tim. . , . whose folly shall be made knowne to many , who are selfe condemned , as knowing ( if they would not winke and shut their eyes at noone-day ) that they deceive , and are deceived , tit. . . these and many other things in these seducing teachers doe evidence that heresie , and seducing teaching of hereticks are not a simple disease in the mind , since they are willingly ignorant , pet. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as such as beleeved baal to be god , and worship him , are such of whom the lord saith , jer. . . through deceit they refuse to know me , saith the lord. the holy ghost saith they doe much evill , resist the truth , buy mens soules as if they were merchants , are perverse disputers , are proud , unruly , talkers , all which showeth that their will hath an influence in their knowledge and mind . all the arguments of libertines against the definition of an heretick , tend to prove that there is not such a thing as an hereticke in the world as if a robber arraigned upon his head before a judge , would say , there is no such thing in the world as robbery , it is a meere fiction , or their reasons partinary , which we say is the formal reason and essence of heresie , is onely in the heart , and knowne to god onely , and therefore , since neither the church , nor the magistrate know the heart , we must leave it to god , all mens judgements of the heart are uncertain , and deceiving conjectures , no man of set purpose desires to doe evill , but when hee knowes he does evill , no man perswades himselfe that he erreth , when the matter is about eternall salvation , therefore it is not lawfull to charge any heretick that he acts malice against his light , charity perswadeth another thing , and who knowingly ( saith minus celsus ) and willingly sinnes against the knowne truth , his crime is not properly heresie , but the sin and blasphemy against the holy ghost for whom we are not to pray , and is a sin that shall never be pardoned , and therefore it is in vaine to accuse this man of heresie . answ . this vaine argument of foolish men is against the holy ghost , not against us , for charity then must forbid us ▪ to judge evill of our brother , or to beware of him , to avoide him , to admonish or rebuke him for heresie , for a sin knowne to god onely , or to reject him , or to refuse him lodging in our house , or to bid him god speed , for you condemn him and flee and avoyd him as an heretick , and in so doing ye take gods office on you to judge the heart , now when the holy ghost bids us admonish , rebuke , instruct with meeknesse : heretickes , if they wil not be gained , reject and avoid them , doth he not clearly hold forth that hereticks may be knowne ; when solomon saith , goe not by the doore of the whore , make no friendship with an angry●man , be not companions with theeves and robbers , doth he not insinuate , that the whore and the angry man , and the theefe may be known or would he say , the whore is onely knowne to god , and charity forbids you to judge any wom●n a whore , or any teacher , who saith he would show you the str●ight way to heaven , and the way that he himselfe walketh in , and no man perswades himselfe that he erreth when the matter is concerning his owne eternall salvation , and it is onely knowne to god whether he be an hereticke or no , yet admonish him at an heretick , and reject him and avoid his company as a heretick . this is as much as if a phisitian would say , it is impossible to any man to know , save god onely , what houses are infected with the pestilence , yet i councell you , for your health , goe not into any pest-house . it is most false that pertinacy is knowne to god only , that pertinacy that evidenceth it selfe to us , by such markes and outward evidences is knowne to us , as such a familist , a socinian leadeth silly women captive , and subverteth the faith of many , and causeth simple people to beleeve the god manifested in the flesh and crucified , is nothing but a saint-suffering , and having much of god and saving grace evidenced in him , and he is ones and twice by word and writing admonished , but he still goeth on and seduceth many , then he is so farre pertinacious , as ye may judge him an heretick , and having tryed that hee is an hereticall spirit , avoid him , and bid him not god speed , doth not paul exhort the elders of ephesus to take heede of ravening wolves that should arise and speake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perverse things to draw away disciples after them , and they should not spare the flock , act. . , . yea ; but our ab●ominable libertines come in and say , elders of ephesus , be charitable , judge them not to be grievous wolves , least ye condemn them for wolves before men , who are the redeemed sheepe of christ in the high court , it is true , they speake perverse things , as yee apprehend , but elders , are you infallible now ? when paul and the apostles are departed this life , they judge that you speake perverse things , and ye are the grievous wolves . you heare them speake new doctrines , it is true , but you know not whether they be pertinacious , pertinacy is in the heart onely , be charitable , for only god knowes the heart , say not 〈◊〉 the flocke they are ravening wolves , seducers , and that knowingly and willingly they sin against the knowne truth , no man erreth dedi●● opera of set purpose , nor perswades himselfe that he erres , when the matter is concerning eternall salvation , charity forbids you to ascribe malitiousnesse of erring to men , who erre not with their will , and you church and angell of the churches of pergamus and of thyat●ra , be charitable and judge not those that teach the doctrine of balaam , and jezabell to be false prophets , you heare their words , but god only tryeth the reignes and the heart , you know not whether they teach , what they teach , with pertinacy , all judging of the minde and heart of others are uncertaine conjectures , neither they nor any other doe give beleeving , and being perswaded , that they erre , when the matter is of such concernment as eternall salvation . . nor is the crime , the blasphemy against the holy ghost , when any doe maliciously resist the truth . . when there is not a high measure of illumination and perswasion going before , which is not in every hereticke . . when pertinacy is bent against a side and party of godly men , not so much for despite and malice against them as they are godly ; or out of despite to the spirit of grace , as out of a minde puft up with love-sicknesse , of their owne learning , and great parts , and undervaluing of a contrary faction , as they suppose , for there be divers branches of opposing the knowne truth , as from fleshly lusts , pet. . . . pet. . . from pride , tim. . , , . from avarice and love of the world , v. . pet. . . , . and yet all maliciously , that are not to be judged the sin against the holy ghost , except , it be such an opposing of the knowne truth as comes from the spirituall malicious opposing of god and his knowne truth , as the devills did ; and it may be also that some heretickes sin the sin against the holy ghost in teaching lyes in hypocrisie , as the pharisees did , who leave not off for that to be hereticks and false teachers . . where men are savingly and soundly perswaded that the businesse is a matter of salvation , they will not finally and totally erre , but that there is such a perswasion in heretickes , is utterly denyed by us ; and where there is a perswasion in great measure , but literall , and historicall , and faith thereunto answerable , that the matter is eternall salvation and damnation , that they doe not erre and lead other captives to their error , is denyed , and it is more charity of hereticks who are selfe-condemned by their owne heart , tit. . . and are willingly ignorant , pet. . . then the holy ghost allows . . yea this will make heresie and hereticks that are to the holy ghost seducers , ●a●ching wolves , subverters of the faith of others , theeves , and robbers , foxes , reprobate concerning the faith , selfe-condemned ; to be godly , zealous , innocent , erring against their will ; free of malice , and so the holy ghost must doe a great deale of injury ●o 〈◊〉 who goe for hereticks , in this characterizing them 〈◊〉 us 〈…〉 titles and characters , which no mortall man can give to them . but what surer signe can there be ( saith celsus ) of no evill conscience then that a man will spend his blood , neglect his life , drink a cup which was so horrible to christ , that it caused him sweat blood , and fall on the earth , and yet he will joyfully dye rather , ere hee quit the knowne truth , this he must doe for some end ? and is there any man who will willingly chuse eternall destruction ? nor can his and be pleasure , for he is to leave all these ; wife , children , goods ; nor honour , for an hereticke dyes a most infamous man , and full of reproaches . answ . this renders the hereticke the most innocent and righteous martyr that ever was ; for if his end be onely life eternall , and none of the three ends which lead all sinners , neither pleasure , nor profit , nor honour , joh. . . and if he ought to follow his conscience , all heresie shall be nothing but a most innocent , harmelesse , godly and zealous errour , why then doth this author say , it is such a sinne as he is selfe-condemned , that is , as he expoundeth it , though there were not a god , nor any other to condemne him , yet he is condemned of himselfe ? why doth the holy ghost bid us turne away from such a godly innocent man , who loveth the truth of christ , christ and heaven , better then father , mother , brother , sister , lands , inheritances , his owne glory and name , yea nor his owne life , sure he must be the man to whom life eternall , and a hundreth fold more is due by the promise of our saviour , matth. . , . yea he doth more then merit life eternall , he is free of selfe , any aime to pleasure , profit , honour , or any created thing , and mindes god onely as his end ; but can his end ; though never so good , justifie his heresie , or his dying for a lye ? let celsus , or any libertine , shew what end the fathers had in killing their sonnes and daughters to god ? the holy ghost saith , they sacrifice to devills , not to god , but they would not say they intended to gratifie the devill , but to serve god in giving the dearest thing they had for god ; and could their end be pleasure , profit , honour ? to looke on these , except in a spirituall fury , and mad zeal , that sathan inspired them withall , is folly , for there was no pleasure in it but sorrow , no gaine , but to lose a sweet child , but it purchased to them great glory to be said to love their lord god , above the fruit of their body , and to give the fruit of their body for the sin of their soul . religio tantum potuit suadere malorum . that they might be delivered from the torment of conscience they were under , and the fury and hellish zeale of not sparing the flesh , and losing the life for an heresie , which the hereticke knowes through the glimmering of a conscience deluded , to be a heresie , but will revenge , on a contrary sect , of a contrary opinion , desire of glory , and a name of knowledge , of a great wit , singular holinesse blind the light , and what was their end who baked bread , and warmed themselves with a part of an ash tree , and of the residue made a god and worshipped it ? it is a vaine thing to aske what rationall end a man hath in these , for god hath judicially shut his eyes and his heart , as the devill hath runne away with his naturall wit. . it is bad divinity to say there was no other cup offered to christ , but the cup of temporary death offered to all the martyrs , as if christ suffered not the wrath of god , and death , due by justice , to all the elect , whose sinnes hee bare , he must thinke basely of christ , the grace of union and of unction of whom it is said , esa . . he shall not be discouraged , who teacheth that the feare and apprehension of death temporary caused him sweat blood ; and complain , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? and what comfort have we in christs death , if he suffered not that which is equivalent to eternall wrath ? and if he suffered no other death then a godly martyr did , whereupon minus celsus goeth on to extoll heathens , who dyed worthily for the hope of eternity , as anaxarchus , who bad the enemies beat the bellows , not anaxarchus , when they were hammering him alive with iron hammers , and hannibal who , lest he should come into the hands of the romans , dranke the poyson which he carried under a pearle in his ring , hoping for immortality ; these and the like serve to equall the death of hanniball and jesus christ , and to make anaxarchus , hannibal , empedecies , seneca , who judas-like murthered themselves , to be freed of servitude , and upon the leane and empty hope they had of eternall life , to have dyed conscienti● non mal● , with no ill conscience ; for neither pleasure , profit , nor honour , but for the hope of life eternall , as the martyrs of the devill doe , especially servetus who dyed roaring and crying like a hopelesse beast ; as if there could be a good conscience in hannibal , or any heathen , who knew and heard nothing of a conscience sprinkled in the blood of jesus , and purged from dead workes , to serve the living god , as if heathen selfe-murtherers , who against the law of nature kill themselves , deserved no more to bee punished by the magistrat●●he minister of god , then a godly innocent hereticke burnt for blaspheming of the trinity and the sonne of god : as a despairing dog servetus dyed , and that they had officax signum conscientiae non malae , they had truly a good conscience , were free of hypocrisie , or vaine-glory , or any bad end in killing themselves , this serves as much to free the most desperate and hellish murtherer , from the sword of the minister of god as heresie : so celsus playes the atheist egregiously in setting selfe-murtherers , hannibal , seneca , empedocles , slaves of vaine-glory up at the right hand of god with christ . but if celsus would but offer a shadow of an argument , it should be thus , innocent men that dye for no worldly end , and will both willingly be killed , and kill themselves with their owne hands , for no end but to obtaine life eternall , and because they will not doe that which an erroneous conscience , stuffed with , arrogancie , pride , self-allo●ation of learning , zeal , and a name , judgeth to be sin , are not to be punished by the sword , but such are hereticks willing to be martyrs for the devill , and heathen that kill themselves to obtain eternall life ; ergo , the major is false , the assumption bloody and unjust , the conclusion blasphemous and atheisticall . . consider how celsus proveth that the heretickes that dye for heresies is not taken with vaine-glory ▪ and for a name , because a hereticke dyes infamous and filled with reproach , but make an argument of that , he that dyes for that which , in the opinion of the contrary side , is infamous and reproachfull , cannot dye for a name among men , and vaine-glory ; but he that dyes for heresie , dyes so , ergo , the major is most false , for to dye for heresie in the estimation of the heretick , and of all of his opinion , and of all , that for all after generations shall be of his opinion is no reproach , but an everlasting name to the hereticke so dying , and a name and glory with men is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an opinion , and is coyned , lives and breaths in the conceit and braine of men ; we all say , lucretia , seneca , ca●o , dyed for vaine-glory , for to the romans it was glorious , yet they dyed truly and really infamous ; for christians , who know what true honour and true liberty is , say and truly thinke , they dyed infamous , and shamelesse murtherers and slaves to the people , and the aire and breath of the peoples mouth , and their empty plaudite . . nor will any man ( far lesse an hereticke ) willingly chuse the destruction of his owne soule . answ . an atheist sticks not to contradict god , prov. . . all they that hate me love death ; but false teachers and hereticks , hate wisdome and christ , deut. . . not to follow god is to hate god , he denyes the lord that bought him he is proud , destitute of the truth , a vaine and unruly talker , reprobate as concerning faith , leads captive soules , and such cannot chuse the feare of the lord. . he speaketh like an heathen ; for the will of hereticks and of all godlesse men is captive , and the will they have is to serve the devill , and though we could not tell determinately what end an hereticke hath , in dying for his heresie , it cannot prove his innocencie . yea the donatists killed themselves , and cast themselves downe head-long from an high place , they did that ( saith mr. celsus ) out of obstinacy and malice to be avenged on catholicks , and bring them under the guilt of persecuters , which was an evill conscience in them , but there can be no evill conscience in an heretick dying for his opinion , an hereticke dying for his opinion cannot have an ill conscience , he prayes to god , commends his safety to him , acknowledgeth christ his son , his redeemer and saviour , sings hymnes and praises in the midst of the flames of fire . answ . that is a conjecture that donatists and circumce●●ions killed themselves to be revenged on catholicks , augustine neither ep. . nor ep. . nor elsewhere makes mention of such an end they had , but because they beleeved it was happinesse to dye for christ ; yea though so it were , praying and praising , and crying , the temple of the lord , will he say there can be no malice in theeves , murtherers , adulterers , perjured persons , walkers after other gods , and such as kill their sonnes to the devill in top●e● , jer. . , , , . , . and in bloody persecuters , who said the lord be glorified , esa , . . and in these that thinke they doe god service , in killing the apostles of the lord , joh. . . the man speakes not like a divine but an atheist , and most that are for libertinisme , to me are atheists . . when servetus and other martyrs of the devill dye●● , we heard nothing of their singing of psalmes in the fire . paul 〈◊〉 a swearer , and a drunkard , who denies the deity of the son of god , is not one of these . but celsus ( i conceive ) thinkes the godly martyrs that the bloody mother of fornications babylon hath killed , for the testimony of jesus ; were heretickes , because they had no certainty of faith for the truths they were burnt for , because the faith of libertines is scepticisme . . heretickes may , before men , pray and acknowledge a saviour , but as the formall of heresie , so of sound faith is in the heart , and unseen to celsus , and therefore this argument is but a conjecture , and so paul , tim. . saith , those that 〈◊〉 from the faith , have but a form of godlinesse , & deny the power thereof , though heretickes acknowledge a redeemer , which yet may be questioned whether they doe all so , even those who deny the lord that bought them , yet these arguments of celsus and libertines plead for liberty of conscience , not onely to hereticks , that acknowledge a redeemer , but to all , to open blasphemers , apostates from the christian faith to judaisme and mahometisme , for should any christian turn jew ( as some have done , and pray to god , and be willing to dye for judaisme and acknowledge the messiah to come , libertines can no more make a window in this mans conscience to see his end in so doing , and know infallibly that neither pleasure , profit , nor honour led him , but meere and onely principles of religion , in regard places in the new testament cite passages of the old so farre , seemingly , to reason contrary to the scope of the prophets , then you can see to the conscience of a hereticke , and religion is to be compelled in no man , one or other , nor the sword or violence used against any ; though celsus and the belgick remonstrants thinke false teachers may rather be banished and imprisoned , le●t they pervert the faith of others . but if they yeeld any corporall restraint or violence may be used against false teachers , they fall from their cause and lose all their arguments for one degree of one violence ( though banishment be cousen germanes to death , and to some who cannot live and subsist but in england , as there are many such , far worse ) can no more be used against the conscience , then forcing of ten degrees , or tormenting deaths . but● saith celsus ) heretickes that dye for their heresie are stupid and drunken . but how can stupidity and malice be in one , ( saith he ) malice is not without certaine knowledge , stupidity deprives men of knowledge , and render them blocks , can ye find a man who willingly and wittingly makes defection from god and resists the truth against his owne conscience , and yet is so stupid that he knowes not what he doth , and can indure foolishly to dye for maintaining a lye ? answ . if the author were not stupid , hee would not declare himselfe so atheistically ignorant of spirituall stupidity ; for highest malice and a hardened and fatned heart , eyes , eares , and a heart that cannot see , heare , or perceive , and so are spiritually stupid , doe not lodge sundered one from another , esay . , , . hath this man read the word , esay . stay your selves and wonder , cry ye out , and cry , they are drunken but not with wine , they stagger , but not with strong drink . . the lord hath powred out upon you the spirit of a deep sleep , and hath closed your eyes ; the prophets and your rulers , the seers hath he covered , and yet these same were deep hypocrites , and malicious opposers of the wayes of god , enemies to , and persecuters of the true prophets sent of god : v. . and who were these but scribes & pharisees , in whom there was as much malice against christ and his disciples , as can be in the devill , or such as sin against the holy ghost ? as may be seen , matth. , , . matth. . , . matth. . , , , , , . and god powred the spirit of slumber on the jewes , rom. . . . and there was superlative malice in them against the knowne truth , act. . . . and blasphemy , act. . , , , . and yet these men in evill , and as touching litterall knowledge know well what they were doing ( though they were spiritually blocks . ) see matth. . , , . joh. . . joh. . . they privily bring in ( pet. . ) damnable heresies , they make merchandise of you with faire words , then they wanted not devillish wit enough . and tim. . . they speake lyes out of hypocrisie and the doctrine of devills , forbidding meates and marriage , there is wit , for these look like singular mortification , yet they have a conscience so stupid , as it were burnt with a hot iron . this also is grosse ignorance in libertines , that they thinke those who sinne against knowledge , and conscience and out of malice , as those that sin against the holy ghost , doe not sinne through ignorance also , which is most false , for the most malicious sin against knowledge hath an interpritative ignorance con●oyned with it , as the pharisees who sinned against the holy ghost , in crucifying christ ( some of them as is cleare , joh. . . joh. . , and else where ) yet they sinned ignorantly also , for had thy knowne , they would not have crucified the lord of glory , cor. . . chap. ix . of liberty of prophesying of erroneous inditement of conscience that it is not our rule . but we judge that hereticks admonished and convinced of their errour doe sinne on the borders , at least , of the sin against the holy ghost , in regard they be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , selfe condemned , as paul saith , tit. . . a man that is an hereticke after the first and second admonition , reject . . knowing that he , that is such , is subverted , and sinneth , being condemned of himselfe . where the apostle saith , an admonished and wrought upon hereticke , who is convinced of the truth , and yet still resisteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he is perverted , or subverted , desperately perverted , like a building throwne downe to the foundation . . he finneth , as condemned of himselfe , that is , judged and condemned by his owne conscience , and so sinneth willfully , and with a high measure of light , but hee shutteth his eyes against the light and known truth , and resisteth it . the hereticke here spoken of , tit. . . is not the man who moves such questions ( say they ) as he knowes to be vaine and light as arminians say . for as vedelius saith , he expresly speakes of an heretick . it is a question , if any bee called an hereticke in the word , because he moves such questions . . the hereticke here is subverted , and so turned off the foundation christ . but he that moveth vaine and unprofitable questions can at best , but build his hay & stubble upon the foundation christ ; now such a man may bee builded on the foundation , and saved , though the fire destroy his worke , and so he is not turned off the foundation . yea , if he wittingly and willingly move vain and light questions he cannot be saved , nor doth that follow , for his knowledg of the levity of these questions aggravates his sin , but cannot cause to amount to a sin so high as to subvert the mans faith , because he may keepe the foundation , though he hold these vaine and light opinions , for they are not in themselves destructive of the foundation . . there is no mention , nor any hint here of vaine and light questions , but of admonished heretickes , therefore eusebius l. . c. . referres it to those that deny christs divinity , to marcion and corinthus , and they say john would not stay in the stoves with cerinthus , and polycarpus his disciple would not speake with marcion , but said , i know thee to be the first borne of sathan . . it is here to be noted , that these authors also make the conscience , though erroneous even in fundamentalls , the rule of faith , if the person beleeve that he worships god according to the rule of the word , and there be some morall honesty in him , and so teach there should be a toleration of al hereticks , then no man is the heretick , but he who professeth points of truth , which he believeth to be lyes & untruth ; but so there is not an hereticke in the world , but the devill , and such as professe a false religion , before men , which in their conscience they beleeve to be false . but the apostle saith , tim. . now the spirit speaketh expresly that in the latter times men shall depart from the faith , giving beed to seducing spirits ( popish priests and familists ) and doctrine of devills , . speaking lyes in hypocrisie , having their conscience seared with an hot iron , . forbidding to marry , and commanding to abstaine from meats . now a seared conscience burnt with an hot iron may and doth teach marriage to be unlawfull to some , and doe beleeve it for a truth , that church-men should not intangle themselves with the affaires of this life , such as marriage and care of children , because pastors goe a warfare for jesus christ , yet the text saith , they that so teach are seducers , who with a seared conscience , speake lyes in hypocrisie , and so must be hereticks and worse . . no rule can be falser , and more crooked then the conscience , for if ye must be obliged to follow conscience , because it is conscience , or because right or wrong ; if you must follow conscience because conscience , yee must ever follow your conscience , though never so wrong ; for the most erroneous conscience is conscience , though the devill should immediately actuate it , yet doth not leave off to bee conscience , and to be the rule , and if so , when the conscience of some saith its good service to god to kill the apostles of our lord , because they preach the gospel , then doe persecuters nothing , but what they are in duty bound to doe , when they murther the apostles , because they preach the gospel ; for to follow the rule , which god hath appointed must be a bounden duty . and the same must follow , if the conscience as evill be the rule , for then should men serve god , in sacrificing their sonnes to god , in community and plurality of wives , when ever their conscience should dictate any such thing to be lawfull , though , in it selfe , it be most contrary to the word of god. if the conscience as good , or as the arminians seeme to say , as principled with morall honesty be our rule , then the conscience as conscience is not the rule , but as it is ruled by morall honesty , this wee cannot say , for morall honesty qualifying the conscience as a rule , is not able to render the conscience a streight and perfect rule in supernaturall duties , since it is but a naturall principle in us , and that a most corrupt one , by reason of sin , and how then should it regulate us in all the wayes of the service and worship of god ? should it ever oblige us to beleeve in him , who justifieth the ungodly ? . againe , the lord maketh the law and his revealed will in the word , the rule of all our actions , deut. . , . deut , . , . ps . . . king. . . . if that which is called liberty of prophesying be examined , it is either a liberty of beleeving , and teaching what is intrinsecally true according to the word , now this they will not say , for we deny not liberty to prophesie truth to all that are called to publish it . or secondly , it is a liberty to prophesie what is false , which is conceived to be false , that is devillish licence not liberty ; sure god hath allowed no such liberty to men to prophesie falsely , and to destroy soules , in this meaning , god hath no more allowed us liberty of prophesying false things , then liberty of killing , whoreing , robbing , or lying . or thirdly , liberty of prophesying is liberty of prophesying truths or falsehood , which yet are conceived to be truth not falsehood by those who prophesie ; nor hath god given so a liberty of prophesying , for every true liberty of prophesying , god hath given to his prophets and apostles , if it bee a lawfull gift , the use thereof is commanded and injoyned to us , as the arminians say it is in these words , thess . . , . quench not the spirit , despise not prophesying , for they say , the meaning of these words are , quench not the spirituall sense of the word which any man saith and perswadeth himselfe he hath from the spirit of god , that is , either by inspiration or suggestion of the spirit , or by the helpe of the spirit of god , in which sense the apostles seeme to take the word , thess . . . joh. . . now all the liberty of prophesying is here set upon a brazen pillar of ( so it seemes to be ) and we say ( so it seemes not to be ) but god certainly will not have nathan , david , samuel , ezechiel , in either old or new testament , to extinguish the spirit , or to despise prophesying , but god gave no liberty ; nor entered it ever in his heart to command such liberty of prophesying to his prophets of old , except we say , that god gave to nathan liberty to say to david , doe all that is in thine heart , build thou the temple , and the lord shall be with thee , which was an untruth , and that god bad samuel say of eliah , he is the lords anointed , and gave him liberty to prophesie that which was false , whereas the lord saith to ezechiel , ch . . heare the word of my mouth , and jeremiah c. . . arise and speake unto them all that i command thee ; and thereby bindes them up , and denyeth all liberty of preaching or prophesying their owne word , or their owne perswasions , even under the notion of the word of the lord , and doubtlesse when nathan exhorted david to build the temple , and samuel said , that eliah was the lords . anointed , they spake not that as their owne word , but were perswaded that god revealed himselfe to them , though both were mistaken grossely ; so christ saith to his apostles , matth. . , . goe preach , teaching them to observe all things whatsoever i have commanded you ; he interditeth them upon the same reason to bring any of their owne commandements flowing from their owne spirit , under any pretence , though they thinke them right , though peter should conceive to judaize a little , gal. . was the minde of christ , and hee might preach it , and practise it , as the minde of christ , yet peter and all the apostles , matth. . are bound up ▪ they have no liberty of conscience to preach their owne ( videtur ) so it seemes ; for then should our faith be ultimately resolved into mens phansies , and ( so thinketh our reverend saltmarsh , or wil. del ) and not into the word of god. libertines say their goddesse , their diana , is strangled and fettered , and the spirit it quenched , if this liberty of prophesying be denyed to them ; but to restraine liberty of sinning and lying , is no violence done to the spirit of prophesie , but this exposition calleth the phansies of men the spirituall sense of the word of god , as familists and antinomians in england father their dreames upon the spirit of god. so pe● . stairie , who ordinarily preacheth the rovings of his own phansie , taught . oct. . before the house of commons , after the houses passed a brave ordinance for liberty of conscience and prophesying , that the house should not oppose , or resist any thing that pretended to christ . now if he spake this to the house as a parliament , he forbad to hinder a simon magus , an hymeneus , a philetus , a jezabel , a jesuite , to preach ▪ what he pleased , for jesuites pretend to iesus both name and thing , all the familists , sotinians , arrians , libertines , and false teachers , who deceive ( if it were possible ) the very elect , pretend to iesus christ , and to the anointing . if he spake to the people , they are not by the word of truth , nor all the ministers in england to refute the false teachers that pretend to christ , for to refute them , were to oppose and resist them , for if they pretend to christ , you know not since yee are not infallible , but they may be teachers , sent of god , though they bee the most errand seducers that ever spake , and so they are no wayes to be resisted , who resist the truth . ▪ quench not the spirit , must have this meaning , quench not the dreames of independents , libertines , antinomians , for they perswade themselves they have the spirit of god and minde of christ , in all they speak . but this quench not the spirit , is , cherish , entertaine the gracious motions and inspirations of the spirit in your selves , and despise not , that is , highly reverence the preaching of the gospel , separate not the spirit and the word , for it is a litote , where lesse is spoken but more intended , as esay . . ioh. . . but this glosse yeeldeth this sense . despise not the spirit , that is , beleeve what ever a godly preacher saith , be it his owne dreames and rovings to be the word of god , and reverence it , for he perswades himselfe it is so , and speaketh them as the oracles of god , though they be his owne wind-mils , and sparkles of his own vaine-glory . for this , ( not to quench , not to despise ) is undeniably to beleeve these prophesyings as the word of god ▪ how then are we to try all doctrines and spirits , if we are to take all for fi●st that comes into the net ? but since you are not infallible ( say libertines ) it is an extinguishing of the spirit to account that to be the spirit of sathan which agreeth not with your spirit , if your authority were infallible , as that of the apostles was , the answer would have some colour , though the apostles used not that authority to crush liberty of prophesying , but they commend the trying of the spirits , and since our judgement is not infallible , reason requires that we should not desire other spirits pious and good to be oppressed and suffocated . answ . we reject no spirit , because it agrees not with ours ; for our spirit is not the rule , as libertines contend , but because it swerves from the oracles of god ; if any man speake , let him speake as the oracles of god ; let us prophesie according to the proportion of faith . . this answer saith , that no man now in the christian church can try all things , doctrines , and spirits , and refuse the evil and deluding spirits , & hold fast that which is good , and beleeve the spirits , speaking from god , because it is to extinguish the spirit ( say our libertines , ) since we are not infallible apostles to judge these spirits for mad phansies that agree not with our spirit ; we say its impossible to try all things , and hold that which is good , but we must judge false spirits to bee false spirits , not because they agree not with ours ( that is the calumny of libertines ) but because they swerve from the word of truth , though we be not infallible as the apostles were , but this reason supposeth that because of want of apostolick infallibility we should try all spirits , and all doctrines , but condemn , reject , and refuse none , as spirits of the devill , for that is to extinguish the spirit , and pitch and settle our faith upon no doctrine , but like scepticks sail about the coasts of truth all our life , and dye in no beliefe at all . it is false that the apostles did not crush your liberty of prophesying , for paul , thess . . . extinguisheth those spirits who would shake the faith of the thessalonians , to make them beleeve that the day of christ was at hand , for he forbids to beleeve them , and john extinguisheth the familistical and antichristian spirits , who denied c●rist to be come in the flesh . o but ( say libertines ) these false spirits , knew what they preached to be lyes , and yet preached them as from god , and wee stand for no such liberty of prophesying , nor such spirits as these . answ . this is a conjecture , that they beleeved the day of christ was not near hand , and yet preached it was near , there is not one shaddow in the text , or colour hinteth that way : for , familists and seducers now , have not so much to say for their dreams as they had , yea , they had much to say , that made them beleeve that day was near hand , since christ had said , these were the last days , and the apostles do writ it , that new were the last times , and that the end of the world was fallen on them , and they preached al they wrote , and so it is rather like they beleeved the day of christ was near , and the antichrist in jobus time , had as much as seducers now have , to make them beleeve that christ was not come in the flesh , since the blinded jewes alleadged all the prophesies of the old testament as not fulfilled in the son of mary , and sure they had more to make them beleeve it , then gortin , saltmarsh , and other familists ( whom libertines ( i beleeve ) call a part of the godly party ) if they speake according to their conscience , can alleadge for their new , false , and fleshly visions they preach and print . though we be not infallible as the apostles were , yet reason will not say , we should not desire that pious and good spirits , that is , those that call themselves so , but are lyers , to bee extinguished . for wee are to pray that god would cause the unclean spirit , and the false prophet , libertines and others , to cease out of the land , and so faith requires , wee should try them by the word , and pray and desire they were crushed and extinguished , i mean not in their person , but as touching their false doctrine . but present your selfe ( say arminians ) before the tribunal of papists and they will condemne you of heresie , and if you alledge the spirit teacheth you , they will answer , is that the spirit which corrupt and madde reason teacheth you ? the spirit of the devill , said the spirit of christ was the spirit of beelzebub . answ . what inferre libertines hence against us ? this is to place no more power in synods but directive : sir , if it please you , this is gods will. but wee hold lawfull . synods ( which is not in the synagogue of rome or papist ) may as wel rebuke , exhort , and instruct with all authority , as timothy , or any one particular pastor , and this is more than the directive and sceptick teaching of one private libertine , teaching ( with a reserve ) convincing and condemning another in a scepticall way . but all tends to this , protestant synods convened in christs name , can say no more , but wee teach what our judgement is , it may be true , it may be false , yeeld a sceptik consent with a reserve to it , that is all , and why ? because protestant synods convened in the name of antichrist can peremptorily and tirannically condemn the truth as heresie , and say they are infallible , and their synodicall decrees are the very word of god , ergo , protestant synods , may not authoritatively command you in the name of christ to beleeve and receive their lawfull decrees conditionally , after yee finde them agreeable to the word of god , there is no consequence here . prelates condemned the truth as heresie and schisme , pharisees condemned christ as a samaritan , ergo , protestants sound in the faith cannot condemne popery , familisme , and ergo , paul cannot condemne 〈◊〉 as a perverter of the waies of righteousnesse : this is , as if you would say , a robber cannot by law jure condemne a traveller to render his purse , ergo , a judge cannot compell this traveller to pay just debt . we do not instance from the teaching of the spirit , but from the cleare word of god. chap. x. of indulgence in fundamentall , or non-fundamentall errors . but say the arminians , the question is of hereticks , not of those who dare deny the things openly decided in the scripture , but of those who call in question those things that are , or may be contraverted . there was never an heretick who called in question whether theeves , drunkards , robbers , railers , idolaters , shall enter into the kingdome of heaven , or whether god be to beloved above all things , he is not a christian , he is not an hereticke , but worse than a hereticke who denyes those things that are plain and obvious in scripture . but he that layeth a law upon others , which he must follow under pain of death , imprisonment or banishment in things belonging to liberty of prophecying , which are conjoyned with the reverence of god and the scripture , trampleth all prophesies under foot . answ . this definition of an hereticke is in quesion , there be in england who deny all scriptures as no word of god , yet are judged by libertines , not punishable by man. . all things that may be controverted , is wide . nothing but it is converted , except whether there be a god or not , and many doubt of that : there be even now , who deny jesus christ god man , the necessity of his death , his offices , the immortallity of the soule , the resurrection , last judgement , a heaven , a hell , but al to libertines are uncertaine , and the denyall of any point , not by the light of reason , but by supernaturall revelation , such as these articles , that god is one in three distinct persons , that christ is god and man in one person , that he dyed to satisfie divine justice , that we are saved by his righteousnesse imputed to us by faith , &c. is no heresie , but may consist with true godlinesse , and therefore they give instance in fundamentals which are knowne by the light of nature , as that theeves , drunkards shall not inherit the kingdome of god , that god is to bee loved above all things , now th●se are principles of naturall theology known to heathens , so that such godly men , to which libertines would yeeld an indulgence and liberty , are good moral honest civil men , who beleeve fundamentals known by the light of nature to christians and heathens equally , for civill heathens may have the sound faith of al such fundamentals , and beleeving morall and naturall fundamentals , though they know not jesus christ , or possibly never heard of him , may be saved and not be beholden to christ knowne as a saviour , so some libertines tell us , not any man is to suffer death , though he deny and malitiously oppose , all the principles of the gospell , because these are knowne no ways , but by supernaturall revelation , and the light of faith which commeth from god , but i take the ground of this to bee , because supernaturall light is above us , and not in our power , but by this reason , christ should not have rebuked the pharisees for not beleeving in him , nor the sadduces for denying the resurrection , nor should paul have smitten eli●as with blindnesse for perverting sergius paulus from the faith , for it was not in their power to know or beleeve otherwise of these gospel fundamentals that are not beleeved , but by supernaturall revelation , then they did , other libertines say , they are only hereticks or at least punishable by men , who deny fundamentals of cbristian religion , but are sparing to tell us what fundamentals , whether of law and known by the light of nature , or of gospel known onely by supernaturall revellation , so that ere they finde the hereticke , they must show you the point they deny is fundamental , and its possible that is a difficil businesse , whether it be fundamental or not , if he go for a sectarie he is a godly man , and his godlinesse shal prove the poynt is not fundamental , for this is the logick of our time , such a people are godly , therefore their opinions are against no fundamentall point , whereas this is a better consequence ; such points are fundamentall , ergo , if men twice or thrice admonished doe yet wilfully goe on to maintaine opinions manifestly contrary , they are not godly , for the apostle tel● us of doctrine according to godlinesse then must the doctrine soundly beleeved make the person godly or argue him to be so , but the man let him goe for a saint cannot make or argue the doctrine to bee the doctrine according to godlinesse , if it be not so in it self , and we are inclined , if the man be of our own tribe and sect , to defend his tenets , and not to judge them fundamental error . . we wish much an argument to prove bodily violence , or ecclesiasticall co-action may be used against men erring in points fundamentall , but not in non-fundamentals , since god delivers his mind as clearly in non-fundamentals , if not more clearely , as in fundamentals , and the authority of the lord who commands faith is as great in non-fundamentals , and our obligation to beleeve no lesse , then in the most necessary fundamentals , as therefore abstinence from adultery with bathsheba , and murthering of vriah in david , is as necessary , necessitate precepts , as the whole course of davids repentance and turning to god , yet it is not so necessary , necessitate medii , for david is a saved saint , though he absta●●● not from that adultery and murther , but without conversion from the state of sinfull nature to the way of saving grace , it is unpossible david can be saved ; so to abstain from idolatry , and to demolish the high places , and to punish those who resort to them is a godly practice , yet though 〈◊〉 commit idolatry with the golden calfe , yea and make the people naked also : and asa , though he demolish not the high places all his reigne , nor punish any for that idolatry , and did persecute the seer , yet aaron was the faithfull priest , and the anointed of god , and asa and some other kings heart , were perfect before the lord , though they fell in these sins , nor were these fundamentals , sinnes in practice , inconsistent with saving faith , more then errours and teaching of errours in non-fundamentals , to the ruine of many souls doth exclude a possibility of being in the state of saving grace , but it cannot follow , that because teaching and publishing of errours in non-fundamentals is consistent with saving grace , that therefore these non-fundamentall sinnes of murther , adultery , tolerating of idolatrous high places , persecuting of faithfull prophets , making of a golden calfe , and hallowing of it to be adored as the god that brought israel out of aegypt , are sins not to be tolerated in the truly godly , such as aaron , david , and asa , for then should they be tolerated in the wicked also , for the toleration of such in the godly , because they are not fundamental wickednesses , inconsistent with saving grace , is as destructive and more , because of their extream scandalousnesse , to all peace and safety of humaine societies , and to the duty of the godly magistrate , as these same sins in the wicked , upon the same grounds publishing of all errors non-fundamentall , the toleration of the high places are as inconsistent with peace , destructive and injurious to soules , especially in the godly , as scandalous to other false teachers , as these non-fundamentall sins . but ( say they ) the reason is not alike in non-fundamentall sinnes , that are expresly condemned by all , aarons idolatry , davids adultery , asaes persecution , no man ever defended , therefore they cannot bee tolerated by the magistrate without sin , though the acting of these sins may consist with sound faith . but most of non-fundamentalls are not clearly determined in the word , in regard of our dulnesse and naturall blindnesse , and therefore the magistrate cannot punish the non-fundamentall errours , for these which be non-fundamentall errours to some godly and learned , are non-fundamentall and seasonable truths to others , as godly and learned as they are . but to all the godly and learned , aarons idolatry , davids adultery and murther , asa's tolerating the high places , and imprisoning the seer , were sins unjustifiable , and by the light of nature such as no godly magistrate can tolerate . but i answer , if this be a good reason , why there is not the like consideration of these sins non-fundamentall , and doctrines non-fundamentall , because some doctrines non-fundamentall are seasonable truths to some godly and learned , and these same are lyes and untruths to others , as godly and learned as they ; then should also divers fundamentall errours bee tolerated as well as non-fundamentall errours , which independents , the masters of this distinction with the arminians will not say , because to some godly and learned independents , this is a fundamentall truth , that murther , and adultery , and robbery , are not to be tolerated by the magistrate , that magistracy is an ordinance of god , but to many anabaptists as godly and learned as they , it is not onely no fundamentall truth , but a fundamentall errour , under our meeke saviours reigne , there ought to bee neither sword nor speare , but instead of them , plow-shares and pruning hooks , and since libertines will not have godlinesse to be valued by soundnesse in doctrine , but by mens spirits of discerning and charity , independents are to repute familists , socinians , antinomians as godly and learned as themselves : now independents thinke that christ god-man came to satisfie the justice of god for our sinnes , and that ordinances are necessary for all in this life , yet these , and many the like familists and socinians judge fundamentall lyes , and who have any discerning , and have heard mr. john goodwin pray , and seene his writings , which i have done , will repute him as godly and learned as any independent in england : so i judge with correction ; yet he will say the godly and learned independents in england hold many points to bee fundamentall truths which he reputes to bee fundamentall untruths , as namely concerning justification by faith , that the scriptures we now have by the saith whereof we must be saved , is the word of god. mr. joh. goodwin must say these are fundamentall lyes , and many fundamentals in the late confession of ass●mbly , i know m. john goodwin in his writings , denyeth to be fundamentall truths . . it is not enough to say most of the non-fundamentalls are not determined clearely in the word , libertines we 〈◊〉 dispute withall , must say , not any non-fundamentalls are determined in the word , but all fundamentalls are clearly determined , else they must belye their distinction which independents in the apologeticke narration make almost a principle of faith ( though i hope it shall never be one to me ) that all non-fundamentals are to be beleeved without a reserve , and all fundamentalls with a reserve ; for if many non-fundamentalls are also to bee beleeved without a reserve , it would have been service to the church , they had beaten out that arminian principle a little more , and subdivided non-fundamentalls in such as are to bee beleeved with a reserve , and a demurre , and such as are to be beleeved without a reserve , then in some non-fundamen●●ll● men are not to be tolerated , and what be these . . the distinction should so beare a leg and halt , for then some fundamentalls we beleeve without a reserve , and no toleration is to bee yeelded in them , but the sword and the club must presse faith in these , and we are to beleeve but some non-fundamentalls with a reserve , not all , and indulgence is due to men in some non-fundamentalls , not in others ; but we know our brethrens frequent arguing , independencie is not fundamentalls , ergo , our brethren should tolerate it , but we deny this consequence ; yea erastianisme in its highest sphere is not fundamentall , and yet high erastianisme is persecution both of independency and presbytery , doth it follow then , it must be tolerated ? . if the magistrate cannot punish the error in non-fundamentals , because , in regard of our dulnesse , they are not clear in the word , so in regard of our dulnesse many fundamentals in the gospel are as uncleare , and that all acknowledge that aarons idolatry , and davils adultery and murther , are sins unjustifiable , and which the magistrate by the light of nature is not to tolerate , and that he is not a christian who denyes that theeves and idolaters who shall not enter into heaven , and that god is to be loved above all , is a great untruth , many anabaptists there were in bullingers time , who taught none but whores and harlots should enter into the kingdome of god , which is cousen germains to this . againe , what is theft , is as disputable , as in the case of usury , and whether the saints the just and spirituall inheritors of the earth , all things are yours ( saith paul ) doe rob and steale , if they invade the possessions , houses , monies , and lands of unregenerate and carnall man ? whether he bee a murtherer who sacrificeth his childe to god in imitation of abraham ? are as uncleare , in regard of our naturall blindnesse , as most of the non-fundamentalls : and anabaptists that are godly and learned , have as much to say from scripture for denying of fundamentals , as in many in non-fundamentals can plead , why their tenets are true , and though erroneous , yet not punishable ; and they should upon the same ground have a toleration for murtherers , robbers , theeves , that flow from meere conscience , and religious grounds , and though these practises bee destructive to peace , yet with what conscience can the magistrate punish them as destructive to peace , when it is not clearely determined in the word of god that they are destructive to true humaine peace ? for if they be lawfull , and some of them acts of worship , as the actors are in conscience perswaded they are , they cannot be destructive to peace , yea to punish them is tyranny over the conscience , say libertines . now i propose these queries , and desire libertines to answer them . . should not the magistrate punish no thefts , no robbery , no murther , but such as are thefts , robberies , and murthers , undeniably and uncontroversally to the conscience of all that are members of that society , whether anabaptists or others ? . should the magistrate abstaine from punishing of that which is false worship , for example sacrificing of a childe to god , for feare he domineere over the conscience of a christian , and so transgresse his sphere , and sit down in gods roome ( which is really murther , and shedding of innocent blood ) though it be not so to the man-slayer , but acceptable service to god , and yet punish the same false worship , as murther and destructive to peace , whereas to the actors consience , whom he desires to favour , it is not murther and not destructive to peace , does he not really and by his office as great violence , and exerciseth no lesse a domineering power over the mans conscience , then if hee should punish this as false worship ? . will , or can notionall or mentall consideration licence the magistrate to domineere over mens consciences , and exercise soule-tyranny and invade the throne of god over the conscience , when it is upon the same reasons and arguments of scripture ; as probable that the taking away of a fathers head for sacrificing his son to god , is not destructive to peace , nor any breach of the sixt commandement , as it is probable it is true and acceptable , and worship to god , and though it were false worship , it is as probable that to punish it , is a sacrilegious invading of gods place , as it is an act of justice in the magistrate ? . if the magistrate must beleeve , as the libertine , doth , doth , and teacheth him , what he will , if it were king and parliament , and all the judges in britain , if they be of the faith of libertines , what conscience have they to take away the ●ead of a father , who sacrificeth his onely childe to god , upon meere religious principles , what warrant have they before the tribunall of god to cut off his head , as a peace-breaker , rather then to spare his life as a sacrificer , and a devout , and zealous ( whether it be blinde zeal or no , the libertine magistrate hath nothing to do to judge ) worshipper of god ? whether or no hath the magistrate who in that case , killeth a● innocent man ( according to his own libertine-conscience ) greater respect to false peace in a humane society , then to true piety and innocent walking with god , which forbids him to punish any thing that is onely to the subject , he punisheth , a meere devout worshipping of god. . upon the same ground , should not the masse , and all the broad worship on earth be tolerated , since it hath farre lesse connexion with disturbance of peace , then the anabaptists children-killing worship of god ? . if the formall is ratio , the onely formall reason and cause why the magistrate is to use corporall coersion against none now under the new testament , but is to suffer every man to worship god , as he best pleaseth , because the worship of the new testament is more spirituall , the law-giver christ , a meeker mediator , then moses , and there is no warrant now to hinder any man , or lay bands and coactive violence upon christs free subjects , with force of sword , to restraine them in one worship , more then another , what reason an anabaptists offering his son a sacrifice to god , should be restrained in his sacrificing , more then in other acts of worship ? is not the man persecuted for his conscience ? is not this a carnall , and no new testament way of restraining him , when he is restrained by the sword ▪ is not the onely word of god , and no weapons that are carnall , the way of rescuing men from all false worship , and the onely way . . nor can the bloodinesse and cruelty of that worship be a sufficient ground , why the magistrate may restraine the conscience of the devout worshipper ; for who ought to sit as lord judge above the conscience of this father , and sentence the worship as destructive to peace , or the worshipper as a bloody man ? his conscience is under the new testament , and the lord his onely judge . but by the light of nature , that the father kill the sonne to god , 〈◊〉 murther , and ●ruel●y . but i answer , if it be gratefull worship to god , it is no more cruelty then to burne a beast to god , and you are to suppose that a godly anabaptist , hath warrant from god for that worship , as well for burning of beasts , and offering yearely thousands of bullocks and sheep to god , in memory of christ once already sacrificed for sinners , and that there is in it neither cruelty to beasts , nor hurt to the common-wealth , that the magistrate can restraine , for though there be no reason at all for the worship , ex natura rei , if we consider the worship it selfe , yet there is such reason to tolerate the worship , so as if the magistrate restraine , he tyranni●eth over the conscience , and a bloody conscience is a conscience as uncapable of violence , and as immediately in the new testament , subject to god onely , not to the sword , as a good conscience , then if the sword can straine no conscience as conscience ; how can it squeeze a conscience wading in bloody son-butchery more then any other conscience ? . if the magistrates punishing of any for his conscience be a violent compelling of him to sin , to worship or to forbeare worship against his conscience , how will libertines cleare magistracy in the old testament , from being intrinsecally a sinfull ordinance , for the magistrate in the old testament in stoning to death the seducing prophet , and the blasphemer must compell him to sin against his conscience , and to professe jehovah , not baal was the true god , whereas the seducer believed in his conscience the contrary , since to compell men to sin is intrinsecally sinfull , let libertines answer the query , if god ever in old or new testament could command sin , or if there was ever such a thing heard that a magistrate might by his office command men to sin , or then punish them ? . let libertines answer if arminians extend not liberty of prophesying as farre as mens lusts can carry them , in these words , but to suffer every man ( say they ) to 〈◊〉 publickly in religion every thing i● perilous . why ? for either that which 〈◊〉 asserteth is true , or false , if it be true , why admit we is not ? why doe we imprison the author thereof ? this injury reflects upon god the author of truth : if it be false , the truth shall easily overcome ●●ar , of it self it shall melt like was before the sunne , if ye offer violence 〈◊〉 it , yee strip religion of its glory , and furnish oyle to err●●● . whether is not reason as strong to refute errours fundamentall as non-fundamentall ? whether if ye offer violence to truth in fundamentalls , as well as in non-fundamentalls , yee strippe religion and truth of its glory , and furnish oyle to errour ? they goe on and tell us , wee need not ever bee in learning these that are clearely determined in the word ; for they are cleare , open , and of undoubled truths in the scripture , in other points ( not fundamentall ) a christian is ever a disciple and a searcher , not that he doth ever doubt and hesitate , but because , though for the present he neither doubt , nor hath cause of doubting , yet can he not be sure of these points , with such a certitude , which is free of all danger of errour , and therefore he is often to examine these according to the rule that cannot erre , and so it is enough before god that he may be said ever to learne , and to come to the knowledge of the truth , as far as frailty in this life can permit . answ . . there is then no stability of faith , but in two or three points , in which all papists , latherans , anti●●ni●ar●ans , arrians , socinians , libertines , familists , sabellians , nestorians , macedonians , arminians , antinomians , seekers , f●thystasts , anabaptists , &c. agree , and make one true church , beleeving what is necessary for salvation , and holding the foundation christ , and we have no divine faith of the miracles that christ wrought , that the old world perished with waters , which god speakes as clearly in the word , as he doth fundamentalls . but libertines should distinguish the formall reason of beleeving truths , which breedeth an obligation , and the necessity of beleeving , for the one onely formall reason of beleeving , both fundam●ntalls and non-fundamentalls , is thus , saith the lord. for we are as much obliged to beleeve non-fundamentalls that are cleare , as that there were eight persons saved in the arke , and the old world drowned with waters , s●dome burnt with fire , as to beleeve fundamentalls , that there is no name whereby men may be saved , but by the 〈◊〉 of jesus , for the authority of god speaking in his word and his command doth equally oblige to both , but there is no such necessity so absolute in beleeving non-fundamentalls , as in beleeving these , without the knowledge whereof , wee cannot be saved ; but it never followeth that errours in non-fundamentalls published and taught to the ruine of the soules of many , they having such a strong connexion and influence on the knowledge of fundamentalls , are to bee tolerated since our sinning here doth as equally and strongly strike against the authority and expresse command of god ( at least in most things of that kinde ) as in points fundamentall , and therefore the magistrate who is to looketo the honour of god as a christian , and peace of societies in all , is as much obliged to punish , clearly opened , non-fundamentall as fundamentall false doctrines . chap. xi . of the obliging power of conscience . libertines bewilder themselves , and the reader , both touching an erroneous conscience , and the obligation thereof , mr. williams saith , such a person ( what ever his doctrine be , true or false ) suffereth persecution for conscience ; as daniel was cast into the lions den , and many thousand christians , and the apostles were persecuted , because they durst not cease to prea●● and practise what they beleeved was by god commanded . but this is a foule mistake , daniel suffered not for conscience simply , because he practised what he beleeved to be truth , but because he practised what he truely congr●enter dei voluntati revelatae , congruously and agreeably to the revealed will of god , he beleeved , and the like is to be said of the apostles , not the conveniency , and commensurablenesse of their practise , and their conscience simply , but their beleeving , ●all modo , such a way made their sufferings to bee sufferings for righteousnesse sake ; for then must we say that paul persecuted with the tongue , the corinthians for their conscience , cor. . . awake to righteousnesse and sin not , i speake● it to your shame , for some have not the knowledge of god. those that denyed the resurrection ; through errour of conscience , said the dead shall not rise againe , for paul proves by strong arguments that the dead shall rise , and so takes away the errour of their conscience , why then puts he shame and reproach on them , and names them fooles , and void of the knowledge of god ? and such as beleeved in vaine ? it was not in their power to correct the errors of their conscience , and if they maintained , what they beleeved in conscience , was true ( as by pauls demonstrating the truth to their conscience is evident ) they were persecuted for righteousnesse , if out of meere innocent and faultlesse ignorance , they denyed the resurrection , paul should deale more gently with them , then upbraid them as fooles and epi●ures who said , let us eat , for to morrow , we shall dye , if they did all beleeve the resurrection , and yet professed the contrary , there was no need to take paines as he doth to prove it . saul killed the gibeonites out of zeale to the children of israel : it is like the blinde ignorant zeale he had , thinking the covenant that joshua made with them , did not oblige the posterity , was the cause of his murthering of them , yet he suffered not in his sons that were hanged for that blinde zeale , as righteous , and following the rule of his conscience in that . but touching an erring conscience , the question is not whether an erroneous conscience doth so tye , that we must do nothing on the contrary , nor is the question whether the nearest actually obliging rule , be conscience ; the arminians tell us , though the word of god , of it selfe , and by it selfe , have power to oblige , yet it actually obligeth no man , except it be understood , and so is beleeved to bee understood , after we use all possible diligence and prudence , for no man is obliged to follow the true sense of the word against his conscience , though it be erroneous ; but we thinke the word of god is both the farrest and nearest , and the onely obliging rule , and that the dytement of the conscience doth neither binde potentially nor actually , but is a meere 〈◊〉 , a messenger and an officiall relater of the will and mind to god , to us , and all the obliging power is from the word , 〈◊〉 the messenger of a king and judge , is not the obliging 〈◊〉 that tyes the subject , or the heraulds promulgation of the law , is no obliging rule , for promulgation of heraulds , is common both to just and to unjust lawes , and certainly unjust lawes from a just prince lay no band on the conscience or on the man , farre lesse can the promulgation as the promulgation lay any bands on the conscience , the word of a messenger and herauld is at the best but a condition , or the approximation of the obliging power to us , but all the obliging power is from the king and the judge . it is most false then , that these libertines say , that the word doth not actually oblige , except it be understood , for the understanding , information , and indycement of conscience , doth not adde any actuall obligation to the word that it had not before , it onely is a reporter , to carry both the word and the actuall obligation to the man ; the herauld promulgating the law , addes no obligation actuall or potentiall to the law that it had not before , onely it makes an union , in distance , and neare application and conjunction between the actually obliging law , and the understanding knowledge of the person , or subject , who is obliged to keep the law , though it bee true the fire cannot actually burne , but as timber is cast to it , yet the fire hath from its owne nature both potentiall and actuall burning , not from the act of casting the timber in the fire ; nor is this a concludent reason , no man is obliged follow how the true sense of the word against his conscience , though erroneous , ergo , the erroneous conscience doth oblige , or ergo , actuall obligation to obedience is not from the word , but from the conscience ; no more then this is a good consequence , no man is obliged to obey the law in it selfe , iust contrary to the promulgation of an erring and mistaking herauld , ergo , the mistaking heraulds promulgation giveth to the law actuall obligation over the subject , for it onely followeth , 〈◊〉 we are not to doe contrary to the actuall indic●ment of an erroneous conscience , but not obliged to follow the erroneous conscience , nor are we obliged to follow what our conscience saith is true and good , because , or upon this formall reason and ground , that the conscience saith so , more then we are to beleeve and practise , what the church or the conscience of others : the church , the learned and godly say , for we make not the word of the church the formal object of our faith , but ( thus saith the lord onely ) because the church is but a company of men , and so our faith should depend upon men , even though holy and speaking ingenuously what their conscience dictates as true , which is absurd , ergo , by the same reason , what one mans conscience , our owne , or others say , is not the formall object of our faith and practises , for so also our faith should depend on man , not on god. and we say the conscience at its best , is but regula regulata not , regula regulans , nor ought it to have the throne of god , for god is only regula regulans . if it were a rule , it is to bee ruled by god , and his word , yea , as we are to try all things and not beleeve with a blind faith what others say , or their conscience proposeth to themselves and us , as truth , for then we make a pope of the consciences of men , under the notion of teachers and church , so we are not to be ruled without trying , and absolutly by our owne conscience , but to try its dictates by the word of god , otherwise wee make a pope , and a god of our owne conscience . some say , as a right informed conscience obliegeth to doe what it dictates , so an erroneous conscience obliegeth to do according to its prescript . durandus and others saith , ●gat non obligat , it bindeth that yee cannot doe against it , which some call negative obligation , but non obligat , it obliegeth not as a divine rule , which is positive obligation . tannerus saith , a conscience that invincibly erreth , both bindeth , that we cannot doe against it , and obliegeth that we should not follow it . which hath truth in the matter of fact , a judge invincibly ignorant of an accused mans innocency , when two or three witnesses doe sweare hee is guilty , doth lawfully condemne the innocent man , having used all 〈◊〉 diligence to finde out the truth , and not being 〈◊〉 to find it , but this is rather error or ignorance of the fact , than an erronious conscience , for hee proceeds according to the law , with a well-informed conscience , following what the law saith , by the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every thing be established . the erroneous conscience so long as it remaineth , by the law of nature , layeth on an obligation on a man , not to doe against it , rom. . . to 〈…〉 the esteemeth any thing to be uncleane , to him it is uncleane , vers . . he that doubteth is damned , if he eat , because he eateth not of faith , for whatsoever is not of faith is sinne . so ambrose , our opinion layeth a law upon us . gammacheus saith it is a vain distinction of binding and oblieging , inter ligationem & obligationem . and that we are oblieged to follow an erroneous consciencesse long as it continueth erroneous , because here ( saith hee ) 〈◊〉 dispute not concerning that which is good , but that which is commanded , but if the conscience dictate that something is to be commanded and to bee done under paine of sinne , and yet we doe i● not , we resist conscience , and so we sin , because the obligation is no mere 〈◊〉 good onely , but rather to that which is commanded . the jesuite m●lderus saith the same ; contientiam erroneam & ligare & oblig●re , because an object materially considered is such , an object by 〈◊〉 , but it is an object per se , kindly when it is proposed by practicall ●●●son , for what is not of faith is sinne , gal. . . i testifie to 〈◊〉 one that is circumcised , that hee is debter to doe the whole law . answ . there can be no reason , why conscience , because conscience , or because wicked , more obliegeth ; then why will , because wicked will should obliege , since in every wicked conscience actually drawing men to ill , of either heresie or practise , there is something of wicked will , and though there were nothing of will , or of the affections in an erroneous conscience , yet since conscience as a knowing faculty is under the law of god , an erroneous conscience must bee a transgressing conscience , and it is a contradiction , that a faculty sinning should obliege to obedience to the law of god , in the same consideration , because it sinneth . but these schoole-●●●ties doe not obliege us , wee shall bee unwilling in any tearmes to say that god , or , which is all one , the law of nature , layeth on us an obligation to that which is sinfull , or 〈◊〉 if any thinke he is oblieged to be circumcised , sure he must thinke himselfe oblieged to eate the passeover also , and to keepe the whole ceremoniall law , but that the law of nature obliegeth him either so to thinke , and erroneously beleeve and practise , the whole ceremoniall law is another thing . it is true , a doubting conscience , that thinks hee is oblieged by the law to abstaine from eating swines flesh , is either oblieged to eate swines flesh , or not to eate , for to eate , or not eate , are opposed by way of contradiction , but there is no apparent contradiction but admiteth of some qualification , and modification , set the contradiction in an evangelicall sence , as you must , and then it shall be , there be none in the visible church , but he must either eate in faith , or not eate in faith , he must either bee circumcised in faith , and in a certaine perswasion that circumcision is acceptable to god , or hee must not bee circumcised in faith , &c. for both the law and gospell obliege to the action and to all the manner , way , and requisite circumstances of the action , to wit ; that it be done in faith , sincerely for god , in a due manner , &c. now so wee say ; hee is neither to eate simply , nor not to eate simply , but either to eate in faith , or to abstaine from eating in faith , and without an erring and doubting conscience : and we are not to do upon a supposition , that the conscience stand erroneous , nor hath the erroneous conscience any warrant at all , nor commission from the sovereigne lord of conscience , to command you to beleeve you must be circumcised , or upon the supposall of that faith to obliege you to be circumcised , more then any earthly judge hath a warrant from god to command murther or robery ; nor is it a law of nature , or of god that you must do absolutely and without trying what an erroneous conscience indites you to do , under paine of sin , nor is it a sin to resist an eroneous conscience by not doing , or suspending the action , more then it is a sin not to obey an earthly judge , when he commandeth beside , and contrary to the law of the supreame law-giver . no wonder they make a pope of conscience , who make the conscience of the pope the supream court that obliegeth all men on earth . the reason of this errour is , papists ( and libertines joyn with them in this ) dreame hat as god doth command unerringly , & indeclinably , so hte hath communicated to popes and heraulds , and to every lawful 〈◊〉 under him , and so to the conscience , that they may ●●errandly , and indeclinably also command , but they should remember when power of commanding comes out of god , the fountain of authority , now it looseth its absolute undeclinablenesse , when it is in conscience , or in any creature , and it is onely conditionall and limited in the streames , whereas it was absolute and soveraigne in the fountaine . in the case of an erroneous conscience standing in its vigorous thing , the question is , both , what is commanded , and what is good , for these two are not contrary , but agree well : for the lords command to adam ( eate not of this fruit ) is to adam the cause why the not eating is good , and the cause of the obligation to what is commanded also , but onely the obligation is ( ad modum facti , non ad factum ) to the ●●●ner of doing , that if we doe , or abstaine , we do it 〈…〉 , in faith , and perswasion without any jarring between the conscience and the object , but there is no obligation to the fact . on the regular way of doing , i am never oblieged to obey god with an erring conscience , or contrary to the inditement of an erring conscience . the material object being sin , and forbidden by the law of god , is an object by accident , even when it is proposed by practicall reason , if that reason be erroneous , and misinformed , as it is in this case , the proposing of practicall reason , doth not make that to bee good or commanded , which of it selfe was neither good nor commanded , but sinfull , it may make it good in the manner of doing , and obliege in the manner of doing , but that is not our question , but whether the practicall judgement and conscience remaining erroneous , doth both ligare , bind and obliege to the fact that is sinfull , that is denied . and though hee that is circumcised upon the supposall of a blind , erring , and jewish conscience , thinking the law of shaddowes obliegeth when the body christ is come , he is a debter to doe the whole law , and to eate the passeover , to sacrifice at jerusalem , to keepe the new-moones , &c. but how is he debter ? he is this way debter , what warrant he hath to be circumcised , he hath the same warrant to keepe the passeover , to sacrifice , that is , he hath as good reason for to doe all , or is as well obliged upon his false principles he goes on , to keep all the law of ceremonies as to be circumcised , or doe a part onely , but he is erroneously and sinfully made , by himselfe , a debter to the whole law , but god made him a debter neither to the one , nor to the other , and in gods court , though if he be circumcised , he must be circumcised this way , that is , his conscience must dictate that gods law still in force commands him so to doe , but this is but a necessity of supposition that falleth upon the manner of the doing , not upon the fact , for no law of god warranteth him to be circumcised , and no law of god makes him debter to doe all the rest of the law of ceremonies , he is obliged neither to be circumcised erroneously , nor to abstaine from circumcision erroneously , but to lay aside his erroneous conscience , and to abstaine from circumcision according to the enditement of a well informed conscience . so we easily answer that ignorant objection of phantasticall sectaries , in needlesse pamphlets and queries , smelling of non-sense and selfe-conceit , speaking they know not what : if the sword be used against errours to suppresse them , then must the magistrate command and compell men of tender consciences to sinne , and to doe against the light of their conscience ; for what is not of faith , is sinne . and the spirit himselfe waites and violates not the liberty of the reasonable soule , by superseding the faculties thereof , but approves every truth to the understanding , and moves the will without violence , with a rationall force : shall man be more zealous for god , then god is for himselfe ? god himselfe doth not force men , but call them to repentance . — if the word ( calling ) be considered , whether will it warrant any further meanes then arguments , perswasions , and intreaties ( make them as forceable us you can ) if you hold the feare of punishment over men , it must be the feare of divine punishment , &c. answ . for . wee no where teach that the sword is a meanes of converting , but the just vengeance that is inflicted by the minister of god upon false teachers , as upon other evill doers , so it is not destinated by god for spiritual gaining and reducing of hereticks that may repent , but for judiciall expiation of wrongs done to the flock and christian society . . this poore argument will conclude against all 〈◊〉 of magistrates , against murtherers , bloody traitors , for the lawes of the minister of god , the king forbids the english jesuit to stab his prince , and compells him to 〈◊〉 from king-killing , and if this jesuit abstaine from killing his sovereigne lord , and abstain not in faith , but against the light of his jesuiticall and bloody conscience , which dictates to him , that he is a protestant prince and a heretick , and he is obliged in conscience for the advancement of the catholicke cause to stabbe him , doth the supreme magistrate compell this jesuit to sin ? and doth hee force the jesuits conscience ? for to doe in faith hath place in duties of the second table , as well as in the first , and men out of conscience and in faith , and moved by the holy ghosts gracious actings are to obey all lawfull commands of the magistrate , as to pay tribute , to abstain from murther , treason , adultery , robbing and stealing , if they be subjects of tender consciences , and why then should the magistrate compell and force men to these duties which are to be done in faith , and in a spirituall manner ? for sure the spirit forces them not to doe these in faith , so the command of the magistrate moveth every christian to practise , and act of obedience to mens lawes for conscience sake , and the spirit moves the whole powers of the soul , both the understanding and the will without violence , with a rationall force , and why should the magistrate then be more zealous for god , then god is for himselfe ? and all this may be said against all lawes in the old testament , why should the magistrate compell men against their faith and conscience not to beleeve , not to practise any such seducing wayes , as to say , come let us goe serve other gods , should moses be more zealous for god , then god is for himselfe ? but the truth is , the magistrate as the magistrate doth not meddle with the conscience , not the manner of obedience to law , whether they be obeyed in faith , or against the light of conscience , that is nothing to him , he commands but the externall actions , preach no heresie , no familisme , soci●●nisme under the paine of corporall punishment ; if pastors obey this charge hypocritically , not in faith , it is their sin , not the magistrates , he neither commands thus , preach no heresie , in faith and perswasion , nor yet , in no faith , in no perswasion . and augustine tells us the donatists objected the same , god compelleth none , but hath given men freewill to obey him , contr . petil . l. . c. . epist , . ad vincention , contr. gaudenti●● . l. . c. contr. cresc . l. . c. . which i often re-minde the reader of , and the donatists also said this compulsion makes hypocrites , when they are compelled to goe to heare the word , augustine answers , although some that are compelled to beare remain hypocrites and counterfeit , yet for these , such as are sincere , should not have been left ungathered in . and for that of gods calling to repentance , he is but an ignorant senselesse man who wrote that booke . the spirit waits , ( saith hee ) and violates not liberty . if the meaning bee , the lord is long-suffering and patient , and lets men goe on in their sins , and in his owne time effectually calleth them , this is a senselesse sense , for god waits not on one out of his longanimity and forbearance , lest he should force freewill , for the freewill is ever alike impotent , rebellious and refractory , till god subdue it , if the meaning be ( as another sense it cannot have ) the spirit waites and violates not liberty , that is , the spirit waites untill freewill be in a good blood and a congruous disposition to obey , and then the spirit , for feare of forcing of it , if he should come on it undexterously to worke it against the haire ; catcheth the opportunity when he sees it is not on a straine of rebellion , and in a distemper , and then he drawes the freewill without force ; the man ( i judge ) is innocent and uncapable of this schoolheresie of late jesuits , who devise a pelagian congruous calling : and this were nothing to the purpose , and should neither have head nor feet to the matter in hand , for the spirit who can carry freewill , though most rebelliously distempered his way , is not afraid of freewills contradictorious opposing , but can in every moment subdue freewill without forcing , he never waites on , for such a matter , except there bee a time when freewill is to hard a party for the spirit to yoake withall ; or when nature or some preparatory grace makes it easier for the spirit to conquiesse , consent at one time more then another . . gods not forcing of freewill is no rule to the magistrate not to awe men to abstaine from perverting of soules for fear of the sword , for by the same reason , because gods spirit moves the saints to be subject to every ordinance of 〈◊〉 , judge , or good law , for the lords sake , and for conscience , for hee must obey this , rom. . . pet. . . and the spirit compells not in these more then in the others ; so this argument , god must worke faith , give repentance , and make a willing people , ergo , the christian magistrate cannot with his authority doe it , is all granted . this is but a very rotten rush , a straw , entbysiasts so argue , god teacheth sufficiently , ergo , the scriptu●● and ministery of men are not requisite , the discipline of the godly magistrate cannot ascend so high as to have influence on the conscience and beget faith no more then the preaching of the word by the ministers of the gospel without the 〈◊〉 , ergo , the godly magistrate cannot with the sword keepe the externall man in outward obedience to gospel-ordinances , it in no sort can can be a good consequence , nor is it good divinity to say with pelagians and arminians , that the calling of god extends no further then to arguments , perswasions , intreaties and threatnings , for the calling of god extendeth further then to so much as man can doe , in calling of sinners to repentance , but men can act upon the minde , will , and reasonable soule , by arguments , perswasions , intreaties and threatnings , for all that is done by the ministery of men . but in effectuall calling ( of which we here speake ) it is certaine , the lord infuseth a new heart , a new spirit , 〈◊〉 efficaciously to the son , which is a further and higher 〈◊〉 of omnipotencies , calling and drawing , then all the morall perswasion by arguments , intreaties , and threatnings , performable by men or angels ; so this man is either an ignorant or a grosse arminian . now from all this , it is easie to expound that character which the holy ghost putteth upon the hereticke , tit. . . he is judged or condemned of himselfe , that is , the truth is so clearely opened to him , or he may , if he did not wincke , and shut his eyes , clearely see and beleeve the truth , if he did not knowingly , prudently , and willingly resist the truth , and therefore is condemned by his owne heart . but minus celsus saith , the words carry a farre other sense , to wit , that by sinning he is the authour of his 〈◊〉 condemnation , because in chusing true religion , be thinkes he both made a right choice , when he hath chosen a false religion , being deceived by his owne judgement , he falleth into damnation , which , miserable man , he hath created to himselfe , and in which he chuseth to persist , and therefore is to be esehewed . so it is said , the jews judged themselves unworthy of eternall life , but knowingly they judged not so of themselves , but they did so behave themselves as if they made themselves unworthy of eternall life . so i beleeve the hereticke is called selfe-condemned , because he doth those things that renders himselfe worthy of damnation . so castalio , or he is selfe-condemned , that is , he is damned , though there were none to condemne him but himselfe . so erasmus . answ . he is selfe-condemned , who may be condemned by his owne conscience , though for the present the conscience be burnt with a hot iron , and the man will not permit it to summon , accuse , condemne , no lesse then hee who is actually condemned of his conscience , for it is a laudable act , and a naturall vertue of the conscience to give sentence against a heresie when it ought so to doe , as it is a vice of the conscience to be dumbe at heresies ; but if he love the truth , though he cannot actually condemne the heresie , hee is not selfe-condemned . the hereticke ( saith celsus ) is an innocent man , and is not such a man as sins against light , nor maliciously , nor with an ill conscience , nor is his end gaine , pleasure , nor an ambitious lusting after a name , hee seeth none of these are attaineable , yea , it is his desire of life eternall , and his ●eale that setteth him on worke , and rather or he dishonour god and deny the knowne truth , and sin against his conscience , he had rather chuse torment , and dye a martyr , and drinke that direfull and bitter cup of death , which was so terrible to jesus christ , that it caused him to fall to the earth , sweat blood and water . so he , fol. , , . which if it be true , an hereticke is rather an innocent angell , then a guilty man , condemned of his owne conscience . yet minus c●lsus saith here , he behaveth himselfe as one worthy of damnation , and damned , though none but himselfe condemne him , joh. . . for if our heart condemne us , god is greater then our heart and knoweth all things . it is like then , an innocent man is condemned , and his company to be eschewed as a pestilent wretched man. yet the arminians say , though discipline is to be exercised on hereticks condemned by themselves , yet are they bewitched with a great prejudice — so as heresie is a vice of nature rather then of free-will . and in another place , onely nature , by no fault of heretickes , void of grace , begetteth these errours , and not freewill despising the help of grace ; they are seduced not of their owne accord , but by necessity of nature , for they seduce not because they will seduce , but because they cannot seduce . it needs not an answer , that they say , the jews judged themselves unworthy of life eternall , not knowingly , for knowingly they did it , act. . v. . they spake against the convincing and enlightning gospel , contradicting and blaspheming . so ● . . , . for which sin against the holy ghost , paid turned from them , and preacheth the gospel to the gentiles ; yea minus celsus will have the jewes to erre innocently in that malicious fact . answ . to forbid marriage and meats , can hardly be arraigned as fundamentall errours , nor the authours such as must deny the scriptures to be the word of god , yet they are such as depart from the faith , teach doctrines of devils , speke lyes in hypocrisie , and have their conscience burnt with an hot iron ; and if hereticks be as innocent as their sin , if it be but a fault of nature , as blindnesse from the wombe , or deafnesse , not of will , but of nature , why are they to be rebuked , accused , condemned of their owne conscience ? but they little know the heart of man , who finde not malice , prejudice , pride , desire of glory , to hold up a faction , often gaine and hunger for court to lodge with errours of the minde ; and whereas libertines say we promote truth with blood , we retort it thus , they promote heresie with the sword , and deny thousands of atheists , bloody men their way , because the●● purse , the parliament , the sword , the army is on their side . chap. xii . arguments against pretended toleration . hence i proceed to argue thus against this pretended liberty . . every duty of the christian magistrate , hath warrant in the old or new testament , which exactly teacheth the duty of ruler and subject , father and children , master and servant , &c. argument . but toleration of many false wayes , and the permitting of men to speake lyes in the name of the lord , and to seduce soules , hath no warrant in the old or new testament ▪ ergo , such a toleration is no duty of the magistrate ; the major is cleare from the perfection of the word of god ; the assumption is proved by a negative argument from the scripture , it is no where written expresly , or by consequence , to be the duty of the ruler , therefore it is not his duty to tolerate or permit . if it be replyed , because it is not holden forth in scripture to be the rulers duty to punish men for their conscience , therefore it must be the rulers duty to tolerate and permit them . it is answered , the word of god is as perfect in teaching for what sinnes the ruler should not punish , as for what he should punish , the son for the fathers transgressi●● , should not be punished by the magistrate , for that i● injustice in men , and he should not punish , except the 〈◊〉 be confessed or proved by the mouth of two witnesses . the 〈◊〉 that was forc●d in the field , and had none to helpe her , 〈◊〉 free of punishment also ; and so is the man that 〈◊〉 hi● brother and hated him ●ot before . againe , if those that seduce soules be most hurtfull and pernicious to christian societies , and those that teach the way of god truely to be usefull , the ruler must not be newtrall and indifferent , as touching the use of his power toward either ; but as he is for the praise of well-doing by vertue of his office , so must he be an executer of wrath on evill-doers , especially such as hurt christian societies , whose peace and quiet living in all godlinesse and honesty he is to procure . argument ii. that which inferreth necessarily many religions , many faiths , many sundry gospels in one christian society , is not of god. but the toleration of all wayes , and many religions is such ; ergo , this toleration is not of god : the proposition is evident , because there is but one old way , jer. . . one lord , one faith , one baptisme , eph. . . one faith once delivered to the saints , jud. . one truth to be bought , prov. . . one christ , which the apostles , heard , saw , and handled with their hands , from the beginning , joh. , . one name of jesus , not any other under heaven by which we may be saved , act. . . not jehovah and malcom , zeph. . . not jehovah and baal , king. . . not the true god , and the gods of the heathen , the samaritan mixture , king. . . ( ) and this one way we are to keepe with one heart , ezek. . . with one judgement , one minde , one tongue , one shoulder , act. . . cor. . . phil. . cor. . . zeph. . . zach. . . being rooted and established in the faith , col. . . not tossed to and fro , nor carried about with every wind of doctrine , eph. . . without wavering , heb. . . for the assumption : that god hath appointed in his revealed will , that every man should serve god as best pleaseth him , and as it seemes good in his owne erronious conscience , and that every man should pervert the soule of his brother , and the magistrate should put no man to shame for it , is as good as if there were no magistrate , and that it is against his calling as a magistrate , is clear , for the holy ghost saith , that , jud. . . micah had a house of gods , and made an ephod , and a teraphim , and consecrated one of his sonnes , who became his priest , was from this , v. . in those dayes there was no king in israel , but every man did that which was right in his owne eyes ; ergo , the magistrate by his office is to take care that micah and others serve not god as it seemes good to their owne erroneous conscience , and so , that another follow not another religion , and a third , another third religion , as seems good in every mans owne eyes . . if the magistrate restraine not the high places , for which he is rebuked , as some sacrifice at jerusalem at gods command ; so the people for the most part sacrifice in the high place through the princes fault , and then there bee two religions , and upon the same sinfull indulgence they may multiply groves , and alters according to the number of their cities : and as there were false prophets among the people then , so now , who with faire words make merchandise of mens soules , who by the revealed will of god must bee tolerated to doe the like , and others the like , till religions bee multiplyed : and this wee must say , except it be affirmed that under the new testament : the corruption of our nature is not so great , through neglect of magistracy to doe what seemes good in our owne eyes under the new testament , and to runne a whoring from god to other high places as they did , and if so , neither should there be a magistracy under the new testament to restraine us in wayes of conversation touching the second table , to wit , to hedge men in from robbing and stealing , from incestuous marriages and polygamie , upon meere conscience ; for if the saints be the onely ●ust owners of the earth , as many now hold , it is no more punishable by the ruler , as robbery , that a saint take the oxe , asse , monies . possessions of his neighbour , who is a carnall and wicked man , then that he take of his owne goods for his use , when he is naked and starving , which by the law of nature hee ought to use before hee famish● , and incestuous . ma●riages are to some consciences as unpunishable now , as when cain and abel married their owne sisters ; and if conscience ought not to bee forced in one thing , neither can violence bee offered to it in any thing that unfainedly pretends to conscience . argument iii. that indulgence and forbearance of all from the ruler , which layes an undeniable ground for scepticisme , fluctuation , and doubting in matters of religion , is not of god. but such is toleration of sundry religions ; ergo , the major is thus proved : true religion suggesteth an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a perfect understanding , luke . . knowledge and perswasion of faith , rom. . . . faith by many infallible tokens , act. . . full perswasion , rom. . . tim. . . tim. . , . all riches of the full assurance of understanding , col. . . the assumption i thus prove ; because the libertines say , that speciall and principall ground of no indulgence to false prophets under the old testament , was because the prophets were infallible , god himself who onely knows the heart , designed the false teacher , and the blasphemer by immediate resolution from his owne oracle , and made it out of question whether that was heresie or no , and whether presumptuously against the light of conscience the man held , professed and taught others so to doe , and beleeve as he did : so arminian libertines : so minus celsus : so vaticanus : so jo. goodwin , and the english libertines . but now since the prophets and apostles fell asleepe , no magistrate , no synod is infallible , all men are apt to deceive , and be deceived , for whether in fundamentals or non-fundamentalls : none now can challenge propheticall or apostolicke infallibility , the synod condemning socinians , familists , as heretickes are not infallible , but may as rather be the heretickes , as those whom they condemne , for they have not monopolized the holy spirit to them-themselves , so say they , wee have no immediate oracle to determine heresie : and what we beleeve in all , except some few fundamentalls , wee are to beleeve with a reserve , leaving roome to a new contrary light say the independents ; yea but it holdeth in beleeving fundamentalls , as well as non-fundamentalls , for in neither have wee propheticall infallibility and immediate oracles , and scripture shewes wee have as great darknesse , blindnesse of minde , naturall fluctuation to beleeve nothing in supernaturall fundamentalls in the gospell , as in non-fundamentalls , but with trepidation and doubting of minde , wee no more having monopolized the spirit to us then sectaries , nor sectaries more then we , in the one then in the other , in fundamentalls , then in non-fundamentalls : what ever wee beleeve , upon this principle of reciprocall toleration , both wee and sectaries are to beleeve with a speciall reserve to change that faith with the next new moone , when contrary new light shall appeare , so are wee taught to have faith of nothing , but to bee tossed to and fro , and to bee carried about with every wind of doctrine , with wavering , not rooted , nor established , nor fully perswaded of any thing , contrary to ephes . . . hebrewes . . coloss . . . . roman . . ● . timoth. . . and this destroyes faith , and makes it a meere conjecture , and an unsettled opinion , with a fluctuation of minde , to waite the tyde of a new contrary light , and send this old faith away , and admit of another ; yet so as to lodge that new one with a moveable reserve , and so must we live and dye doubting , and meere nullifidians . argument iv. that which destroyeth all our hope , comfort of the scriptures , zeale , constancy , and rejoycing in suffering for the truth , for christ and the gospel is not to be held , nor is it from god. but toleration of sundry religions is such , ergo , the proposition is cleare for the places of scriptures placing these christian graces in beleevers , as heb. . , . pet. . . thess . . . rom. . . . rom. . . rom. . , , . eph. . . phil. . , . heb. . , . matth. . , . now toleration layes this ground as a principle , men are not to be troubled for their conscience , because they beleeve , hold , publish , and reach what they do , right or wrong , according to their conscience , be it erroneous , or not erroneous ; and their zeale , hope , perswasion , comfort , carrieth them to undergoe the reproaches of heretickes , seducers , false prophets , imprisonment , torture , death , burning quicke , rather then they would sinne against knowne truth , and offend against a conscience though erroneous , yet because the sufferers are not infallible , and it may be a lye , they beleeve , publish , and suffer for , their hope may be grounded on a lye , their comfort not bottomed on the scripture , and so false hope and comfort , their rejoycing in sufferings , and undergoing torture , and violent death , but fleeting and counterfeit joy , their zeale without knowledge , a bastard zeale , having nothing to doe with the word , and gospel-promises ; but in the bottome , as contrary to them as light is to darknesse : for what any saint or professour beleeves and publishes , hee is to beleeve and publish , and dye in it , and for it , with a faith that the contrary may bee a truth of god , and so to bee tolerated and borne with : now the hope of the hypocri●e is therefore compared to the spiders web , to a broken tree , to a blasted olive tree , his joy to a night vision , a dreame , the cracking of thornes under a pot , because both hope and joy , and all his comfort is grounded on an erroneous conscience , a lye , an imagination , not on the word of god. now so is the joy , comfort , and hope of all religions which libertines contend must be tolerated , they confesse they may bee truths , they may bee lyes , yet if they bee punished for them , they suffer persecution for righteousnesse , for christ , for truth . argument v. that which taketh away all wayes of removing heresies under the new testament , both by the sword , and refuting of gaine-sayers by the word , all rebuking , all avoyding of them , is not of god. but such is this pretended toleration , ergo , it is not of god , the major is evident of it selfe . the assumption i thus prove : therefore the magistrate should not punish heretickes , because hee cannot doe it in faith , for he not being infallible , hee cannot certainely and undeniably know that hee punisheth the man for that which is a heresie , or for that which is a truth , and so while he is plucking up tares , hee may bee plucking up wheat , and so he cannot in faith punish him , say they . but this reason strongly evinceth , according to the way of libertines , the gaine-saying hereticke is not to bee refuted , nor to bee sharpely rebuked , that he may bee sound in the faith : nor to bee avoided as selfe-condemned , contrary to titus . , , . titus . . romans . . timoth. . , . timoth. . , . matth. . , , , . cor. . , , , , &c. because what ever my christian professour doth , as well as the christian magistrate , he must doe it in faith , rom. . . otherwise 〈◊〉 sinneth . and it is no lesse sinne ( i speake not of 〈◊〉 - degree● ) to refute , judge , and condemne , rebuke and avoid a brother as a selfe-condemned hereticke , when it is not evident to the conscience of pastours , synods , or any private christians , who may refute , admonish , and rebuke heretickes by the word of god , titus . , , , titus . . rom. . . that hee is an hereticke , for they may bee reproaching and speaking against such as are sound in the faith , and wheat ; not heretickes and tares , for ought they know , who have not monopoli●ed the holy spirit to themselves onely , more then , these whom they refute , admonish , rebuke and avoid as heretickes , and so they cannot in faith more 〈◊〉 the holy ghosts charge , and rebuke heretickes , then the magistrate can in faith draw the sword against them . argument vi. the father commands the children now in the state of sinne , to learn and heare the judgements and testimonies of god , gen. . . exod. . . psal : . , , . joel . . , . and that in order to the rod and bodily punishment , prov. . . prov. . . with-hold not correction from the child , for if thou beatest him with the rod , he shall not die . . thou shalt beat him with the rod , and shalt deliver his soule from hell . damnable heresies bring swift destruction , pet. . . the fourth command is given to the father of the house , exod. . in order to son , servant , and stranger , to cause them to keep the sabbath ; which nehemiah as a father and a ruler practised by the sword , nehem. . , , , . and the like morrally , layeth bands on all magistrates and ministers , according to the power of the rod , civill or ecclesiasticall committed to them , eli a father and a judge dispised god , sam. . . in not correcting his sons , for abusing of their priestly power : his sonnes might have pretented conscience that they could not live upon the ordinary allowance for the priest , and that the law of nature might beare them out in their practises ; yea , every man is to take care that he and his house serve the lord , nor did joshua as a magistrate only , chap. . . but as a master of a house so speake , then must the prince , the parliament , the magistrates say the like , and take care according to their places as fathers of the common-wealth to doe the same . hence we thus argue , what ever coercive power to command , threaten , promise , punish , restraine , reward , god hath given to parents , masters of families , teachers , tutors , officers in war , kings and princes , is the good gift of god and a tallent to be imployed for the good of soules , and in order to observe the duty of the first table , every one in order to their station . because kings are to bring their glory and honour to the new jerusalem : it s either kingly honour and power , which is essentially coactive , or then , it is nothing but that holy rich men that bring their glory to it , rev. . . and kings shall minister to the church . it is either royall service as kings , or then no more favour is bestowed on the church , then if private men ministered to the church , esa . . ver . . and if it be not for the beautifying of the house of god at jerusalem , in obeying the law of god , and insticting death , or banishment on the refusers of obedience , as the persian monarch did , ezr. . . , , . it is not glory brought to jerusalem . but such a coercive power hath the lord given , as a talent and gift to parents , masters , teachers , tutors , officers , kings and princes : as these places evince . and thus , that which the master of a christian family may doe , that the father of the common-wealth the king in his place may doe . but the master of a family may and ought to deny , an act of humanity , or hospitality to strangers that are false teachers , who bring another gospell , john . whom he must neither lodge , nor bid god speed : because he brings another gospel ; which he otherwise owes by the law of nature to a pagan , and a man not knowne to him , heb. . , . job . . gen. . , , , . chap , , , , . the proposition is cleare upon the ground that david as an head of an house , will cut off all lyers , and wicked persons out of his house , as a godly king he will also cut off early from the church ( called the city of god ) 〈◊〉 wicked doers , psal . . for if every christian family of new england must refuse lodging to a false teacher , must not the governour and judges , who have power to command and regulate acts of hospitality , joyn their civil authority to forbid any master of an house , to lodg such a 〈◊〉 hereticke ? and what is this but the highest degree of banishment ? and if the christian magistrate who may in law dispose of innes and lodging of strangers , for the publique good , should command any to receive such a man 〈◊〉 house , should he not offer violence to the conscience of the master of the house ? and yet if the man were sound in the faith , and should onely seeme a false teacher to the master of the house , the adversaries would say , the godly ruler may command an act of the law of nature , to lodge a 〈◊〉 , who onely upon mistake , and an erronious 〈◊〉 is suspected to be an hereticke , for they say the ruler may 〈◊〉 his power in duties of the second table . it appeares that the laws of both kingdoms ordained english or scotish seminary priests , or jesuits that come to either kingdome to seduce men to the romish faith , to be hanged , to have better ground in the word of god , jo. . and which forbids any under paine of death to lodge such then the twelfth proposall for peace , that licenceth jesuits and preists and so commandeth protestants to lodge such , if they disturbe not the peace of the kingdome , though they leade millions of soules to hell . for upon this proposal , suppose al england were truly godly , the king might command the just contrary to what the apostle john exhorts , if he follow the consciences of the new army . chap. xiii . magistracy and perpetuall lawes in the old testament warrant the civill coercing of false prophets . argument vii . what the patriarkes , and godly princes of israel and judah were obliged to doe , as rulers and princes , and not as such rulers who were priviledged types of christ , that all kings and rulers under the new testament are obliged to doe . for quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what agreeth to kings as such , and to rulers as such , agreeth to all kings , and to all rulers . but patriarkes and godly princes , as rulers commanded the putting away of strange gods , as jacob , gen. . , , . did , and the worship of the true god : as abraham , gen. . he being a prince within himselfe . so repenting manasses , chron. . , . removed strange gods , and new a●ers . asa removed idolatry and queen-mother for her idolatry , chron. . renewed the covenant , and commanded that who soever should not seeke the lord god of israel , should be put to death whether small or great , whether man or women : 〈◊〉 is commanded , because he tooke away the high 〈◊〉 , and the groves , as other godly kings are blemished for not removing of them , chro. . . neverthelesse there are good things found in thee , saith the prophet , jehu . hezekiah removed the high places , the images , groves , brazen serpent , restored the passeover , worship , priests . and josiah destroyed the high places , groves , carved , and molten images , idols , and altars of baal●m , the horses dedicated to the sunne , houses of the sodomites , topheth , baals priests , chro. . now that they did this as princes , not as priviledged types of christ , and that god requires this at the hands of king charles , when god shall establish him in his throne , to take order with arrians , socinians , antitrinitarians , familists , 〈◊〉 , anabaptists , seekers , &c. is evident . . their assertion , that all the judges and kings , were types of christ , even jeroboam , jehu , ahab , and the vilest of them is said , not proved . . that typicalnesse invested all these kings with a power over the conscience , . to convert men to god with a sword of steele . . to punish idolaters , whereas they had none , if they had wanted this typicalnesse , the contrary being evident in cyrus , artaxerxes , darius . . that this typicalnesse made jeroboam , ahab , and such who sold themselves to wickednesse , infallible to judge who were true prophets , and reward them , and who were seducers , to put them to death , the contrary of which is cleare in ahab , and men of his stamp . . wee require any ground from the word that they were types of christ . . that the typicalnesse of the land made the head , the king , a type of christ , and not all the inhabitants types also . . that the typicalnesse of the land made the king head of the church , and yet he might not offer incense , but hee must be strucken with leprosie as king vzzah was . . that church and state was one . . that the king was supreme church-judge above the priests that handle the law , and over both judicatures of church and state , ( . ) that they were all prophets , and by an extraordinary typicall power removed the high places , killed baals priests ; all which phancies taken for granted lyeth between them and this , that princes now have nothing to doe with christ and religion more then indians . . that they did this as princes of common equity by the law of nature ; i prove . darius who was undeniably no type of christ to his great commendation makes a law , ezra . . i have made a decree that whosoever shall alter this word , let timber be pulled from his house , and being set up , let him bee hanged thereon , and let his house bee made a dunghill for this ; and this is commended by the holy ghost , v. . they prospered through the prophesying of haggai , &c. according to the commandement of the god of israel , and according to the commandement of cyrus and darius , and artaxerxes king of persia . and ezra chap. . artaxerxes saith v. . whosoever will not doe the law of thy god , and the law of the king ( injoyning obedience thereunto ) let judgement be executed speedily upon him , whether it be unto death , or unto banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment . and artaxerxes was no type of christ , yet ezra addeth in the next verse , . blessed be the lord god of our fathers , which hath put such a thing as this in the heart of the king , to beautifie the house of the lord at jerusalem . if it stand good that patrons of liberty say , he was not to blesse god for this , he had cause to mourne , that the heathen king being no type of christ , should intermeddle with that which belonged not to him , to straine the tender consciences of men , and to force religion upon them with the sword ; for chap. . v. , . this is set downe as a blessed decree which brought on an assembly , for putting away strange wives . the like is clear in the decree of darius , daniel . for worshipping the god of daniel , and of the king of niniveb , for a generall fast , jon. . and nebuchandnezar , dan. . , . . typicalnesse sometime may be ground of doing what is extraordinary , as sampson killed himselfe and his enemies , which he could not have done in ordinary , but he was in it a type of christ , who slew more in his death , ( and that most voluntary , joh. . . ) then in his life . and solomon as a type married the daughter of the king of aegypt , typifying christ , who joyned himselfe in marriage with the church of the gentiles ▪ but it is no good consequence , the kings of judah being types did punish idolaters , therefore 〈◊〉 ●●nishing of idolaters was extraordinary . for 〈…〉 the ammonites and philistimes , and so did joshua the 〈◊〉 as types of christ , who subdueth all our spirituall 〈◊〉 , and makes the gentiles his willing subjects , but it followeth not that therefore christian kings may not 〈◊〉 joshua and david in making warre with nations that come against them in battell , as these did against the people of israel , josh . . , . ps . . , , , , . for sometime the ground of typicall actions is morall , as josephs brethren bowed to him by vertue of the fifth commandement , because joseph was a prince second to the king , yet both ●ee and they were types , for these that despised and sold christ bowed to him ; sometimes the ground of typicall actions is an extraordinary impulsion , and then they binde not to imitation , as a man may not kill himselfe , that he may kill his enemies , to follow sampson ; in that extraordinary motion of the spirit , in which he was a type of christ . but if there be no more but naked typicalnesse in the kings of israel and judah in punishing idolaters , except they did it by extraordinary impulsion , which cannot be proved , it concludes nothing against us . argument viii . wee argue from examples of seducers , who have been punished with bodily death or otherwise : as at the command of moses the prince , three thousand were slaine , exod. . , , . for worshipping the golden calfe , that god might that day bestow a blessing on them , . and moses might make atonement for them , vers . . numb . . moses commands all the heads of the people to be hanged before the 〈◊〉 , that the fierce anger of the lord may be turned away from israel , because they were joyned to baal-peor , and the sacrifice of the gods of moah , , , , . phineas in his zeale turned away the 〈◊〉 of god in that he thrust through zimri in the act of uncleannesse with corby a medianitish woman . and 〈…〉 slay the priests of baal , with the sword . and paul 〈◊〉 elimas the sorcerer with blindnesse , because he laboured to pervert sergius pa●lus the deputy , from the faith , act. . , , . the sonne of the israelitish woman , whose father was an egyptian , while he did strive with a man of israell and so in passion and malice toward the man , as would appeare , cursed god , was stoned to death , and a law was made on it against the blasphemer , levit. . , , , , . which is , ver . , . whosoever curseth his god shall beare his sin , . and whosoever blasphemeth the name of the lord hee shall surely be put to death ; and all the congregation shall certainly stone him , as well the stranger as hee that is borne in the land , when her blasphemeth the name of the lord shall be put to death : there be two things here to me that proveth this was no judiciall temporary law binding israel onely . his god , holdeth forth , that nature abhorreth , and the sum of the first command written in the heart is , hee that curseth his maker whom he is to blesse , love , and serve with all his heart , should dye . this law obliegeth the stranger , and any heathen to be put to death , if hee should blaspheme god , saith it is the law of nature , and obliegeth us under the new testament as being the first and highest sin that nature crieth shame , and woe upon ; and wee are to conceive it was a lawfull warre attempted by the ten tribes to goe against the tribe of ruben , gad and the halfe of manassah , josh . . , . &c. to . because they set up a new alter to worship ( as their brethren conceived ) which if true , certainly was a cleare apostacy from the god of israel . that joshua destroyed the canaanites for their idolatry , josh . . ; . chap. , &c. i confesse will not warrant us to make warre , and destroy with the sword , all the indians , and idolaters on earth , and to compell them to worship the true god in the mediator christ , without preaching first the gospell to them ▪ nor can it warrant us to kil every ignorant blinded papist with the sword , nor can wee deny , but what elias and paul did against false teachers , was by extraordinary impulsion , because the ordinary magistrate would not , as 〈◊〉 and jezebell , and could not , through ignorance of the gospell punish perverters of the truth : but sure these examples prove corporal , and sometimes capitall , punishment ought by the magistrate to be inflicted on all blasphemers , on all ringleaders of idolatry and false worship , as exod. . they forced aaron to make the calfe , and levit. . they were heads , rulers , and cheife offenders that were hanged , the manner of the punishment may bee exemplary and determined of god , for the example of after ages , whither by death , for simple heresie in one seduced , which was no ring-leader , ( which i finde hath not been done by god , in the old or new testament ) but seducers and ring-leaders by the law , such as cease not to subvert the faith of others should dye , yet these examples clearly hold forth so much of the law of nature as bodily punishment , according to the measure of the offence is due : otherwise if christ have freed false teachers from all punishment external , or that may be thought to worke any otherwise then by meer spirituall instructing in all meeknesse , then by the liberty purchased by christ they are freed from shame and reproach , for shame and the publicknesse of suffering is an external punishment , and is another meanes , besides meek instructing , as is clear from judg. . . and from souls calling jonathan the sonne of a rebellious woman , in which he handled him shamefully , sam. . . isa . . . luk. . . yea , by this way of libertines , false teachers are not to bee rebuked , nor avoyded , that they may be ashamed , paul may not upbraid the cretians , and call them idle bellies , and lyars , that they may be sound in the faith : for that must be contrary to the liberty , wherewith christ hath made them free . and a bodily punishment may be extraordinary in regard of the manner of doing , when done by miracle , and fire brought from heaven , and in regard of the persons that inflict it , as that which phineas did being priest , and elias being a prophet , and paul being an apostle , when the magistrate will not do his part ; and yet the punishment in the 〈◊〉 and substance , may be according to an ordinary law of god that bindes us : paul strikes elimas with blindnesse ; it is no rule for ministers to do the like to false teachers ; but it is the rule for him that beares the sword , to inflict bodily punishment upon perverters of the gospell , if this 〈◊〉 not , joshua's warres with the canaanits that were according to a morall and perpetuall rule of justice , and bindes us , josh . . , . should not binde us to lawfull defensive warres in the like case , contrary to the law of nature , josh . . , . because joshua in these warres did many things extraordinarily , and killed all the cattle and women with childe , which we are not to doe . the answer of many is , these were extraordinary , ergo , they binde not us . is no answer , they were extraordinary in the manner , not in the substance and nature of the punishment , in which the course of justice warrants us , as a rule flowing from the law of nature , though the manner and extraordinary accidents are before us , as no oblieging law , upon the same ground many argue ; the apostles , who were immediately inspired , give out synodicall decrees , acts . therefore elders that are not infallible , may not give decrees according to the word of truth . yea ( say we ) neither should this be a good consequence , the prophets , and immediately inspired apostles preached and prophesied the will of god as the lord taught them . ergo , minister , now , though not immediately inspired may not preach the mind of god according to the proportion of faith , for we thinke the consequence is most strong , according to the word , wee are to follow the prophets and apostles in that , in which they followed the law of nature , which is , that every ambassador relate faithfully his princes will , though some have ordinary gifts , some extraordinary and rare gifts in relating the same embassage : so it is no good consequence , some by extraordinary warrant did punish evill doers , ergo , the ordinary magistrate hath not therefore power to punish such evill doers . argument ix . the expresse law of god , and of nature written in the heart of al , proveth that the seducer should die , deut. . if a prophet or a dreamer arise , and say , let us goe after other gods , he shall be put to death . that is no temporary law oblieging the jewes only , the text sayth . let us goe ( saith the dreamer ) after other gods is 〈◊〉 them , this ●in is against the first command , and that im●aculate principle of nature , graven in the heart of man , that there is one onely true god , and he onely to be served . it is against the love of god , ver . . the lord tryeth you whether you love the lord your god : if he be god our love is due to him . it is against the fear of god , v. . ye shall fear him : if he be god , he is omnipotent , infinitely great and dreadfull , therefore by the light of nature to be feared . and . cleaved to as the onely happinesse of men . adde to these , that it is a morall transgression , if magistracy , and lawfull revenging of violence and unjustice by the minister of god , and government against highest soule-oppression , be a naturall remedy , not a temporary positive salve ( as undoubtedly it is ) then sure he that seduces so , should dye . . he speakes aversion and turning away from god , and that is hell and the extremity of miseries . . he thrusts thee out of the way , v. . a word of violence . then . he is evill and destructive to the society of men , which the magistrate by his office should defend , v. . so shalt thou put away the evill from the midst of thee . . he seeks to thrust thee from the lord thy god , that brought thee out of the land of aegypt . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to remove from god , as from an unclean and cursed thing , and it expresseth excommunication , and then to thrust men away from the lord in covenant with us , that can save from the greatest of miseries , must be the highest of injuries , and if the lord proved a publicke avenger against the highest wrongs that can be done in a society ( as he doth ) then certainly against this . . it is a wrong that god would have all israel to feare , a wickednesse that strikes at the root of society . . and all israel shall heare and feare , and doe no more any such wickednesse as this among you . and v. . such are children of beliel , they make all things and persons cursed they come among , and bring on the land , the fierce anger of the lord , v. . the int●●●secall worke and end of the magistrate is to avenge evill doing , and so to remove the fierce anger of the lord from a land , that the people may feare and not do any such wickednesse , as is cleare , deut. . . . exod. . . . deut. . . rom. . , , . pet. . . now the false prophet is such as brings on all these evills , and therefore if magistrates stand under the new testament , and if there be such a sin now as thrusting away people from the lord who hath , in christ , delivered us from a greater bondage then that of aegypt , this must be a perpetuall law. deut. . . if there ●e found any among you within any of thy gates which the lord thy god giveth thee , man or woman , that hath wrought wickednesse in the sight of the lord in transgressing his covenant , and hath gone and served other gods and worshipped them , either the sunne or the moone , or any of the hoast of heaven , which i have not commanded . . and it be told thee , and thou hast heard of it , and the thing certaine that such abomination is wrought in israel . . then shalt thou bring forth that man or that woman which hath committed that wicked thing unto thy gates , even that man and that woman , and shall stone them with stones till they dye . . at the mouth of two witnesses or three witnesses , shall he that is worthy of death bee put to death . hence not simple idolaters , nor all the nations round about , nor all the papists , that are educated in idolatry , by this law shall be put to death , but such as are within the gates of israel . . in covenant with god. . it is wrought in israel , and so apostates to judaisme , to strange gods are to be punished ; so we teach not that nations are to be converted by the sword , or that the idolatry of indians , the blasphemy of jews , is a sufficient ground to make warre against them , and cut them off with the sword . . apostates turning to false gods , were by a written law judged . there is no consulting of an oracle by urim and th●●mim here , as libertines say , but just as the murtherer is to be judged under the new testament , if it be told thee , the people or the judge , and thou hast ●eard of it . v. . vnder two witnesses , hee shall be convinced . it were a vaine thing to goe and seek witnesses , and follow reports and hear-sayes , if they had an immediate oracle to informe the judge and say , here the idolatry , there the idolater , binde him and lead him away to death , ( as some patrons of liberty plead ) we read not any such conjecture . he is not persecuted for opinions , because be cannot c●me up to that measure of light in judgement that other saints attain unto , but he is put to death for an externall act of idolatry , that is seen , heard , proved by two witnesses . and for externall abomination wrought in israel , v. , . the lord never puts a judge to prove opinions , that remain within the walls of the heart , and are things of the minde , by witnesses , nor is the end of putting to death to force , beat , or cudgell him to the sound faith , with the sword , but to be avenged on hi● sin , to remove evill , to save the israel of god from infection . it is not single idolatry that is his death , but his idolatry in seducing others by word or example , he work● such abomination in israel , v. . in the church of god , which tendeth to seduce others . deut. . . i will raise them up a prophet from among their brethren like unto thee , that is , christ act. . . so the holy ghost in the apostles expounds it . and he adds ver . ● . but the prophet that shall presume ( he must mean in the time of the messiah , when the true prophet shall rise ) to speak a word in my name , which i have not commanded him to speak , or that shall speak in the name of other gods , even that prophet shall die . it is a prophecy of a new testament law , because many were to come in christs name , and say , loe i am christ , as many now doe , so zach. . , , , . levit. . . whosoever of the children of israel , or of the strangers that sojourn in israel , that giveth any of his seed to molech , 〈◊〉 shall surely be put to death . this law , if it did lye upon the strangers and heathen , then ; it was not judiciall , but it must lye on us gentiles , now ; who can free us from it ? object . but he was put to death not for false worship , but for ●●rthering of his son. answ . no law of god or men , can judge that murther , which is done without hatred to the party murthered , as is clear deut. . , , . chap. . . chap. . . but here , the dearer their sons were to them , they the rather offe●ed them to their god. ● . the text gives no reason why such should be put to death for murther , but for false worship , against the first table , ver. . he defiles my sanctuary , be prophanes my holy name , ver . . the magistrate must kill such a seducer , for he commits whoredom with molech . chap. xiv . cavils against coercive judiciall laws , for punishing false prophets in the old testament removed . the first common answer made to all these , is : that these were judiciall and old testament laws , when god dealt more strict●y with the jews , and hedged them in with severer laws , penalties , and a greater measure of bondage , then now under the meek and gentle reign of the messiah . answ . more severity , and a stricter tutory to be over the church in non-age , and under pedagogie , we grant , gal. . , , . but that is in regard of ceremoniall hedges , laws , and dayes , but it is to begge the question , to say that morall transgressions are destructive , if not more , to christian societies now as then , such as blasphemy , idolatry , heresie , that were punished with the sword then , must now be more loosed from all bodily punishment in any kind , then murther , sorcery , adultery , perjury . for the comparison of a milder government under jesus , then under moses , cannot stand in fencing some moral transgressions utterly from the sword , and in leaving others lesse weighty , under as bloody punishments as ever they were . when no reason from the word of truth , can be given , why the murtherer should dye by the sword , now and then , but blasphemy , and offering the sons to molech , as the indians doe now , was then by the law of nature , a dis-worship , or a false worship , punishable in jews and heathen , but now it is not in any punishable by the sword at all . . the sword did not force the conscience of any then , more than now , nor could it cudgell an idolater , or a blasphemer , into the sound faith then , more then now , and weapons of the prophets in the old testament , as well as the apostles in the new , were not carnall but spirituall , and mighty through god. prophets , as prophets , no more used the sword against mens consciences of old , than christ , his apostles , and ministers doe now , mat. . , . and as christ saith now , preach the gospel , but kill none , use neither staffe nor sword , nor miraculous power to destroy hereticks , or burn samaria , so he said to his prophets , speake my word to israel and judah and the nations , to ninive and others , but kill none , and use the sword against none of the rebellious who will not heare , that they may bee converted . yet hee commanded the magistrate to use the sword against the seduceing prophet , nor can the libertines shew us of a ceremoniall death inflicted for the transgression of a morall law , which transgression is now made free from all bodily punishment , indeed the man that refused to raise up seed to his brother was put to shame by the law , and we are freed from both the law , and the penalty thereof , and the man that gathered sticks on the sabbath was put to death by an answer from gods mouth , but the breach of the holy sabbath instituted before the fall is no ceremoniall transgression , nor doe we thinke that every violation of the sabbath was punished by death , but that the magistrate , masters and fathers , are not to punish with bodily coercive power the transgressours of the fourth command , is most false . for what the magistrate commands the subject , the master the servant , the father the sons , and which they have warrant from the morall law to command in these relations , that they command in order to the sword and rodde , if their commandements find no other welcome but rebellion , for the power of magistrate , and master , yea , and of the father now in the state of sin is essentially coercive ; they may compell their inferiours by strong hand , either to doe or suffer the will of god , which is sufficient to prove our poynt . though it be true , some morall transgressions moses punished with death , as sabbath-breaking , it followeth not therefore the godly prince may now punish it with death , but it followes not therefore , such transgressors are made free , through christ of all bodily punishment , as libertines inferre , for though the temporarines of the punishment be only in the measure of punishment , yet not in the punishment it selfe . we desire a reason why the gentlenesse of the sonne of gods government should free the blasphemer , and the soul-murtherer , from sadder , yea from all bodily punishment , and not free him that destroyes the body also . or how all the sons of levi saw by an immediate oracle that all that had worshipped the golden calfe , exod. . had done it with such high presumption , as made that idolatry worthy of death , which otherwise was not worthy of death ; and it is cleare the charge was without exception , v. . slay every man his brother , and every man his companion , and every man his neighbour . and the like i say of all that joyned to baal-peor . and when asa compelled so many thousands both of judah and israel to sweare a covenant , and that they should be put to death , that would not seeke the lord , chro. . whether asa and all the under-judges ( for asa in his owne person could not doe it ) had a deputed dominion over the consciences to force them , and whether he consulted the oracle to know who sought not the lord , and refused the covenant out of meere weaknesse , as not being able to see how asa , who was no prophet , and a prince for eminency of conversing with god farre inferior to moses , was not a little wide , in pretended zeale , to urge the law with an oath , and no lesse then death on the refusers to seeke god and the breakers of the covenant . nor could asa see and know infallibly how out of heart-obstinacy , or how out of sinlesse , and faultlesse innocency refused the covenant . and asa could not compell men to take the covenant , and professe seeking of the lord against their judgements and consciences , which the thirteenth proposall of the army does condemne , and yet asa was free of compelling men to hypocrasy . when therefore peter strucke annanias and saphira with death ; and , paul , elimas with blindnesse ; and delivered himeneus and alexander to sathan ; and when the apostles sharply rebuked and upbraided the cretians , those who are called dogs , evill-workers , enemies to the crosse of christ , such as serve their belly , not the lord jesus ; it is as pertinent and necessary a query whether or no peter compelled others who saw annanias punished to death , paul constrained others who saw the terrible wrath of god on hymeneus , to dissemble , and to doe , and professe against the judgement of an erronious conscience and lay all their goods downe at the apostles feete against their conscience , which yet beleeved , they were against the law of nature defrauding their owne children , and to professe the faith , and not inword blaspheme and say , there is no resurrection , no christ , no heaven after this life , as familists now say , for feare that paul deliver them to sathan . and wee know professours are much affraid to goe for dogges and belly-gods in the account of such eminent godly men as the apostle paul and others , and therefore will cover themselves and professe the contrary : if therefore censures and rebukes from the eminently godly , doe create varnished hypocrits , and it is not the sin of godly rebukers , and if punishments may and doth constraine many to say , and doe , and unsay , and counterdoe in matters of religion , in judgeing according to conscience in highest judicatures , and contrary to that same conscience the next day , this which is objected against coercive power , in matters of conscience , that it creates hypocrites and straines men to doe against their judgement and so to sinne , is all accidentall to the nature of coercive and bodily restraining power . and because many keep their hands from blood and violence , and that out of deep hypocrisie since they lodge in their breast , bloody hearts , onely for feare of the princes sword , yet both the prince and his sword is innocent of that hypocrisie , then as coercive power is falsly charged with any kindly begetting of hypocrites in the duties of the second table , so is it as harmelesse in matters of religion , respecting the first table , nor did the lord in the old testament create hypocrits by straining mens consciences by bloody lawes . a third answer stands thus , those lawes were made of old against false teachers , because the jewes had the opportunity of immediate consultation with the mouth of god himself . — and except the iudge had been desperately wicked , and despised the glorious ordinance of the oracle of god , they could not doe unjustice , god being always at hand to declare unto them , what kinde of blasphemer ▪ and what kind of idolater it was that he intended by his law should be put to death . men are now fallible and the learnedest cannot tell wha●●blasphemy or idolatry it was , which was by god sentenced to death under the law , so jo. goodwin . answ . if there was such immediate consultation to make short worke of blood to the judge , we desire law or instance of the priest or prophets consulting with the mouth of god touching the prophet whether true or false , but none can be produced , sometimes the prophets by miracles cleared their calling : another way we f●nd not . this is against appeales that are cleare , deut. . in all matters of controversie , when in the highest court where a mans head , whether hee be a false prophet , or any other , was at the stake , the judges , v. . were to judge according to the sentence of the law , and they proceed upon witnesse , deut. . . god should by this declare law , proof and witnesses uselesse , for the lord from heaven condemnes the man. jeremiah , and all the prophets that were killed and stoned , never sought the benefit of the law , nor said , give us a ●ury from heaven , an oracle for to take away our head , the prophets never accuse kings or judges in persecuting the prophets , that they consulted not the oracle , ere they rejected the prophet . this had been a well settled law to try all prophets , who speake from god , and who speake the visions of their owne head , all should have passed the grand ▪ jury of an immediate oracle from heaven , and by this there should not have been a false prophet in all judea but the judge might have discovered him , but god never gives this character of an idolater , blasphemer , or a false prophet : the oracle of vrim hath blacked him as an impostor . but divers other characters the lord gave . as . if hee speake not according to the law. . if the good he foretel , never comes to passe . . if hee ●eale the wound with smooth words . . if he strengthen the armes of the wicked . when as yet god had made no standing law , he was consulted , and god gave sentence against the man that had broken the sabbath ▪ and that blasphemed ▪ but their consulting with god presupposeth by the law of nature , the magistrate should punish such , therefore the pu●●ing him in ward was a punishment , only they would have the mind of god touching the manner of his punishment , but sure this was not the ordinary and standing law . there were others as difficill and intricate controversie● , of murther , adultery ; treason , as deut. . . between blood and blood , plea , and plea , stroake , and stroake , by this reason anabaptists have a better ground to say there should be no christian magistrate under the new testament , nor any use of the sword nor sheding of blood at all , because the je●es under the old testament had the opportunity of immediate consulting with the mouth of god himselfe , we are fallible men , and the learnedest can no more tell what murther , what incest or adultery was condemned in the law of god ( for heart-hatred , which is seen to god only , doth essentially constitute murther punishable by the judge , deut. , , , . chap. . . chap. . ● . ) then they can define what blasphemy or idolatry it was which was by god sentenced to death under the law , for we are to be as wary to take a mans life and blood now under the new testament , for murther , and treason , and sorcery as they were under the old in stoning blasphemers : and we are no more infallible in the one , then they were in the other . yea , it strongly concludes , that wars are as unlawfull under the new testament , as under the old , for under the old , they consulted the mouth of god before they went to battle , we have no immediate oracles to consult , yea , when we are ingaged wee are neither to pursue the enemy nor to forbear , because we have not the immediatly inspired prophets , micah , jeremiah as they had , wee may not make a covenant with neighbouring kingdomes , the scotish army have no oracle to shew them whither they shall remove out of england , for that will be the safety of the cause of all the godly presbyterians who are now persecuted for the covenant of god , and a carying on of reformation and the standing of the covenant and treaties betweene the kingdomes , or shall they not remove till peace and truth be established in both kingdomes because if they remove , the english army may say , they undertooke the war not for religion , but to make a conqueste in england for the liberty of the subject , and sweare the covenant in a sense . the army under sir thomas fairfax may say , that they did fight all this time for liberty of conscience , against both prelaticall and presbyteriall thraldome of the consciences of the free born english , and therefore though the parliament command them to di●band , they must have liberty of conscience up , the covenant downe , and have a perpetuall standing army , &c. for in war , peace , pursuing or forbearing , in marching from one kingdome to another , in making treaties and covenants with other nations , they were to consult with the oracle and immediatly inspired prophets , the opportunity wherof we have not , and so we have no be●ter warrant for all these , for peace and war , then for killing of blasphemers , who are known to god onely by this reason , and that is no warrant at all . . this is to say , there was faith , certainty , and infallibility , clearnesse , light , and more knowledge of god under the jewes twilight , law darknesse of ceremonies , then we have , and now since oracles ceased , sceptismes , conjectures , doubtings , blinde , and loose uncertainties is all ou● faith , contrary to that the scripture saith , the jewes for all their oracles were in the darke , and now day springs from on h●gh and visi●s us , and gives light to them that sits in darknesse , luke . . , , . and now the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the lord as the sea is full of waters , esa . . . and we have a more sure word of prophesie , the scriptures , yea surer then the fathers voyce from heaven , which was an immediate oracle indeed , per. . , , ▪ , . and the least of the kingdome of god note , is greater then the baptist the greatest of prophets , matth. . . if this satisfie not , see esa . . , . jer. , , , , . esa . . . joel . , . act. . , , , . col. . , , . cor. . , , , , . . the argument that we cannot punish under the new testament , because the magistrates and ministers , and synods who condemne here●ies , errors , schismes , blasphemie , are not infallible , and they know not but they may plucke up wheat instead of tares , and take away the life of elect men who might ●ive and be converted , is of no weight , for then the iudge should not take the li●e of a murtherer , adulterer , the most bloody robber or paricide , ( the libertines , teach and practice the contrary ) ▪ for must the judge read in the lambs booke , whether the man be inrolled therein as an elect , before he passe sentence on him in a councell of warre , for fellony , robbery , poligamy , &c , . it is most strong against admonishing , rebuking and warning one another . i may condemne the innocent in these , because i am not infallible ; it is against preaching , beleeving , writing of books of divinity , making warre , peace , borrowing , lending , buying , selling , in all these i am oblieged to do upon certaine perswasion of faith , that what i doe is lawfull , else i sinne , rom. . . and the word of god the most sure oracle to us must be my rule . now i may no more venture on the least sinne , then a christian prince may condemne to death an idolater , and a blasphemer , who is a sound beleever , which is a greater sinne , if i be not cleare as if an immediate oracle were speaking from heaven , as libertines say , and the argument must bee thus , what we cannot do with as great infallibility of not erring , as the priest that immediately consulted the oracle , or the prophet immediately inspired , that we cannot do lawfully . but the christian prince under the new testament cannot with such infallibility punish idolaters , blasphemers , or any otherwise , ergo , the proposition is false , for certaine knowledge is sufficient , for the holy ghost would never bid us admonish , and after admonition avoid an hereticke , as tit. . . nor would our saviour bid us beware of men , of false teachers , and false christs , and avoid them , and believe them not , and try them by their workes , and search the scriptures , and examine their doctrine , nor would the lord bid us try the spirits , and try the antichrist , and eate not with idolaters as he doth , matth. . , , . joh. . . rem . , , . joh. . . cor. . . if he laid this ground of libertines , heart-obstinacy , only legible to god , and knowable ●s none but to infallible spirits , makes an hereticke and a false christ before men , yet you are to admonish and eschew him , this is as much , as if the lord should say , if any man have such an opinion and heart-thought never manifested to men or angel , that knew whether the number of the starres were oddes or equall , admonish such a man and avoid him , and bid him not god speed , neither receive him into your house . yea , so no minister of the gospell should preach to his flocke fundamentall gospell truths , because hee is not infallible , and hee may teach fundamentall lyes for truths . againe , the assumption is false , for the certainty a beleever hath , is thus farre infallible ( which is enough ) that he is perswaded of the truth of it , and may boldly and in faith seal it with his blood . nor should libertines suffer for such truths as they hold for truths , to wit , that the christian magistrate hath nothing to do with religion , nor is he warranted now to use the sword against false teachers ; nor presbytery is the way of christ , but socinianisme , familisme , antinomini●me , are the only true way , because they will not say they themselves are in beleeving , teaching or suffering for these truths infallible . but the danger is not so in beleeving truth or a false opinion for another , or for a true opinion , as in taking a mans life , when yee are not certainly perswaded by the law of god , hee ought to dye . answ . that is no matter of greater or lesse great danger . it is sinne in the pharisees in heart and word of month to condemne the lords disciples of breach of sabbath , when they are innocent , as to kill them for sabbath-breach when they are innocent , matth. . . the one is a greater sinne , the other lesse ; but if wee may not venture on a greater sinne of shedding innocent blood because of want of infallibility , neither is it lawfull to venture upon the least sinne , because of the want of that same infallibility , nor is an infallible and immediate oracle our onely rule in judgeing the blasphemer . suppose a man should wilfully professe there is no god , and raile against such as say there is a god , as our atheisticall age wanteth not a caliguala , and an anaxagoras , and the like now , if the parliament should punish such a limb of hell . the thirteenth proposall of the army will say the parliament forces this man to sinne , and to beleeve and professe a truth against his judgement and conscience ; and upon this ground , for wee know not infallibly such a man to be a damned atheist . the answer to annull all these lawes in the old testament is , this punishment was bodily , afflictive , carnall and so typicall and prefigurative of those greater and more spirituall evils under the gospell , to wit , of eternall damnation . as the land was a type of heaven , so to bee cut off , by death , out of that land was typicall . answer , had the jewes no spirituall censures then , as debarring from the passeover , the excluding of the uncircumcised , and uncleane from the congregation of the lord ? was not the cutting off of the murtherer out of that good land , as typicall as the cutting off of the blasphemer ? is there any bodily punishment , but it is carnall and afflictive ? i trow none . is punishment , and cutting off from the church by death typicall , because bodily ? then the avenging of 〈◊〉 doers under the new testament must be typicall , and is many hangings and headings of evill doers , as many types under the new testament . if the punishment was typical , because in such a way bodily , as exclusion from a typicall land . then , . how is not the killing of the murtherer typicall ? . give us a warrant for this , because we may not , at our pleasure , phancy types where the word gives no ground for them , otherwise we shall with anabaptists turne all the old testament : and whole scripture into types upon our owne imagination . . how shall violent death ●ypi●●e damnation and hel , that was existent then , and not a thing to come , and that because it was the cutting off of the blasphemer , not of the murtherer ? but say they were types , as crucifying and hanging on a tree was , deut. . . of christs crucifying gal. . . what ? shall it follow , that robbers and murtherers , 〈◊〉 as barra●●s , may not under the new testament be 〈◊〉 ? yea , and by this argument , nor may any bodily punishment be inflicted on robbers , more then false teachers may b●● killed or incurre any bodily punishment , for that were ( ●●y libertines ) to rip up the grave of moses , because undoubtedly crucifying was a typicall death , gal. . ▪ ● . 〈…〉 ●ut it is knowne there were two forts of typicall things in the old testament . . some that were meerly typicall and had no use but in divine worship , as sacrificing bullocks and lambs to god , other things were so typicall that they had both a naturall and civill use , at eating of manna when yee are hungry , drinking water in the wilderne●se , living in the holy land ; the former typicall things are utterly ceased , and it were impious and meere judaisme to recall them or bring in againe sacrificing of bullockes to god , but the latter things may well remaine in their naturall and civill use , though their typicall and religious use be abolished , as it were lawfull for jewes even now after christ is come and ascended , and hath put an end to all shadowes and types by the comming in the body , to eat manna , if they were in the wildernesse , and drinke water out of the rocky mountaines , if thirsty , and dwell in their owne land , if the lord should restore them to it , yet should they not judaize nor recall the types of moses , for these they should doe for a naturall and physicall , and for no religious use . now granting that stoning of blasphemers were typicall , and as typicall as hanging of robbers was , deut. . yet should it never follow that stoning of blasphemers were judaizing and unlawfull , because it hath a necessary civill use , even of common and naturall equity , that he that thus perverteth the right wayes of the lord , and seduceth others should dye the death . yea this may well infer that prophesying of lyes , blaspheming were typicall sinnes against a ceremoniall and temporary law , and so they are not now sinnes , yea because it is a falling from christ to observe jewish shadows , gal. . not to blaspheme , and not to prophesie lyes , must be sinne ; and if that be blasphemy , what more reason to remove the punishment of a sinne , as destructive to society , now as then , if the sinne cease not to bee sinne , but remaine yet a morall hainous transgression ? the fifth answer is , that the lawes of moses cannot reach the heretickes now under the gospel , . an hereticke denyes not god the creator , nor teacheth hee , let us goe after other gods ▪ which thou hast not knowne as the apostate prophet , deut. . ( . ) hee denyes not the word of god , therefore you may use it as a weapon against him , but yee can use no sword , but that of iron against apostates . . hereticks as sadduces were tollerated among the jews , but blasphemers and apostates were not . . scribes and pharisees held many dangerous opinions , yet neither they nor sadduces were expelled the city or hindered to be magistrates . . though the zeale of gods house eat up christ , and he attempted a reformation , yet he never charged church or state as unfaithfull for not proceeding against them to imprisonment and death . . these deut. . would perswade they speake by the inspiration of some deity , and that their sayings were oracles , hereticks doe not so , so io. goodwin , hagiom . answ . . the conclusion we hold is not hurt , all this saith an heretick that is not an apostate is not to be put to death . let it be so ; but wee hold by these places , that bodily punishment is to be inflicted on him , and yet the conscience is not strained , nor he persecuted . . hereticks pet. . denyes the lord that bought them , and make shipwracke of faith , and bring in damnable heresies , and bring on themselves swift destruction , they depart from the faith , speake doctrines of devills , lyes in hypocrisie , tim. . . are condemned of their own conscience , tit. . . lead the simple captive , resist the truth , as jannes and jambres did moses , are men of corrupt minds , reprobate concerning the faith , tim. . , , . which is a wilfull denying of the lord that bought them . libertines have bowells of charity to arch-hereticks , as if god had made a law of sinnes , if we are , we are not capable under the gospell , whereas it is knowne there are ( though we need not call all false teachers hereticks ) seducers that say there is not a god , nor a heaven , nor a hell . . how shall they prove that the seducer deut. . formally denyed god the creator ? to deny him as creator , and say the world was eternall as aristotle did , is not to deny god , for aristotle and all his , acknowledged there was a god , but that those dreamers denyed the very existence of god , any otherwise then as practicall atheists , and by consequence in their abominable doctrine they cannot prove , for they professe a religion and a god , when they say , let us goe and serve other gods , and these words , that thou knowest not , are the words of the holy ghost , not that these seduce●s so speake in so many syllables , but the god they drew men after , was an unknowne god ; for there is not a caligula in the world can be a speculative and heart-atheist , or if these words ( whom thou ●ast not knowne ) be the seducers , they are spoken to heighten the new god , and ex●●●● 〈◊〉 above jehovah , as not knowne by the blinde and ignora●● world ; yea and those that worshipped the golden calves at dan and bethel worshipped other gods , and turned away themselves and others from the true god , for deut. . . they provoked him to jealousie with strange god , with abomination● provoked they him to anger . . they sacrificed un●●●evills , not 〈◊〉 g●d , to gods whom they know not , to new gods that newly come up , w●om your fathers feared not , chron. . . and je●o●●am ordained himselfe priests for the high places , and for the devils , and for the calves which he had made , psal . . . they made a calfe in hor●● , and worshipped a molten image , yet they denyed not god the creator , except practically , deut. . . of the rocke that begat thee thou art unmindfull , and hast forgotten god that formed t●ee , psal . . . they forg●t god their saviour , which ●ad done great things in aegypt . yea , and those that worshipped these gods , denyed no otherwise god the creator then hereticks now doe , for both in profession ▪ asser● jehova● that made the heaven and the earth , exod. . they said of these calves , as jeroboam did ▪ v. . these be thy gods o israe● , that brought thee up out of the land of aegypt , king. . . and exod. . . aaron said to morrow shall be a feast to jehovah , then they denyed not in profession and in words the jehovah that made them , nor christ their saviour , then by signes and wonders brought them out of aegypt ; so a hereticke , or a popish idolater , denyes not god in profession , yet both worship strange gods , and the worke of mens hands , and the devill , not god , deut. . . chro. . . nor did jeroboam deny god in profession , for he acknowledged that the lord god , the true god could heale his dryed up arme , king . . and sent his wife to enquire of jehovah concerning his sicke childe , king. . , . and je●u who clave to jeroboams calves , king. . . and so by this same law of god ought to dye , as is clear in that he worshipped and served other gods , as deut. . . ps . . . compared with exod. . cleareth , for three thousand were slaine by the magistrates sword for this sin , exod. . , . yet these denyed jehovah not in formall and expresse profession , but by the genius and staine of their doctrine , and the same way the hereticke denyes the lord that bought them , these that worshipped iehovah and malcom zeph. . by this law should dye , the priests of malcom come under the law as well as the priests of baal , the priests of baal and the false prophets were slaine according to the law , and yet they professed jehovah as well as micaiah , king. . . and achab , who worshipped baal , professed he worshipped jehovah , and so did these who worshipped the samaritan strange gods and i●hovah both together , king. . nor is it of weight that some say from deut. . onely these are to be put to death who denyes god as knowne by the light of nature , not these that de●y the blessed trinity , or christ the mediator , or the principles of the gospel which are only known by the supernaturall light of faith ; and onely these that deny principles of divinity that are by natures teaching in the heart , for these sinne against natures law , and the alphabet of naturall theology . this hath no warrant in the word , the law condemnes these to dye who blaspheme or draw men away from the true god as revealed in the scriptures , which is a supernaturall revelation that flesh and blood taught not moses , but a propheticall and ●mmediately inspiring spirit , as the reason which god ins●uateth , exod. . . they have turned quickly aside out of the way that i commanded them . now the twilight and rude divinity of nature , revealed not this way as being supernaturall , yet for this turning aside were three thousand killed , v. , . and it is cleare , deut. . the dreamer shall surely bee put to death , not because he hath denyed the creat or that is knowne by the light of nature ; but v. . because he hath spoken to turne you away from the lord your god , which brought you out of the land of aegypt , and redeemed you out of the house of bondage to thrust thee out of the way which the lord thy god commanded thee to walke in . now this is not , i conceive , a naturall way , nor written in mans heart by nature , as this answer supposeth . but yet it s also a sinne against the law of nature , to deny the god who reveals himselfe in the mediator christ . and these that were put to death by this law were such as denied god revealed in christ , for christ saith , moses wrote of mee , and to christ all the law and the prophets bare witnesse . nor did these that worshiped idols and the false teachers , and such as offered their children to molech , who were surely by the law to be put to death , deny the word of god more then the heretick now : and jeremiah useth the weapon of the word of god against them , as moses was to use the sword against them , deut , . , , , . lev. . . as we read jer. . . and they have built the high places of tophee which is in the vally of the sonne of hinnon to ●urne their sonnes and their daughters in the fire , and he useth an argument from the word of god to convince them , which i commanded them not , neither entred it in my heart . libertines might say , why should jeremiah speake of a command of god , for though our hereticks under the gospell acknowledge the word of god , yet the false teachers and apostates that were to dye by the law , doe but mocke the word of god ▪ and therefore the lord should not use this argument , which i command not . but to mee is cleare , they were so farre from denying the word of god , as our antiscripturists doe , that for the offering of their sonnes to god , they alledged both abrahams example who was bidden offer isaak his onely sonne to god , and the scripture , for if we ( say they ) are to offer the best of the flock to god , and its little enough to so great 〈◊〉 lord , farre more are we to offer the dearest thing we have , to wi● our sonnes and daughters : god answers , what yee offer to mee must be commanded in my law , but it never entred into my heart to bid you offer your children to mee . now if these had both denyed god their creator , and his word , there had beene no other sword to be drawne against them but that of iron . how will libertines prove that the second sort of seducers that were to dye for seducing , deut. . , , . the brother , son daughter , or wife that lyes in the bosome denyed god the creator , there is no warrant from the text to say they dreamed dreames , and wrought wonders to seduce , or that they professed the inspiration of a new deity , yet they were to dye , and why not the hereticks , now by the same reason ? if they thrust people away from the lord that hath ransomed them from hell ? yea , these acknowledge the lord , and the law , and the lords priests and prophets , as some hereticks doe now , yet not standing to the sentence of the law that the priest shall ●each , but presumptuously rejecting it , were surely to be put to death , deut. . , , , . so he that speaks a word in the name of the lord ( so confesseth , and professeth both the lord and his word , as hereticks now do ) which the lord commanded him not to speak , or shal speak in the name of other gods , even that prophet shall dye . and did not jeremiah and vriah , the son of shemaiah and the prophets that were killed and s●oned by the jewes , professed god , and that the word of god came to them and that they had seen the visions of god , yet they were condemned as false prophets , but for prophesying destruction on israel , judah and jerusalem , and if the lord had not sent them , but they speake the visions of their owne head , they had been false prophets , as is cleare , jer. . , . jer. . , . and so justly condemned . are there not now under the new testament who deny the word of god , as many antiscripturists in england and doth not saltmarsh , del , beacon , randal and many familists and antinomians father their new lies upon the spirit , and the pretious anoynting that teacheth all things ? a●● not they like to those prophets , deut. ? have not some in france , in holland , in england made defection to judaisme and tur●isme , and turned apostates from christ ? and yet they deny not god the creator , nor the scriptures of the old testament , and by this answer they are free of all bodily punishment ? and does not peter contradict this answer of libertines , that say our hereticks are not as these deut. . pet. . . but there were false prophets also among the people , as there shall be false teachers among you ? and our saviour , mat. . . for there shall arise false christs and false prophets , and shall shew great signes and wonders : insomuch that ( if it were possible ) they should deceive the very elect . a vive representation of the state of england this day . the formall and what is essentiall to a false prophet is now in our seducers they thrust men away from god , and the way of gospell that the lord hath commanded us to walke in , ●nd that is enough . . from the practice of the iewes , when heretickes and seducers , and blinde guides were in the chair , and they tollerated themselves , we draw rather the contrary argument , ergo . we are not to follow , nor to suffer blinde guides now , who deny the resurrection , as familists and other , to lead souls into the ditch , no more then we are to follow them in corrupting the law , and extolling the traditions of men . chap. xv. christs not rebuking tolleration and the ●aw , deut. . vindicated . christs no when reproving church and state for not punishing sadduces and hereticks denying the resurrection is , . a poore argument to prove the lawfulnesse of tolerating them , . the sadduces were cheife rulers themselves ; act. . . and he that reproves a judge for murther , must in that same ; reprove him for tolerating murthers . he that said the guide leading , & the blind led , should fal in the ditch , he reproved the mis-government and wicked toleration of the rulers . nor read we that elias reproved achab for not killing baals priests , ergo , achab transgressed not the law , deut. . , , . deut. . , , . in tolerating false teachers ? nor doth god deut. . , , . reprove the rulers for not punishing the worshiping of the golden calf , or the making of it for worship , because aaron and the rulers under moses were guilty of it ; will it follow that the rulers and the sonnes of levi should tolerate it ? since the lord commanded the contrary . nor does the man of god reprove jeroboam for tollerating the people to worship the golden calves , or because he suffered the lowest of the people to intrude themselves in the priests office against the word and law of the lord , because the lesse sin was swallowed up in the greater , but it followes not , that jeroboam did the duty of a magistrate in suffering the people to go to dan and bethel to such abominable idolatry , or in suffering the basest of the people to take on●them the priests office , but the prophets reproving jeroboam's commanding of that idolatrous worship , and priests , which is a greater sinne , must by consequence condemne his not punishing of it , which is a lesse sin , so david sinned as a magistrate in suffering bathshe●a to commit adultery , and to wrong her husband , and to violate gods law , and should not onely as a magistate have hindered her , but should have put her to death for adultery , he being the supreme magistrate , and there being an expresse law of god that the adulterer , man or woman , should dye the death , levit. . . which david knew well ; yet the prophet nathan does not in expresse tearms condemne david for not putting bathsheba to death , though he faithfully reproved david , because nathan reproving david for the adultery it selfe committed in his owne person as the greater sinne , must by consequence condemne davids tollerating of bathsheba an adulteresse to live , which was a lesser sinne , and it will not follow that david a king should tollerate knowne adultery in bathsheba a subject , because nathan does no where in direct tearms ( nor any scripture elsewhere that we read ) condemne david for not punishing with the sword the adultery of bathsheba ; so nathan , g●d and other prophets no where reprove david sparing the life of joab a murtherer . when christ reproved the sadduces , for denying the resurrection , he reproves , by consequence , both church and state for tollerating the denying of the resurrection , and supposeth the tolleration of it to be against the law of god. . it is no argument at all from . a negative fact . . in such a particular scripture , to prove the lawfulnesse of tolleration . let then answer this , christ that was a faithfull preacher to state and church , no where reproveth in the gospell , the tolleration of the extortion of publicans , sodomie , murther , the absolving of a murtherer at the feast , a bloody tolleration , denying of god , blasphemy ; ergo , it was lawfull for the church and state to suffer all these . . this answer inferreth that the church should tollerate all false doctrines , and the denying of the resurrection , and that there should be no church censure , contrary to mat. yea christ does no where rebuke the pharisees , scribes and priests , because they did not , by preaching , admonish and convince their fellows the sadduces of that hereticall doctrine that the dead shall not rise , and by this there should be not onely a physicall tolleration , and a non punishing by the magistrate of all heresies , but a morall forbearing , and a no-rebuking , no preaching against false wayes , and so not onely church-censures are taken away contrary to matth. . , , . revel . . , , , , , . but it is not lawfull for ministers or teachers to write or teach against iezabel , and these that hold the doctrine of balaam , by this reason of the libertines . nor does christ command the rulers of the people to punish the false witnesses that rose against him . nor does he rebuke church or state for tollerating the publicans to extort the people , nor caesar and pilate , for oppressing the people , nor the scribes and pharisees for not preaching against herods beheading of iohn baptist , or pilates mixing the gallileans blood with the sacrifice , luke . ergo , ministers are to tollerate bloody magistrates , and not to preach against them . the sixth answer to elude these lawes is , if these lawes binde us in the new testament , then must you not adde nor diminish from the law , deut. . and so must the whole city , inhabitants and cattle , be put to the edge of the sword , and devoted to a curse , v. , , , . which ye cannot say beares any truth under the new testament , except we say that papists and their babies should be put to the edge of the sword , and their houses and land they dwell in execrable . answ . there are three different lawes , deut. . one against the seducing false prophet , to v. . a second against any seducing person , if it were brother or wife , to v. . a third , to the end of the chapter , of a city , state or society , that will defend a false teacher . now we argue not from the third law ; but there is no warrant to punish the sonne of a false prophet , idolater , heathenish or popish , or of wife , or brother that tempt us to apostacy , and to follow false gods , yea , or to hurt land , house , or cattle that belongs to them , the sonne shall not beare the sinne of the father , except god by a positive law command it . but the third law , upon which we build not our arguments , at least , as touching any ceremoniall part of it , belongs not much to us , for to gather the spoyle of such a city , and to burne it every whit , for the lord , as a cursed and devoted thing or place , is clearly ceremoniall and typicall , because now every creature of god is clean , rom. . ▪ and so are all the victualls or meats of heathens , or papists now , and good and sanctified , tim. . , . and what god hath cleansed , we are not to esteem common or prophane , act. . . and the like must we say of places , tim. . . ioh. . . zach. . . and by proportion , of all creatures , the creatures cannot now be typically cursed , and execrable as then , deut. . . . for the holy land , and every city was made by the lord typically and ceremonially holy , and a pledge of a heaven , when therefore a seducer fled to any city from the judge , if that city would partake with him in his sinne , and save him from the hand of justice , that city forfeited its typicall holinesse , and it , and all things in it , the spoyle , cattle and goods , made accursed , and to bee burnt with fire , and all the inhabitants young and old , put to the edge of the sword , and that not under the no●ion of false teachers , but as open rebells against god , his holy law ; and the judge , the minister of god , was to avenge that blasphemy , and the morall part is this ; if the army now on foot in england will against the laws of god and man protect blasphemers and false teachers , and save them from the hand of justice , and will reward , countenance , and promote seducers of soules , our humble opinion is , that they render themselves obnoxious to the sword of the magistrate . but the punishing of infants , and burning of the spoyle was a meer temporary typical law that doth not abolish us in the new testament . now libertines bring this as an argument . we cannot put to death false teachers by deut. . for then should we by that law kill their children and cattle , which consequence we deny as false and vaine . for our divines strongly argue from the morall equity , and the law of nature ●ar●anting joshua to make warre with the canaanites in the old testament , to prove the lawfulnesse of warres under the new testament upon the same morall equity , as ●osh . ● . , . those that refused to make peace with is●●●l , and came against israel in battle , against those israel might raise warre , by the law of nature in their owne defence . but such were all the canaanites except those of gib●on , josh . . v. . . and this argument holds strongly in the new testament , if any , as some anabaptists doe inferre , this is no good argument , because if the major proposition were true , then should we also kill the women and sucking children , as the lord commanded saul , touching the amalekites , sam. . and then should we destroy the cattle and burne the spoyle with fire , for joshua and israel made such a war with iericho , &c. and the rest of those cities , yea israel destroyed them utterly , and shewed them no favour , josh . . . we with good ground deny the consequence , because the warre with these seven nations was warranted by the law of nature , but the warre , tali modo , to destroy utterly young and old , cattle , and all they had , was from a ceremoniall and temporall law peculiar to the jewes , because god would have his church neither inriched by their goods , nor to make covenants , and marriages with them , or to live in one society with them , nor to see their groves , lest they should bee insnared to follow their religion and strange gods. chap. xvi . prophesies in the old testament , especially zach. . , , , . , . for punishing false prophets vindicated . we argue from the predictions and prophesies in the old testament , touching the magistrates zeale under the new testament , especially that zach. . . also i will cause the prophets and the unclean spirit to cease out of the land . . and it shall come to passe that when any shall yet prophesie , then his father and his mother that begat him , shall say unto him , thou shalt not live ; for thou speakest lyes in the name of the lord : and his father and his mother that begat him shall thrust him through , when he prophesieth . . and it shall come to passe in that day that the prophets shall bee ashamed every one of his vision , when he hath prophesied , &c. that which the prophets foretell shall commend the zeale of kings and rulers under the messiahs kingdome , must be the lawfull and necessary duty of the christian prince under the new testament . but the punishing of false teachers under the new testament is such ; ergo , the proposition is undeniable ; the assumption i prove , . the time when this zeale shall be put forth by the godly prince or ruler , is , v. . in that day when there shall be a fountaine opened to the house of david for sinne and for uncleannesse , that is , when remi●●ion in the blood of christ shall be preached by apostles , pastors and teachers , to davids house , to the church of christ , as it clearly relates to that day or time , c. . . when the lord shall destroy the enemies of jerusalem , and make the house of david , as god , and as an angel of god , v. . and when he shall poure the spirit of grace and supplication on the church , and they shall see him whom they have pierced , and crucified , and shall mourne every family apart for their sinnes . . bodily punishment is descerned , thou shall not live . . the cause is set downe , for thou speakest lies in the name of the lord. . the execution of the sentence is , his father and his mother , the godly rulers , and the dearest of his friends shall thrust him through , that is , he shall cause the law of god , deut. . , , . &c. be executed against him . the answer to this argument hath no hue or apparent coulorablenesse of truth . as . it respecteth onely the church of the jewes , why ? because , it saith , the house of david , and the inhabitants of ierusalem , . because matth. . . he saith i am not sent but to the lost sheepe of the house of israel , and this fountaine cannot reasonably be opened to the gentiles , but to the iewes , . it is for the iewes encouragement , ezr. . . and the prophets use not to speake of the gentiles , to make them equal and superior in holy priviledges to them ; for it argueth gods displeasure with the iewes : i will move them to iealousie with those that are no people . . ( the word land ) i will cut off the names of idols out of the land , indefinitly put in the old testament , notes the land of canaan , it was fulfilled under antiochus , and ended with the siege and destruction of jerusalem . ans . . it 's strange that the house of david should more note in prophecies the iews excluding the gentiles , then the house of israel , and the house of iudah should signifie the jewes only , which is apparently false ; for the house of israel , ier. , v. . v. . . the seed of israel , syon , iacob , esay . . . expounded to be the church of the new testament , with whom the everlasting covenant of grace is made , as is expounded hebr. . , , , , . when the former covenant that is faulty and made with the jewes only , and undeniably , as the fountaine is first opened and preached to the jewes , mat. . . c. . , . act. . . yet not to them only , except wee say this place , and the powring of the spirit on davids house , zach . . and the writing of the law in the inward parts , and the teaching by god , and the eternall covenant of grace is made with only the jewes excluding the gentiles , that the new heart is not promised to them , and the law not written in the heart of the gentiles , see rom. . . where it is said all israel shall be saved , and the fulnesse of the gentiles comes in , and the gentiles that beleeved not have obtained mercy , v. . . act. . . . so james , act. . . after this i will returne , and will build againe the tabernacle of david . . that the re●idue of men might seeke , and all the gentiles , &c. . it is a shame to blot paper with such divinity , that when god intends to comfort the jewes , hee is not wont to speake of the calling of the gentiles ; for it still argues his displeasure with the iewes , the just contrary is the divinity of the prophets and apostles , esay . . sing o barren . . thy seed shall inherit the gentiles , esay . . arise , shine , for thy light is come . . for the gentiles shall come into thy light , , , , , . . the names of idols will not helpe , nor the name of land , because they are old testament words ; the contrary is , prov. . . prov. . . the king by judgement establisheth the land , any land , not of iudea only , prov. . . . psal . . . that this zeale ceased with the fiege of ierusalem is said gratis , and is no more true then that the fountaine of christs blood was dryed up then , and ran no more to davids house , to iewes and gentiles ; this were to say , this fountaine is opened to the iewes only , and runs dry , when it over-flowes more abundantly . . answ . be it that civill magistrates ought to proceed , with as great zeale , against delinquents under the gospel , as eliah against baals preists and phineas against idolaters , yet it followes not they ought to put out their zeal in killing false prophets with the ●word , for this is blind zeale under the gospell , john . . act . . act. . . answ . the holy ghost commends this zeale under the gospell , when the fountaine shal be opened for davids house , his father that begat him shall thrust him through . this answer saith that this zeale , zach. . is the bloody zeale of persecuting saul , and of others , raising persecution against the gospell preached by paul and barnabas , so the answer contradicts god , who saith this zeal was truely and lawfully set , as touching the object , not being set on against the members of christ and paul , for the gospell , but against false prophets that speake lyes in the name of the lord , ver . . mr. goodwin brings an example of blind and bloody zeale against the saints and the apostles , to prove that the christian magistrate should have no zeale at all to punish false teachers under the new testament , which is just this in logicall reduction : magistrates under the new testament should not butcher the innocent , nor murther the saints , ergo , under the new testament magistrates should not take vengeance on murtherers , evil doers , and blasphemers , who preach doctrines of devills . it is as good logick as this , godly rulers should not doe unjustice and oppression , ergo , they should not do justice and right in saving the flock from grievous wolves . answ . these who are absolutely for slaying by death , and thrusting through , doe not allow , that for every error the father should kill the childe . answ . this is yet to object against the holy ghost , not against us , for the text will bear no such thing , for the prophet that is to be thrust through , is not every sonne , nor for every error . but it is . a false prophet not called to be a prophet , but one that takes on a hairy mantle to deceive , as the . v. holds forth ; and so he pretends a calling from god , when he hath none . . he prophesies not errors only but lies , that hee knowes , or may know , except he were wilfully ignorant , to be lyes . . he speaks them in the name of the lord and sayes , he hath seene the visions of god , and the word of the lord came to me , when no such thing was , but he utters his owne phancies , and hee that does these three , deserves bodily punishment , and if they bee lyes , striking at the root of the christian faith , hee deserves to dye the death . the text will not bear that his father and his mother with their owne hands shall thrust him through , without addressing themselves to the judge . but it is an allusion to the law , deut. . his father and mother shall not pity him , but cause him to be thrust through . so elias said to achab , hast thou killed and also gotten possession ? when achab with his owne hands had not killed naboth , but by his command and letter had procured that others should doe it , so sam. . . thou hast killed vriah , but it is exponed david procured that the ammonites should kill vriah , david with his owne hand did not thrust him through . the answer is , because the objector is like to be cumbred with this text he saith , ( for i repeate not what i answered before ) the best exposition , and fullest is , his father shall pierce him through , that is , shall indeavour to take him off , and deterre him from such a practice , by laying before him the sentence of the death out of the law , exod. . . . threatning , if thou goe on thou shalt not live ( with god ) but shall be condemned — he shall pierce him through with sharp and piercing words , the word of god is compared to a two edged sword , psal . . ● . &c. and ver . . there is that speaketh like the piercing of a sword , so turnovins . and the predictions in scripture are spoken as performances . jer. . i have set thee over the nations to root out , &c. that is , to foreshew or threaten rooting out , so chytraeus . they shall confute their wicked opinions , &c. answ . though turnovius expound piercing through , by preaching death from the law , and terrifying , yet since the objector weakly and groundlesly ( as we saw ) will r●strict this prophesie to the church of the jewes , and a poore short time , when this zeale endured . it must , with his leave , be meant ( in that day ) that is , in the time of the gospel , as in other places it must be taken , as ier. . . v. . ier. . . ier. . . . ioel ▪ . . zach. . . for so prophesies of christs kingdome are expounded to have their accomplishment in christs gospel-kingdome , and then the law , piercing through , and terrifying , must be in use under the gospel , which is all we crave ; therefore the objector adds to the words of the threatning ; thou shalt not live ( to wit before god , and so leaps from the threatning of the sword of the magistrate , deut. . which hee saith is the sense of the place , to the second death , and a dying before god. . but let us have an instance where piercing through , dying and wounding , is put for metaphoricall wounding with words to gratifie , the objectors erroneous sense wee cannot quit this place so , for all the text cryes for a reall piercing and killing . . it is i grant an easie way to answer places of scripture that can but bear a literall sense , to change them into metaphors , so you may give to the magistrate with some anabaptists , rom. . a metaphoricall sword , and pay him metaphoricall tribute , and give him metaphoricall obedience : what more reason to make this a morall slaying , and piercing with words , then a morall or metaphoricall idol , or a metaphoricall false prophet , a metaphoricall uncleane spirit , and passing out of the land ? these words , thou shalt not live , are words of the law , and the piercing through metaphoricall , but those words , againe ( thou speakest lies in the name of the lord ) are not metaphoricall , but containe a proper truth , such a complication is not in all the scripture . . the words in their literall sense are faire and easie , and not to bee wrested to a spirituall or borrowed sense without ground ; it much lesseneth the zeale foretold to be under the gospel , and turnes a reall zeale over into words of threatning ; the text saith the contrary , his father shall thrust him through , and this works so upon him , that others shall really leave their false prophecying , and shall say , i am no prophet , but a herdman ; now if the words be a prophecie to be fulfilled only in the jewes excluding the gentiles , as the objector saith , then is it no zeale at all , but a most sinfull and unjust dispencing with the law , and a zeale far below the law ; for the law saith , deut. . if the seducing prophet which were as neer to thee , as a brother , son , daughter , or wife in thy bosome , thou must not smooth him , and oyle him with sharpe words , and meer threatnings ; yea , but thou must act against him , v. . thine eye shall not pitie him , thou shall not spare him , neither shalt thou conceale him . . thou shalt surely kill him , thine hand shall be first upon him , to put him to death . now this cannot be a metaphoricall putting to death , but the objectors metaphoricall , and minatory piercing of him through with sharpe and piercing words , imply necessarily that yee must conceale him , and pitie him , and not kill him , nor stretch out any hand against him , first or last to hurt him , but only stretch your tongue against him , and barely threaten him , and terrifie him , but let him live : if the prophecie be extended to iew and gentile , under the gospel , which against the text the objector denies , then it argues , . that there is such a law under the gospel , else if it be an unjust law , and out of date now under the gospel , the threatning and piercing through must bewith lying words , and father must utter to the lying prophet lies to terrifie him ; and say , son if thou desist not from prophesying lies , thou shalt be thrust through with the magistrates sword , and die according to the law ; that is , i foreshew and threaten according to the law ( but it is an unjust , and an out-dated law to libertines that obliegeth not under the new testament ) that thou shalt be thrust through and die ; that is , i fore-shew and prophesie a lie , that thou ought to be put to death , and persecuted for thy conscience ; whereas no such thing ought to be now , when the law , deut. . is worne out of vigor . . it must follow that lying and false words uttered in a threatning manner must be the way to cause the false prophet to bee ashamed of his vision and prophesying falsely no more , but say , i am no prophet but an herdman . whereas the holy ghost sayth , feare of thrusting through is the cause . if it be onely a piercing meerly minatory , by threatning and rebukes , these doe not change the prophet and gaine him to the truth , as the objector would imply , for refutation in a doctrinall , and instructing , and teaching way only doth that : no rebukes no law-threatnings doe change the false prophet , for threatnings and rebukes doe suppose the seducer seeth that hee seduceth , and that he proprophesieth lyes which yet the false prophet cannot see , till hee bee convinced of the errour of his way , and rebukes will not doe that . but i would put to the objector his owne quere , is it fit to rebuke a man who can doe no other but publish lyes , because he lacketh supernatural grace , which would make him a true prophet ? these words v. . what are those wounds in thy hands ? hold forth a visible and reall piercing through of the hands , for some false doctrine hee hath preached , according to the merit of his heresie , then it must bee some other thing then a verball threate or a metaphoricall piercing through with words which are transient , and not parmanent , and visible as wounds and print of stroakes , cicatrices , in the hands : so i cannot but think the objector hath strained his light to find a violent exposition to elude the place . it s true , that da. chytreus and melanthon acknowledge a confutation of errours by words , but chytreus in the same place on this text , goeth farther , they shall confute false teachers ( saith he ) as asa removed his owne mother from worshipping of idols . but how ? chron. . . he removed her from being queen , because she had made an idol in a grove . this removing was not a morall confutation by words , but a compulsory , by royall authority , which is essentially coactive and in order to the sword . deodate , and the english divines , call it a representation of the spirit of knowledge and discretion , but they adde , and zeale in christs true church to discerne false doctrines and to oppose them , how ? by not onely refuting them by the word , but by censures of excommunication and rebukes . the objector might have read forward , ver . . one shall say , if it appeare that he hath passed through the churches discipline , because he hath been a seducer , hee shall confesse it , and give god the glory , approving of the churches severity , used for his correction . the objector , as we have heard , rejects ecclesiasticall coercing of false teachers as wel as civill . which diodate and those divines acknowledge : nor doe they exclude the magistrate as he doth ; he addeth grotius a reconciler and an apostate and calleth the number of five very late writers , the best expositers on the place of zachary . with his leave , calvin , gualther , piscator , junius , daneus , five for five , and twenty and twenty , and foure as good ( many of them esteemed better ) have written the contrary . i have not time now to levy hoasts and armies of writers . but it s the objectors best to bee silent of divines , and to quit the cause too , for he sayeth nothing to a purpose . but what socinians and sectaries joyning with serveiur , castalio , minus celsus , vaticanus , acontius , episcopius , and the belgick arminians against calvin and beza , hath said ( with favour of his learning ) twice , better if they were translated into the english tongue . nor must wee with sharpe rebukes , and piercing words , like sharpe swords pierce through hereticks : for our libertines tell us , christ spake words of hony and butter to apostate samaritans , and the servant of the lord must be gentle . then must we not speake fire and hell to the godly saints , to paul best , to tyndal that denyeth the scripture to be the word , and blasphemeth the trinity , and independents though they persecute presbyterians , nurse them if they were samaritans , are so far from piercing the familists , antinomians enthysiasts through with piercing words , that they advance them to highest places of dignity . to this prediction i adde , the prophesies * touching kings , those that are by office to bee nurse-fathers to the church , to minister to her , and lend their royall brests to bee sucked by her , and as godly kings are to praise the lord as godly kings , are to bring gifts & presents to christ , & are to be wise & serve the lord , and kisse the mediator , and to bring their royall honour to the new jerusalem , and by whom kings reigne , they and their royall sword cannot be excluded from commanding the priests , prophets and teachers to befriend the bride , and decor , and d●●● her for her lord and husband , to give wholesome milke to the children , as they would be rewarded of princes as wel doers , or punished as ill doers , and would be protected from grievous wolves , not sparing the flock , nor can they bee excluded from all royall and politicke guarding of both tables of the law ▪ as if they were but fleshly ordinances . but such are kings and princes , ergo &c. non is it my mind that kings are sub-mediators or vicars of christ mediator , as erasti●●● dream , but what ever kings do in , or about matters of religion , they do it in a politick way not as commanding the conscience , but in order to civill and temporary rewards and punishments . it s true christianity addes no new magistratical power to a king , it being only a gratious accident without which a man may be a king , yet it spiritualizeth the exercise of royall power and christianity is no accident of a christian king , but a christian king , kindly , and as a christian king , is to serve christ the lord , and to conserve with his royall dignity all gospell-ordinances in an externall politick way ; and so he owes royall service to christ , as such a king , so graced of god , and in this consideration he brings his glory to christ , and tutors the bride the lambes wi●e . justice is an accident of a man , but not of a just man. chap. xvii . places in the new testament , especially rom. . for punishing of false teachers vindicated . argument xi . those who are powers ordained of god , and a terror not to good workes but to evill ; and ministers of god for good , are revengers , and to execute wrath on evill doers , are kings and supreame , or governours sent by the king for the punishment of evill doers , and for the praise of them that doe well , are to punish all false teachers , and such as ruine the soules of others , and waste the church . but the king and all lawfull ●ulers , parliaments , or others , are such , rom. . , , , , , . pet. . . tit. . . matth. . . and false teachers are evill workers , evill doers , dogges , phil. . . they rub the ●ontagion of their evill deeds upon others , for those that receive them into their houses , and bid them god speed , are partakers of their evill deeds , joh. ver . . . then must such teachers be evill doers , they subvert whole houses . divers answers to little purpose are given to this argument . as . it is against the wisdome of god in governing the world to make magistrates judges of what is truth , and heresie , since the generallity of magistrates , yea of men are ignorant thereof , and uncapable in questions of doubtfull disputation . say that the synod were equally divided , whether presbytery or independence be the way of god , or say the major part ( which is ever the worst ) determine amisse , what shall the magistrate do ? and the evill doer , rom. . cannot be he that doth evill without limitation , or thinks evill , but pro subjecta materia . but he that doth evil , whereof ordinary magistrates , heathen or christian , are competent judges , which is manifestly of politicall consideration , as that which is contrary to the light and law of nature , as whoredome , adultery , murther , theft , unjustice , sedition , treason . answ . . this argument is against the wisdome of god in appointing magistracy , as well as against us , for there be a world of questions of doubtfull disputation , what is according or what contrary to the light and law of nature , in murther , medicine , usury , polygamy , incest , marriage , contracts , false witnesse , and these are so controverted , yea and there be matters too hard in judgement for ordinary men , between blood and blood , plea and plea , stroake and stroake , deut. . . no lesse then in matters of religion , and to erre in taking the life of a guiltlesse man in any subject , is as great misgovernment as can be , though i dare not charge god with it , as the objecter doth . . when the holy ghost forbiddeth the master of every christian family ( and there must be a far larger number of heads of families then christian magistrates ) to owne a hereticke as a guest , or to salute him , joh. . and commandeth christians not to eat with an idolator , cor. . . to reject an heretick , tit. . . to avoyd false teachers that creep into houses , tim. . , . and such as cause divisions contrary to the doctrine of the gospel , rom. . , . sure he supposeth they have knowledge to judge what is error and heresie , what is truth , otherwise he commands us to turne our backs on such , as the blinde man casts his club . may not one say , this is against the wisdome of god in the government of christian families and societies to interpose our judgement in doubtsome disputations , to judge who is the hereticke , and to be avoyded , who is the sound beleever . . the uncapability , of magistrates and most men to judge here , is the want of infallibility , such as the immediately inspired prophets had , then it s against the wisdome of god , that we try the spirits and doctrines , and beleeve them , for if the generality of men , let alone christian magistrates ▪ be uncapable of fundamentall truths , they cannot judge them to be truths , nor heresies , except they be infalibly , and immediately inspired by this argument ; it is then against the wisdome of god to bid any beleeve the gospel , but the prophets and apostles . . the magistrate being a christian , should see with his owne eyes , and judge the presbytery worthy of his politicke sanction , and though synods , divide , or erre , the error and uncertainties of men , that are accidentall to all ordinances , are no rule to magistrates on earth ; and by this reason , which hath as much force against preaching the gospell as against the christian magistrates politicall judging , when ministers are divided , and the equall halfe or the major part preach arrianisme , socinianisme , famil●●●e , &c. and the lesser number sound doctrine , the objecter needs not aske , under which of their shadows shall the magistrate repose for peace and safety ? i inlarge the question , and let the objecter answer , under which of their shadows shall all their hearers repose for faith and establishment in the truth ? and i answer , call no man rabbi , let magistrates and others receive the truth in love , and let him answer , when foure hundred prophets say to achab , goe to ramath gilead ▪ fight and prosper , and one michajah saith , goe not left thou be killed , under which shall achab repose ? shall then achab heare the voice of the lord in no prophet , because foure hundred speake lyes ? or shall not foure hundred michajahs declare the minde of god to the prince , because so many false prophets speake the contrary ? . it s true , ill-doers here must be such as magistrates generally may judge , but not all ill-doers , false prophets , or the like , magistrates as magistrates , are to judge ill-doers , but it followes not that all magistrates whether heathen or christian , are to judge all ill-doers , whether gospel-seducing teachers or murtherers , for there wanteth a condition in heathen magistrates , for the want whereof they cannot actually , and in the capacity of heathens , judge false teachers , arrians , socinians , and the like , not because they are not essentially magistrates as well as christian magistrates , but because they want the knowledge of the gospell , even as inferiour judges are as essentially judges in israel , as the priests and the great sanedrim at jerusalem , and may judge of their office between blood and blood , but if it be a controversie too hard for them between blood and blood , and the party be willing to appeale , these inferiour judges cannot actually judg that controversie , but it must go to the sanedrim , deut. . . . so a father as a father , whether heathen or christian , and a master of a family by his place ( the like i say of a husband , a tutor , a doctor in their respective places ) are by their place and relation to teach their children and servants the principles of the doctrine of the gospel , by these places , gen. . , . exod. . , . ps . . , , , . joel . . prov. , , . eph. . . tim. , . deut. . . . yet while they are heathen fathers , and heathen masters , they neither can , nor are obliged actually to teach any thing of the gospel , they never hearing of the gospel , are obleiged not to beleeve in a christ of whom they never heard , rom. . , , . and those that christ was never preached to , are not condemned for gospell-unbeliefe , joh. . . but for sinnes against the law of nature , rom. . . , , . rom. . , , , . and the like must wee say of judges whether heathen or christian , though in the state of heathenish , they never having heard of christ , freeth them from an obligation of actuall punishing gospell hereticks , yet as judges their office is to punish such , but neither heathen princes , nor heathen fathers , masters , husbands , tutors , and teachers of schooles , are obliged to an actual exercise of all and every magistraticall , fatherly , masterly , maritall , and tutory gospell-duties , toward their underlings and pupills , if they live in a countrey where they are invincibly ignorant of the gospell , if the lord by no providence send preachers of the gospell to them . and how shall they beleeve in him of whom they never heard ? and how shall they judge hereticks sinning against a gospell of which they never heard ? let no man stumble at this providence , god hath made the supreme magistrate judge of all murthers , yet may this godly prince , and the generality of men be ignorant , yea uncapable , at least most unfit to judge how a bloody physitian tooke away the ▪ life of such a childe by this vegetable , or this herbe , or this syrrope , to the end his owne sonne might be heire ; dare we say with this objecter , therefore this providence in appointing such a godly prince to be ●udge of murther , because he is not a skilled physitian , is inconsistent with the wisdome and goodnes of god in the government of the world , the like instances i may give in thousands of the like cases , in which the christian judge may be ignorant . and i cannot dissemble , but it is a hard question how the magistrate as a magistrate , doth punish gospel-hereticks , for so all magistrates , even heathen magistrates , who are invincibly ignorant of the gospel , in regard they never heard of the gospel , should be obliged to punish false-teachers , and gospel-hereticks , which seems hard ; for it is a sinne against the magistraticall duty of an indian magistrate not to punish gospel-hereticks ? answ . it follows not ; for nothing follows , but , it s a sin in an indian prince , and he — sinneth against his magistraticall office in that he punisheth not an indian false-teacher , who teacheth against the law of nature , because an indian should not worship the devill ; but the indian ruler invincibly ignorant of the gospel , sinneth not against his office as a magistrate , because he punisheth not a gospel-hereticke , for he is not obliged to every magistraticall act as a magistrate , not to those of which he is invincibly and faultlessely ignorant , as an indian husband and master invincibly ignorant of the gospel sinnes not against the duty of a husband and head of a family , though he teach not wife , children , and servants , the principles of the gospel , which a christian husband and head of a family is obliged to doe , not as a husband and head of a family simply , but as such a husband and head as heareth the gospel , and so either heareth and knoweth , or may heare these gospel principles , if he were not thereof ignorant through his owne sinfull neglect . object . but the magistrate as the magistrate punisheth gospel-heretickes , ergo , all magistrates , even heathen magistrates faile against their magistraticall duty , if they punish not gospel-heretickes , and their ignorance cannot excuse them . answ . the antecedent is not simply true , every magistrate as a magistrate sinneth against his office , if he punish not some false teachers , if convened before him and convinced . but every magistrate , as a magistrate , punisheth not every heretick against the gospell : but onely such a magistrate as heareth the gospell , punisheth such a gospell heretick . we say that magistrates by vertue of their office make lawes for no transporting of monies out of england , but you cannot inferre that if magistrates did this by their magistraticall power , then magistrates , as magistrates ; and so all magistrates of india , and all heathen magistrates ought to make lawes that no mony bee transported out of england ; it is no consequent at all , for though english magistrates make such lawes by their magistraticall power , yet they doe this as such magistrates , not as magistrates ; thousands such wee may alleadge . object . how then doth the magistrate , as the magistrate serve christ , mediator in punishing gospell hereticks , and bringing his kingly honour to the new jerusalem , and casting his crowne downe at the feete of the lambe ? answ . the magistrate , as the magistrate ( should wee speake accurately in such an intricate debate ) doth not serve christ as mediator , for then all magistrates , heathen and indian , were oblieged to serve him , as the axiome proveth . quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the magistrate , as such a magistrate , lustred with christianity punisheth gospel hereticks , and sinneth against his magistraticall office if hee doe not so : for christianity spiritualizeth the exercise of maritall , paternall , magistraticall power , and elevates them above their common nature in christian husbands , fathers , magistrates , which it cannot do in all husbands , as husbands ; fathers , as fathers ; magistrates , as magistrates : even suppose they be heathens , quod non ni est non operatur . object . but why then may not a christian magistrate , as a christian , if not as a magistrate be a vicar of christ ? answ . . because christ as mediator ; hath no vicars , nor sub-mediators , & so the minister , or the christian magistrate as the christian magistrate , cannot be the vicar of christ . because the christian magistrate , as the christian magistrate , and even lustered with christianity , which is not in every magistrate , yet operatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in externals and onely can as a christian magistrate proceed according as the heresie is proved by witnesse , or confessed , and obstinately maintained by the heretick , and all this is externall , and doth but externally , and in external means promove the churches spirituall good , and the mediatory kingdome , and it is such a promoving as christ may wel want , though ordinarily he cannot want pastors and teachers . quest . but doth not the mediator christ , as mediator , promove his mediatory kingdome in , and through the christian prince , as his instrument , subordinate to him as mediator ? answ . not at all , for christ useth the christian migistrate as his servant to beat the wolves from the flock , but not as king , mediator as god-man , head of the church , for christ mediator as mediator , works not by externall violence , or , by the sword , in his mediatory kingdome , joh. , . if my kingdome were of this world , mine owne would fight for mee . ergo , it is but borrowed accidentall helpe and service , that christ hath in his mediatory kingdome , from kings , he workes not as mediator by fighting . christ who is mediator qui est mediator acteth by beleeving kings , not quâ mediator as he is mediator , the sword may procure good and peace to the mystical visible body , and immunity from spirituall errors . but this is a meanes to christ as mediator in the by , and at some times , not such as is the ministery of the word , cor. . . which is spiritual not carnal : though ministers be not sub-mediators , yet christ as mediator workes and conquers in them , and by them . but i returne . to say the text speakes of evill doers , which appertaines to the cognizance of the ordinary magistrate ( if it were not as ordinary to the magistrate to be an understanding christian as another man ) is to begge the question , for we say , false teachers , wolves in sheeps skins , woorying the flock , which may be knowne by their works , as a fig●ree is known from a thistle , by its fruit , are such evill doers . the text and law distinguisheth not , and mentioneth no more murtherers then false teachers . therefore the text meanes all evill doers , that per●urbe humaine societies , as spirituall wolves and lyons that devoure the flocke , and those that thinke ill in their hearts , to all men of sound sense are punishable onely by him that knowes the heart , not by judges . to say the light , and law of nature is the judges only compasse hee must sayl by , and that hee must punish no sinnes , but such as are against the law of nature . . it pulls the booke of the law of god , yea , the bible out of the kings hand , that containes greater deepes then the law of nature can reach , contrary to the word of god , deut. . , , . deut. . . , . for the king , as the king , should have the booke of the law with him on the throne , to be his rule , deut. . . josh . . . . this rule hinders not but the king and ruler may judge ill doers so farre as the light , and law of nature will goe along with him . yet the objector will be unwilling the ruler take away the head of a seducer , that should say , and teach men with caligula , there is no god , chance made all , and rules all : we want not such blasphemous impostors as these . but ( sayth the objector ) by him that doth evill , is not meant the spreading of errors or heresies . . they had no reason to feare the magistrate spoken of here , rom. . for spreading and publishing the most orthodox truths , for they might without any danger at all from the magistrate , here spoken of , have taught that the roman idols were true gods. they had ten times more cause to be affraid of the power of publishing orthodox truths , as that there is but one god , and the roman gods are dumbe idols , or speaking devills . . that doing of evill , against which the magistrate , here spoken of , is the minister of god to execute wrath , is opposed to that subjection to higher powers . ver . . and of the same consideration with resisting of powers so sharpely reproved . vers . . then by it is only meant the doing of evill , which was prohibited by the roman lawes and edicts : and no man resistes the power who lives in an orderly subjection and obedience to all their lawes , now the romans in their lawes never forbad the publishing of errour and heresies in religion , then doing of evill in spreading of heresies , can be no resisting of the roman powers and lawes . againe that doing evil , ver . . is opposed to doing of good , ver . . vnto which there is a premise of a reward promised , even prayse from the magistrate . 〈◊〉 the doing of good , for which the apostle undertakes , they shall have prayse from the roman magistrate , was not the preaching and publishing the great and orthodox truths of christian religion , yea , they were enemies to that good doing . answ . all these leane upon a castle beyond the moone , to wit , that paul speakes , rom. . of no powers but the roman magistrate , and that hee is to bee obeyed at the onely minister of god , and then having layd this most false and vaine ground , he cryes out , o england , england make much of thy scriptures , but take heed of the glosses of thy teachers . which we may retort , but this is an impious glosse : for though paul aymed at obedience to magistrates , even to persecuting nero in things lawfull , because some then , as anabaptists now , said the gospell freed christians from subjection and obedience to lawfull magistracy . but i prove that the apostle speakes of the magistrate , such as he is by gods appoyntment , and such as hee ought to bee , whither hee bee heathen or christian , and he speakes of a magistrate in generall . now the roman emperor and senate were not such powers in all their government , lawes and edicts , as every soule should be subject unto . for they made lawes in acts of the second table , and accordingly practised them , with violence and unjustice , to joyn not only house to house ( but not being provoked by any wrong ) kingdome to kingdome , the isle of brittain , and all the people of the world , and in that every soule ( i conceive ) ought to be subject to supperiour powers . if the objector render this sense , let every soule on earth be subject to the roman emperor nero , for he is the minister of god , for thy good , that is , for the good and peaceable government of all and every one that hath soules , because hee would raise warre and tyrannically subject them all to him . we wish england to beware of such glosses . whatever people resisted the roman empire and their bloody emperor nero , and others , in all their bloody edicts against innocent christians , ( for he is the magistrate here spoken of , sayth the objector ) they receive not damnation , not doe they resist the ordinance of god. . the roman emperour and senate in their laws and edicts , were a terror to good workes , not to evill , they rewarded those that persecuted and killed christians , and those that shed the blood of innocent people that they might bee tyrannous conquerours of them ; and made them commanders in warre , and hyred them so to doe : then the roman magistrate as he actually governed , and made neither law● nor edicts against spreading of errors and heresies cannot be the magistrate here spoken of . . the objector would be put in minde of the same answer given to this place , and others of the new testament by the anabaptists , who say there is no warrant in the old testament , that christians should bee magistrates , because the use of the sword was then typicall and ceremoniall , and this , and all places of the new testament doth command conquered christians subjection to heathen magistrates , and not to raise armes against them , but warrants not christians to take on them magistracie , because heathens should not be our patterne , but the word of god. . most false it is , and a begging of the question that evill doing is contracted and hampered in here , to subjection to the higher powers , that is , to the roman laws and edicts onely ; for it is opposed to the lawfull subjection due to the parliament of england , and to the king of britaine , and to all lawfull powers as well as to roman magistrates , as is cleare ; for there is no power but of god , and the powers that be , are ordained of god ; and paul speaketh of all magistrates , christian and heathen , that are lawfull magistrates , and commandeth subjection to every power , roman and christian , in the lord. what ? are there no powers ordained of god , but roman magistrates ? then may anabaptists well say , wee owe not subjection to christian magistrates by this text , but onely to the roman magistrate , who made no lawes against spreading of heresies , and when the apostle faith , let every soule bee subject to superiour powers , shall every soule , by this text , be subject to none but the roman magistrate ? i am sure , the reformed churches , and all our writers argue , that as many as have soules , popes , prelates , and roman clergy ought to be subject , by this text , to the good lawes of the christian emperours , and that all men , none excepted , neither clergy ( as they call them ) nor others , but are obliged by this scripture , and pet. . and tit. . to give obedience and subjection to all lawfull magistrates , heathen and christian , and to their lawes , and to pay tribute , and to be judged by them , whereas papists plead exemption to churchmen , and sure , if no doing of evill be prohibited here , and deserve the just vengeance of the minister of god , but only such which was prohibited by the roman laws and edicts , then must the roman laws and edicts be as perfect as the word of god , for then the romans laws must command , reward and praise , all good that the ruler or any power ordained of god doth command , this is most false , they did not command the saving of the lives of the innocent british in this island , that never injured them , but commanded to kill them , they did not in their laws command their under-rulers , pilate and others , to protect innocent christians , to justifie and absolve jesus christ , but to condemn and murther them , though they gave all that was due to caesar , and their laws did not forbid all evill , that the judges and ministers of god are to execute wrath against , all murthering of innocent men in thousands , and most unjust and bloody warres against nations that never wronged them , and they forbad not the spreading of errors and heresies against the gospel that came to their eares , and made them that they had no cloake for their sinne , joh. . , . for paul brought the gospel to them , and it is a begging of the question that the roman emperours ought not to have made laws against spreading of heresie , and they were a terror to those that preached the gospel , and had their conversation among the gentiles blamelessely ; and so these emperours did not as the ministers of god , ought to doe , nor would the apostle undertake or be surety for nero , ( the objector undertakes for the text that in which the holy ghost will not bear him out ) that he shall give praise and reward for well-doing , all the well-doing that the text saith , the minister of god , by his office , is to reward , the roman magistrate did abhorre and persecute , if the apostle undertake those that doe well , shall have praise from the roman magistrate , if hee doe as a lawfull magistrate , then cannot the text be meant of the roman magistrate as he actually misgoverned and abused his power , for then hee was a terrour to those that preached orthodox truths , and worshipped dumbe idols , and by lawes and edicts , honoured and rewarded heathen priests that were not so good as baals chaplaines , and doth paul undertake , if the saints at rome would turne priests and servers of the roman gods , that they should doe well , and have praise from the roman magistrate ? for by the roman law , the roman rulers were to reward and praise such as did well in this sense . . nor doth paul undertake they shall have praise from the roman magistrate , if they doe well according as the roman lawes speakes of well-doing ; for then paul should undertake they should have praise from the roman magistrate for that which is evill-doing , which paul would never undertake , because killing of innocent men in unjust warres to conquer and inslave free states by the roman lawes was well-doing , and praised and rewarded by their laws as wel-doing . but this was to paul , and in it selfe evill-doing , and robbery , and makes the holy ghost to exhort to romish , and falsely so called , well-doing . chap. xviii . the place , tim. . . . for coercive power over false prophets , cleared . argument xii . that which we are to pray , we may have from the magistrate by his office , that is his office to doe , because prayers must be in faith , and grounded on the word of god. but we are to pray for kings and all that are in authority , that with the sword they would guard religion , and the church of god from wolves , false teachers , and those that think they do god service when they kill us , joh. . . that we may ( saith the apostle , tim. . . ) lead a quiet & a peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty . nor can a magistrate procure a quiet and a peaceable life in all godlinesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and honesty as a magistrate , but by his sword , nor can he with meer words of mouth , onely exhort as a magistrate , the foxes not to destroy the vines , and wolves not to slaughter 〈◊〉 sheep , except he coerce false teachers and idolaters , because upon the occasion that micah and his mother made a molten image , and an ephod , and imposed it on their house , the holy ghost saith , judg. . , , , , . v . in those dayes there was no king in israel , but every man did that which was right in his owne eyes , hence it is cleare that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse , a naked permission from the magistrate to serve god is not enough , or that he suffer no man to do thesaints violence , but if wolves be permitted to teach what is right in their own erroneous conscience , and there be no magistrate to put them to shame , judg. . . and no king to punish them , then godlinesse , and all that concernes the first table of the law must be marred , and the intrinsecall end of the magistrate , which is a peaceable life in all godlinesse , is not attainable in an ordinary providence ; nor will it help to say , paul commandeth prayers to be made for the magistrates that were then heathen , who being ignorant of christ could conferre nothing to godlinesse , but meerly negatively , that they persecute not the godly for their conscience , nor permit others to persecute them ; for paul will have us to pray for their conversion , that they may become christian magistrates , and come to the knowledge of the truth , and then they doe more then negatively procure peace to the church ; for as magistrates now converted , they are to praise and reward , and promote to the dignity of judges , men fearing god , deut. . . yea and fearing god , as the scripture doth describe the fear of god , and so to reward christian well-doing , rom. . . & therefore christian kings as kings are to send such , & to promote them to bear rule over the people , pet. . . that so they may be 〈…〉 by the king for the punishment of evill doers , and for the praise of them that doe well . . nor is it true that paul will have us in that place , to pray onely for heathen kings , and that as heathen , ( as libertines suppose ) that wee may have negatively peace under them , they being excluded from all exercise of their magistraticall office in , or about matters of religion ; for paul commands us to pray for kings and all that are in authority ; and it is cleare , some in authority , and divers in neroes court were converted to the christian faith , phil. . . phil. . . nor is the prayer for kings to be restricted to the kings and rulers of that present age , when paul wrote that , but for all kings to be converted , and who shall beleeve and be saved ( seeing god will have all men to be saved ) that they may promote godlinesse in a politicke way by their sword . hence those that have no more to doe to procure a peaceable life in all godlinesse by their office , then heathens and pagans , or if they were not in such an office , yea those who have far lesse interest in christian religion , then if they did not beare the sword at all , can in no sort be the object of our prayers to god for the procuring of such a life in all godlinesse . but the latter is contrary to the word of truth . argument xiii . that which is foretold to be a fruit of repentance , and a casting off of the antichristian yoke , must be lawfull , and praise-worthy , but that the ten kings who made war with the lambe , and agreed for a time to give their kingdome to the beast , should now turne their swords , against babylon , under the notion of a whore , for the idolatrous worship and spirituall fornication of rome , and shall hate the whore as a whore , and shall make her desolate and naked , and shall eat her flesh , and burne her with fire , is a fruit of the repentance of the ten kings , rev. ▪ , , , , . therefore their turning of the sword against the pope , the whore of rome for their whoredomes , must be lawfull and praise-worthy ; the proposition is cleare : for if to joyne in warre with the whore against the lambe and his followers was a worke of the devill , in giving their power and kingdome to the beast , when god inclines their hearts to the contrary , and they joyne their power with the lambe against the whore , and destroy her , and make her naked , and desolate for her whoredomes , it must be a worke of the spirit of god , and a fruit of the repentance of those kings ; for when they repent and hate babylon , the holy ghost would not set downe their repentance in a worke of cruelty , and bloody persecution for consciences sake , as li●ertines define punishing idolaters to be . argument xiv . that which the servants of god doe in an extraordinary impulsion of the spirit , in the case of the sinfull neglect of the lawfull magistrate , or when there is no christian magistrate to doe it , that must be the ordinary constant duty of the magistrate , especially when that turns away wrath from the land , and is taken as acceptable service to god , as if the ordinary magistrate had done it . but the extraordinary punishing of those that violate the worship of god , and pervert the wayes of god , and the faith of others , is such , ergo , to punish such as violate the worship of god , and pervert the faith of others , must be the ordinary constant duty of the magistrate . the proposition is evident , because extraordinary acts necessary to bee done supply the want of ordinary acts , as in morall acts acceptable to god is cleare ; when the under-rulers doe not their duty , phineas is praised , that he being a priest , not a judge , slew zimri and cosbey , and phineas did acceptable service to god in so doing , num. . , , . and elias in his zeale killed the priests of baal , when achab the ordinary magistrate sinfully neglected his duty , and samuel now being no judge , killed agag , ●●go , it was the duty of saul as the ordinary magistrate to doe it . now in the new testament it is cleare the ordinary officers and porters should violently have casten out the buyers and sellers , and tables of money changers out of the temple , our saviour christ doth it i● an extraordinary way , and it was the zeale of the house of god that moved him , ps . . . job . . so armanias and sapheira lyed to the holy ghost , & defrauded the church in a matter of goods , therefore peter struck them dead , then if there had been a christian magistrate , he should have inflicted bodily punishment upon annanias and saphira ; so paul strikes eli●●● with blindnesse for attempting to pervert the faith of sergius paulus , ergo , the magistrate , if there had been any to procure a quiet life in all godlinesse to the church , should have punished elimas , and this is evident in acts of justice and sinfull omissions of men in ordinary places ; nor were these acts extraordinary in the substance of the act ( as i have observed ) but onely in regard of the efficient and manner of doing , though there be required an extraordinary impulsion in the doer , which in others in place , should be ordinary ; for acts extraordinary in the manner and exigence of providence , may be in the substance of the act ordinary duties , and to neglect them , is to sinne against a set command , if david and his followers , had refused to eat the shew-bread , because the law made it lawfull to none to eat it but priests , they had sinned against commandements of mercy , injoyned in the law of nature , nor was that an extraordinary rule , i will have mercy and not sacrifice ; when the law of nature , for the good of spirituall societies , requires that the godly magistrate drive away the wolves and lions from the flocke , we may see a positive command is not necessary . chap. xix . exemption of false prophets from coer●ive power , is not christian liberty . argument xv. that doctrine is not to be held which maketh that a part of christian liberty , which the word of god maketh no part at all thereof : for . if there be no bodily punishment to be inflicted on false teachers and blasphemers , then must christ by his blood repeal● all those law●● in the old testament ; but the scripture shewes us all our parts of christian liberty in these places of scripture , tit●● . . rom. . . thess . . . gal. . . gal. . . gal. . . act . . rom. . . rom. . ps . . . cor. . ▪ , , . rom. . . gal. . . . job . . . act. . . . heb. . . . heb. . , , , . col. . , . cor. . . . ● . 〈…〉 . rom. . . act. . . act. . . cor. . . math. , , , . maith . . . and elsewhere ▪ in all which places nothing 〈◊〉 hinted of the false teachers patent under the seale of the blood of the eternall covenant , that he is freed from the magistrates sword , though he destroy millions of soules . . where the common place of subjection due to kings and governours sent by them , pet. . . , , . is han●led , &c. freedome to sin , and consequently freedome to heresies , and teaching and spreading of false doctrines that eat as a gangreen , and is no lesse a worke of the flesh then adultery , murthers , witchcrafts , gal. . . , , , ●● judged false , liberty for a cloake of maliciousnesse , as if christi●ns were so made free by christ , as subjects were loosed from subjection to kings , and servants from being buffeted for ill-doing , pet. . . if some ill-doers , and the worst of men , even soule-murtherers be freed from punishment due to ill-doers , pet. . . and that by a writ under the hand of the mediator of the new covenant , theeves , robbers , murtherers , adulterers , which be innocent , if compared with false teachers and grievous wolves , may claim the same liberty to the flesh : for why should freedome to one sinne , and with immunity from the magistrates sword bee fathered on a charter sealed with christs blood , and not freedome to all sinnes ? . the end of christs redemption is , that we should use our freedome for no licence to the flesh , but as bought from bondage to sinne . if the conscience be immediately now under the new testament subject to god onely , and free from all commandments of ministers , church-magistrates , who are to command according to the word of god , and if notwithstanding of that , yet the practicall conscience , which should be the principall of all the morall actions of a christian in the duties of the second table , as touching the life , chastity , goods , name , and good report of our neighbour , must be forced , if subject to the lawfull commands of superiours , all men may doe to god and men , and destroy , and kill , and steale , as well as blaspheme and seduce soules , and the magistrate have nothing to doe with them , let anabaptists deny to pay tithes , or to pay souldiers for warres , kill innocent men upon the ground of immediate raptures , rob , and steale , because the just shall inherit the earth , deny and belye christ and religion before men , as familists now teach , for libertines must give a reason why christ hath freed a speculative conscience , as touching all acts of the first table from the magistrate , and his jedbrugh-slaves , but hath left as innocent a conscience , to wit , the practicall conscience as concerning the second table , which is as free in the court of the almighty , under the compulsion and bondage of the sword , and ha●● not taken in all consciences in the same charter . argument xvi . christ hath left the consciences of false teachers and hereticks under ecclesiasticall censures of admonitions , rebukes , excommunication , so as those that hold the doctrine of balaam and jez●bel , and such as call themselves apostles and are not , and grievous wolves must not be suffered , rev. . , . v. , . v. . tit. . . matth. . , , , . act. . , , . and these doe no more act upon the consciences of men by way of teaching , but by way of punishment , then the sword of the magistrate doth , and they are as compulsory as the sword for this threatning ( if yet still pervert the right wayes of the lord , and teach false doctrine , then must yee be casten out of the church , delivered to sathan , branded and shamed as ravening wolves , soxes , wasting the stocks and the vineyard ) this ( i say ) doth as much in way of compelling , as the weapon of iron and steele , yea and in the new testament , hereticks are to be no lesse compelled then under the old testament ( though libertines most ignorantly talke of compelling of consciences and forcing of men to opinion● ) for we are to reject and avoid the company of heretickes , and to put them to shame and reproach , not to eat with an idolater , nor to lodge in our houses , him that brings another gospel , tit. . . rom. . . tim. . , , , , . . cor . . . because of the publicke scandalls , by which the soules of others are infected , and their faith 〈◊〉 what soever maketh the name of god to be ●vill-spoke●● 〈◊〉 and all damnable heresies , which bring swift 〈◊〉 , and by which men make merchandise of soules , these we are charged to avoid , and these the whole church should censure , and should far more avoid . chap. xx. the parable of the wheat and the tares , discussed and cleared . now for the parable of the tares and the wheat , matth. . the author of the apologie of the belgicke arminians saith , i deny not but the parable of the tares is not meant directly of hereticks . the scope of the parable hath nothing to doe with the office of magistrates , in punishing or not punishing hereticks , but tendeth to moderate the too forward zeale of the disciples , and of all the godly that are inclined to murmure at providence that suffers wicked men to flourish and live with the godly , and that they are not cut off before the day of judgement , so doth the godly complaine and stumble at this dispensation , job . jer. . , . psal . . , , . &c. . christ forbids not simply to plucke up the tares , but onely secundum quid , in a case , when there is danger to plucke up the wheat with the tares , as in punishing a multitude or a whole society . . christ expounding the parable , passeth that part of it , best while ye plucke up the tares , yee plucke up the wheat also , and that part of the parable that christ expoundeth not , when he expoundeth all the rest , must belong nothing to the scope of the parable ; and we can conclude solidly no controverted point from every limbe , joynt , or wing of a parable ; nor was it christs scope to shew that magistrates should punish none of the children of the wicked one , because of the danger of cutting off the children of the kingdome with them , for the words may beare ( saith calvin ) then , that all punishments and censures , both civill and ecclesiasticke rebukes , and excommunication , should cease till the end of the world , and so also saith bullinger ; and the truth is , if the danger of erring in taking wheat for tares , or punishing the good and innocent , in place of the guilty , should hinder rulers to punish such as are hardly knowne to be guilty , we should not so much as rebuke one another , til the day of judgement , for there is danger in sinning , if we rebuk an innocent man in liew of a guilty mā or that the magistrate kil an innocent man inplace of a murtherer , for the danger in sinning in the least , is as good ground of abstaining from a duty , as in sining in the greatest , and therfore this new poynt of divinity , that the magistrate should punish no false prophets or seducers , but let them al grow til the day of judgment , for fear that he punish or put to death a faithfull teacher in liew of a false seducer , as luther following some of the fathers teacheth , is so farre from being in this text , that it is not a truth contained in al the old or new testament . yea , it is openly false , for then should wee not avoyd and turne away from idolaters and hereticks contrary to cor. ● . . tit. . . rom. . . but live and converse with them to the end of the world , because we may take some to bee hereticks who are no such thing , but sounde in the faith then our selves shew me a warrant for such an untruth , that wee are to doe no duties till the day of judgement , for feare of sinfull miscarriages in the manner of doing them . by the tares , christ understands all the children of the devil , ver . . and those are the tares gathered and burnt in the fire , ver . . all things that offend , and they which doe iniquity , ver . . that shall be casten into a furnace of fire , where there shal be wailing and gnashing of teeth . . and they are such as are opposed to the righteous , who shall shine 〈◊〉 the sunne in the kingdom of their father . now . the righteous that shall shine in heaven , are not the sonnd in the faith , only opposed to hereticks , except we say none shall be casten in the furnace but hereticks . . hereticks are innocent men ( say libertines ) and not doers of iniquity , as the ●ares are called , v. . . nor are hereticks the only children of the devill , ver . . and the ill seede sowne by the envious man ; and the onely seede of sathan , if the field bee the church , if wee would beleeve libertines , as it is not , but exponed by one saviour to be the world , ver . . yet the false teachers would be but the least part of the visible church , in comparison of the ignorants , the atheists , the murtherers , adulterers , and so not able to come up to compleate the visible church as a company of good and bad , that is , of hereticks and true teachers , for these would not make the quarter of the church , yet christ makes all the church of wheate and tares . since the tares are all that worke iniquity , it shall follow that the magistrate , by expresse command of god , is to suffer all the children of the wicked one , and all that worke iniquity , all adulterers , sorcerers , paricides , murtherers , perjured persons , traytors , robbers , theeves , and all evill doers punishable by the magistrate ( for sure all these as wel as hereticks , are such as offend and work in iniquity in this kingdom ) to grow and live till the end of the world , then sure the magistrate may goe hunt goats and hang up his sword . if we sift every graine of the text , we must say that the magistrate makes a doubt , lord , shall i draw the sword against bloody men and traytors ? and the pastors and church , shal we cast out the leaven that leaveneth the whole lumpe ? and how carnall must they imagine the lord to be , who first went on a way of forcing the consciences of men , and converting men by the bloody sword , & rooted out wheate & tares in the old testament , and now is become a little more just and meek , and will have the consciences of none to bee forced , but all to grow to harvest ? whereas the rulers and pastors make no such question ; but the godly wonder at a providence in god , not in magistrates , that good and il should grow together . but god rebukes mens carnall ●eale that murmure at his longanimity , that he throwes not all the wicked in hell fire , long before the harvest , and burns not chaffe ere ever it grow to blade ; and makes not harvest , ere summer be well begun . the danger that libertines phancy to be in killing hereticks , is the taking them away being elect , before they be converted , which is as strong against divine providence , that appoints the magistrate to kill the murtherer without respect of persons , not considering whether he be converted ye● or not , to doe justice is the magistrates duty , election and reprobation , are secrets that belong to the lord. nor doth min●● celsus promo●● their cause by saying , the tares must signifie false doctrine , as in the f●rmer parable ▪ an which this depends , the seed is the word of god , and christ was sent in preach the gospell , heb. . . to tell us all things , john . ● . a guide and leader of the people , the councellor , esay . . in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge , col. . . christ was no law-giver , and when he speaketh of the conversations of men and their manners , that is not from his cheif office , which is to be a prophet , then ill seed must be bad doctrine . answ . reduce this to an argument and it shall runne madde . . what the seed signifies in the former parable , that it signifies here . i deny the proposition , the scopes of the parable are different . in the former the ground is the heart of men , but here the ground is the world. . in the former , christ expones the seede to be the word : here hee expones it to bee the children of the kingdome , and of the wicked one . . in the former there are not two seedes , good and ill , and two births , but rather foure , the wayside-men , the thorny-men , the rocky-men , the good and fruiteful-hearers , and here there be but two seeds , the seed of wheate and of tares . . the scope of the former is to show who heare fruitfully the gospel , who not , this hath no such scope , but to compose our rashnesse in quarrelling with god that he suffers the wicked to have the benefit of the soyle , hedge , sunne , raine , dew , with the godly , and to live untill harvest . he saith , that which was christs principall worke , the preaching of the word of the kingdome , that must be meant here by the seed , and wheate . it is a false proposition , and a connexion of hay and sand . . christ came to save the lost , to give his life a ransome for many . ergo , by this argument the good seed should hold forth the redeemed of god. . the assumption is false , to wit , that christ came to be a king , yea , and as principally to be a priest , to offer himself for the sinnes of the world , to give his life for his sheep , and goates must rather be meant by wheat and tares then any other thing . by this argument christ should propons no parables , but all must aime at good seed and doctrine , what say we then of the parable of the five talents ? the theefe in the night ? of the letting out of the vineyard to those that killed the serv●●ts , and the heire , and brought forth ill fruite ? and many other parables respecting our christian conversation , and sober and vigilant walking , rather then the doctrine of the gospell , though that bee the rule of all christian walking . and ( saith he ) by our sense , if the tares signifie all wicked men , then must all robbers and murtherers escape the bands of the magistrate , for the lord bids , let them grow till the harvest , answ . then must no blasphemer , not a julian , nor any that should teach there is no god , ●ee rooted out of the church and state , for we say pulling up is not necessary to be meant precizely of killing , but rather of any punishing . that , let them grow till the harvest , ( say we ) is neither a charge nor a command given to magistrate or church , touching censures to bee inflicted by men : for christ expones no where , let them grow , to any such meaning , libertines yeeld that sense , and calvin undeniably inferres by this all censures of magistrate or pastors are cut off and casten over till the day of judgement , both the word in rebuking or excommunicating , and so ecclesiasticall plucking up , and the sword must go and sleepe : but the sense of [ let them grow ] is , why doe ye quarrell at the wisdome and providence of the lord of the field , that he suffers the children of the devill to flourish ? and whereas the servants say , . wilt thou then that we go and ●ather them up ? it is a parable , and this part not being exponed can yeeld no new doctrine , and the most can be , is , lord give us a providence of our owne , and a power not to leave one son of that wicked one in the earth ( & we shal make a clean field to our lord ) rather then suffer them thus to suffocate and corrupt the wheat . the lords answer is , i have ordained rather then such a providence be committed to you , that the ●ares should grow till harvest ; though the lord have appointed a way how to purge leaven out of the church , cor. . . mat. ● . , . and how evill doers shal be ●ut off , rom. . though not in so strict and accurate a way as we dreame , who would not have one thistle in our lords field . yea , would not suffer one sin to be in the world ( as wee dreame ) if we could hinder it , though god seeth a permitting providence to be more glorious . but ( saith celsus ) if the lord understand by tares , thefts , adulteries , robberies , extortion , he would not have used the metaphor of tares , but of briars , thornes , nettles , hemlocks , or the like , th●● are easily discerned from wheat whereas tares are like wheat . answ . wee will not take on us to teach our saviour to speake , we answer , the lord understands , whatever wickednesse cannot be punished without ●●rt to the godly , and that hereticks and idolaters may be knowne by ordinary christians , as well as robbers and theeves , by magistrates , the holy ghost teacheth when he hiddeth us not eat with them , but reject and avoid them , and judge them accursed , gal. . . cor. . . and forbiddeth us to receive them into our house , tit. . . jo● . . now if they cannot bee discerned , he should bid us eat , converse with them ▪ lodge them ▪ blesse them , till the harvest come ▪ and also theeves and robbers are as undiscernable under the notion of theeves , so are murtherers , adulterers , plotters of treason ; for all these have such shifts and coverings , that it is hard for the judge to plucke them up , and as hard in the matter of fact , and more , then to know who are heretickes : now heresie is knowne to be a worke of the flesh , no lesse then witchcraft , but to finde out who is the hereticke and what is heresie , the holy ghost supposeth it to be feazeable , else he could not bid us avoid them , and judge them accursed , but by this exposition , because there is danger , that we judge them ▪ accursed whom god hath blessed , private christians should no more judge them cursed the● publicke magistrates , but both should lodge them in their hearts , in the state , in their houses , blesse them till the harvest . yea and minus celsus , and other libertines speake against the holy ghost , so why shall ye judge a false teacher , and a hereticke to be accursed ▪ should you reject and avoid him , and deny him lodging ▪ for he is not a thiefe , a robber , or a murtherer ▪ nor sinnes he against the light of nature , nor is he seduced by sathan , but to be pitied , yea he is innocent and godly , and so pious , that ere he sinne against the word and his owne conscience , he had rather be forsaken cast out of our houses ▪ and so not to be rebuked , contrary to tit. ● . . celsus , by plucking up must be meant killing as an her be withers , when plucked up by the roots , but when one is excommunicated , bee dyes not . answ . plucking up is a metaphor , and when an hereticke is pulled out of the gates and courts of the lords house , the church of god ▪ and casten out of the society of the godly , and cursed by them , gal. . . and they pray against him , and in faith avoid him , and ●●l fellowship with him , hee must ecclesiastically dye and wither ( if gods ordinance be not blessed to recover him ) and plucking up is as well a removing of him out of that condition and place , as any other thing . by the field , christ understands the world . celsus saith , the whole is put for the part , the world in which that seed of the word of the gospel is sowne , and that is the church , for the gospel is but heard in a small part of the world . but when did christ sow the good seed of the gospel first ? happily when christ himselfe first preached the gospel : or rather when the old impostor sathan first dece●●ed our first parents , but if so , then the serpent did not immediately after ●ow tares , for they were long agoe sowne , and the ●eed was then growne into range growing corne , and there was no need of his ●owing , but of his further manuring of it , but this seed is sowne , with every new act of preaching of the gospel : so this parable cannot agree to the parable of the draw-net , in which there be both good and ill fish ; now good and ill fish had their first breeding in the water , since the beginning : not agreeth it , for the same cause , with the parable of wheat and cha●●e , which hath ever been in the world , whereas the tares are sowne upon a new occasion of preaching the gospel . answ . there be nothing here but vain and forced conjectures , christ expounds the wheat of the children of the kingdome . celsus of the doctrine of the gospel christ makes the field the world celsus makes the field the church , and when he hath fancied these dreames , contrary to christs exposition , he goes to the time , when the gospel was first preached ; which hath nothing to doe with the text ; for when god made men good , sathan came and sowed tares , and corrupted men , and turned them into apostates from god. and ever , since the beginning in the world , there hath been a mixture of cha●●e and corne , fishes good and bad , and of the children of god and children of sathan , and the saints must let both grow till harvest , that is , they must not stumble nor murmure at god , but submit to his wisdome , who will have this mixture till the last separation of men for heaven , and the barne of the great husbandman , for hell and the furnace , in which all things that offend are casten . . for the time of sowing wheat and tares , it hath beene from the beginning since there was a field , that is a world , and the parable that speakes of sowing wheat , and the envious mans sowing of tares immediately after , is but borrowed from men , as the sleeping of a husbandman , which may as soone prove , that he that watcheth over israel doth both slumber and sleep , and that the sowing of tares , and of the sonnes of sathan in the world , is as much without the foreknowledge , counsell , and providence of god , as the husbandman is ignorant of his enemies sowing of tares in his field , when he is in a deep sleep as it may ( if all the joynts of the text be thus squeezed to blood ) it can prove that hereticks are to be tollerated , and that onely tares are sowne , when the husbandman sleeps , in regard that sathan sowes wicked men and corrupteth them , beside and against the decree and irresistible will of god , nor does the text beare that with every new sowing of wheat , there goeth the immediate sowing of heresies and tares , which though it may have a truth in it , yet it hath no ground from this text , and celsus shall never prove it , nor any libertine for him . celsus , if long agoe the city into which a false prophet fled was to be burnt with fire , cattle , and all , and if angels killed many thousands at once , why doth not god by angels now kill many , and destroy them , city and cattle ? and if sinnes under the gospel be more hainous , and god not a whit meeker to sinners under the gospel , then under the law , and if the punishment of the magistrate must grow , as the sins grow more hainous , why ? then as false prophets were but stoned of old , papists and others doe , well to burne them quicke with a slow fire , for the more light and grace we have under the gospel , the more ●ainous the sinne is , and the punishment must be more then death now , else christs death hath made god milder , not to men , but more severe , and only meeker toward the walls of the towne ; the cattle , the spoyle . answ . if a becold flye to munster , and gather a number of robbers in to him , and upon pretext of conscience kill and destroy , and if that city will joyne with him , and defend such bloody hereticks , we thinke under the new testament sadder punishment is due to him , because the sinne is more hainous , and the false prophet so flying to a city , is not onely a false prophet , but a publicke robbing murtherer . and the punishment should be greater as the lord augments punishment for greater sinnes , as is cleare , heb. . , . so should his deputy the magistrate doe , and no doubt , the lord slayeth millions of more , with the destroying angel , of both pestilence and sword now ( as manifestly never such documents of saddest divine vengeance was seen on a city in the old testament , as was to be seen in the city of jerusalem ) by the sword of titus vespasian , because they had slaine the heire christ ; but papists burning of men quicke , because they adhere to the truth of christ proves nothing , and we thinke a julian now deserves a rougher death at the hands of men then any seducer or blasphemer under the old testament , and how ever , men with their wit thinke servetus got more then heaped justice , because he was burnt for probabilities and nicities . i doubt not but men void of the zeal of god , if they had lived when the sonne of the aegyptian was stoned , and baals priests , and the idolaters , exod. . ( who both acknowledged jehovah that brought them out of aegypt , and the scriptures and ten commandements ) which then were killed , would say the same , and many did say the same very thing of these , that they say now of wicked servetus , but they but judge of sinne , and measure divine justice with their owne yard . . god was severer then , in some laws , to things , and to men also , as in commanding the cattle , and women with childe to be put to the edge of the sword , because he would both give a document of morall justice for our imitation , and of typicalnesse of justice , for our instruction ; but in the kinde of morall justice ( for all typicalnesse is now ceased ) the lord is severer under the gospell , then under the law , as is evident , mal. . , . heb. . , . luk. . , , . and no lesse jealous of his owne glory now then at that time , and his wrath rages against walls , and houses , and senselesse creatures more now then at that time , see what desolation he hath wrought in ireland , what eating of horses , of infants , and of killed souldiers , hath beene in that land , and in germany ? and what vengeance shall lye upon the stones , fields , of romish babylon ? and this shall be done by lawfull magistrates , kings , and others , rev. . , , , , . god did then deale more rigidly with a people whom hee purposed to compell to flye to christ . but that his mercy ebbes or flowes , increaseth or decreaseth with the moone , is new divinity . and it is true , god was more severe under the old testament in regard of typicall severity , commanded by god to magistrates , as to saul , to kill the amal●kites , women and sucking children , but in regard of justice inflicted by himselfe , the impression of hell is more to be seen in destroying townes that have been swallowed up by earthquake , men , women and children in extremity of famine , pestilence and bloody warres now , then under the old testament . and cleare it is , as in this parable , the lord will not have us to murmure , that the godly and wicked grow together , so he will have us to know there cannot be an exact purging of the visible church untill the day of judgement come . acontius , and celsus answer . but so hee forbids to purge the church universall , but if men shall be so diligent in purging all particular churches , what else should they doe but contravene the command of god , who forbids to plucke up the tares ? . the lord forbids the plucking up , in either universall or particular churches , because this is a generall command , let them grow till harvest . answ . we constantly deny that ( let them grow ) is a command at all , but only an inhibition to us that we quarrell not with god who suffers them to grow , and yet it follows not that magistrates and pastors sinne in doing their duty so farre to plucke them out , as the wheat be not also plucked up ; for as we are not to fret and impatiently grudge at the permissive will and providence of god , in that he permits tares to grow , so we may , without sin , both pray the contrary of that which the permissive will ordaines to be done , and labour to doe the contrary , and yet not sin , the disciples were not to grudge and fret at that decree of god , when they heard christ say , i will smite the shepheard , and the sheep of the flocke shall be scattered , yet were they to pray the contrary , as christ commanded them , that they might not be led into temptation , and that they might never fulfill that permissive will of god in being scandalized at his suffering , and in leaving and forsaking their lord and master and denying him , when it was their duty not to be scattered , and not to forsake him out of feare , but to confesse and give a testimony before men . upon the same ground magistrates and pastors should do their duty , not to suffer all the tares still to grow among the wheat , and not to permit wicked men to blaspheme , murther , betray , and destroy the saints , and the innocent among which they live , but according to their places they are to punish , and hinder and impede the growing of tares , but withall they are not impatiently to grudge and censure providence , but to let them alone , that is , to let god alone , and suffer him in that admirable disposall of affaires though wicked men be not fully purged out of church and state till harvest , and here is an argument to me that by the tares , christ must not meane corrupt doctrines , but wicked men , for it is a frigid and vaine interpretation to ascribe to our saviour , such a sense that he must suffer heresies , till the harvest , and when the harvest is come , hee must send his angells to gather heresies , and binde them in a bundle and cast them into hell , and so must he gather sound doctrines , upon the same ground , and send them to heaven , whereas the words clearly beare that they be persons that doe offend and worke inquity that the lord thus judgeth at the end of the world ; nor is the conceit of celsus of worth that by a figure he understands by tares hereticks that are horne of corrupt doctrine ; for then celsus shall first have no ground from the former parable to expound the seed to be the word , and the tares to be corrupt doctrine , for then these words a certaine s●wer went to sow seed , and as he sowed some fell by the side , must have this sense , if celsus make this parable to agree with that in the signification of the word seed , that the preacher of the gospel went forth to sow seed , that is to sow true and false teachers , and some seed , that is some false teachers fell upon the 〈◊〉 side , &c. which is non-sense . it is against the justice of god , that hereticks , since they but simply erre , and are innocent , holy , and so feare god , that they had rather suffer torment and burning quicke , and are commiseratione digni ( as say the belgick arminians , celsus , and other libertines ) should be for meer innocency and godlinesse gathered by the angels , in the harvest of the world , and casten into the fire and furnace of everlasting vengeance : i grant out of imitation of the fathers , and particularly of augustine , who retracted his opinion touching hereticks , and the coercing of them : divines use this expression , hereseon zizania , tares of heresie , but aluding to , rather then expounding the parable . celsus fol. . magistrates correcting faults , doe not purge the church of tares , but punish the hai●ous crimes of wicked men , and though ill doers repent and confesse their errour , yet the magistrates doe punish , but if hereticks abjure their false doctrine , the magistrate pardons them . answ . nor do we expound the field to be the church , with celsus , but like better to follow our saviour who expoundeth it to be the world , and so the magistrates punisheth societies . nor is it inconvenient that the churches nurse-father purge the church in a politick way , as his place may bear . it is true , some crimes as murther , the magistrates punish with death , and is to accept of no satisfaction , num. . . . because the taking away lif● it among things that cannot be repaired , but it is not universally true in all cases , that the magistrate is not to forgive , if the guilty man repent . and though we could not determin that case of conscience , whether the magistrate should punish a blasphemer and a false teacher if he repent , yet it follows not that he should not be punished who willfully goes on . and the reason why hereticks repenting , are to be pardoned by the magistrates , is , because obstinatious persisting in an heresies , makes a man an heretick punishable by death , but if a blasphemer have perverted many soules , and have presumptuously dishonoured the majesty of god , to me , it is a question if the magistrates ought to pardon him , and though he be not put to death , it is sure he ought by the magistrate to be punished , which is the thing we prove now . celsus , tares may bee turned into wheat , and converted ; if the man bee killed hee is gone and past recovery . hereticks doth no ill , but good to the wheate , hee lives , saith augustine , that either hee may repent , or that a good man may bee exercised by him . some say , variety of opinions in religion are expressions of divine wisdome . answ . a murtherer may be converted , as well as a heretick , and is nearer conversion then a man of a corrupt mind , and a heretick that is to be rejected , and no more taught and admonished , as concerning the faith , he is reprobate , tit. . . tim. . . nor doth he good to a beleever , but as a gangreene and a pest to a wholesome body . and if he doe good , and be an expression of the wisdome of god by being an heretick , why is he as chaffe casten in unquenchable fire ? as libertines expound the parable . if he should live that he may exercise the faith and patience of the saints , then should not the kings of the earth burne the flesh of the whore , nor the magistrate take vengeance on murtherers , for the faith and patience of the saints is seen in their oppressions , but no thanks to oppressors if hereticks must not be killed , why did mu●cer , becold and our anabaptists now in armes and having no enemy , kill all the godly , because they judge them wicked , should they not be letter grow till the last harvest also ? chap. xxi . of the samaritans , and of no compelling of heathens . how the covenant bindeth us . libertines alledge , luke ▪ . , , . &c. when christ by a village of the samaritans , was rejected and denied lodging , james and john say , lord , wilt thou that we command 〈◊〉 come downe from heaven , and consume them , even as 〈◊〉 did ? but christ rebuked them and said , yee know not what manner of spirit yee are of ? for the son of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them . then are we to spare the lives of those that refuse the true and sound doctrine of the gospel , yea who oppugne it , and to admonish them ; celsus saith , this example is not proposed to compare the samaritans with hereticks , or the apostles with the ministers and the magistrate , but that the benigne and meeke engine of christ , in matters of religion , may be cleare , and that we should abhorre cruelty , in matters of religion , for if the apostles had moved the same question touching heretickes at that time , christ would have given the same answer . the holland arminians say , if christ suffered not his disciples to conceive a desire of revenge from heaven from the onely love and zeale of religion against the samaritans that denyed lodging to him , farre lesse must we beleeve that he will suffer , that in matters of religion , for meere conscience any manifest violence should be exercised ; for christ saith , the spirit that leads you is raging , vehement , fiery , the spirit of my disciples is not so . . your spirit seeks to destroy lives , out of a zeale for religion , the spirit of the son of man is for saving , not for destroying of mens lives . and this generall answer of christ forbids all cruelty in the matters of religion , saith celsus . answ . first , the libertines must prove from this , that the disciples made religion the quarrell , why they would have the samaritans burnt , and not an inhumane fact of denying against the law of nature , an act of hospitality to strangers , and that because of the envy between the jews and samaritans , christ seeming to grace jerusalem , with his presence , then the samaritans have had a high esteem of christ , & were offended that so mighty a prophet should visit their hatefull enemies this was an act of envy rather then an heterodoxy in the faith , or opposing the doctrin of the gospel . . the samaritans were yet in their idolatry and utterly ignorant of the gospel : now we had never a question with libertines , whether the first thing to be done to such as will not admit christ or his messengers within their houses ; & for the first act of refusing to hear the gospel , before they be instructed , we are to call for the magistrates sword to kill them , or for fire from heaven to destroy them ? we think no : we should thinke this no way of god to convert them ( wee plainly say ) it is not lawfull to us to goe with fire and sword , to force the indians , samaritans , or any heathen to embrace the christian faith , the weapons of our warfare are not carnall , if they be within our power , we may restraine them , . from spreading their blaspemies to hurt and seduce the soules of the people of god. . we may hinder them from reproaching god or his son christ in the hearing of the people of god ▪ as david fought against goliah , who blasph●med the 〈◊〉 god. . if they do nationall injuries , and acts of hostility , we may raise armes against them , and in these warres in case of subduing , we may intend the propagating of the gospel to them , as the master is to command and teach his servants , gen. . . deut. . , . so the victors having made the subdued people their servants , doe now acquire some masterly power over them to see them instructed in the knowledge of the true god. nor is the intention of overcomming in a lawfull warre , the more unlawfull , but rather more spirituallized by the accession of a spirituall intention to doe good to their soules , whether wee may by force take their children from them , and train them up in the christian religion , is disputable , since their condition of being subdued denudes them not of the naturall relation of fathers to sonnes , or because in so robbing them of their children , we should but spoyle them of the actuall abuse of that paternall right , which is now conveyed to runne in a right channell , to traine up young ones in a right way , whereas their parents would imploy it to a wrong end , it would seeme no violence to the soules of young ones , since nothing is done , but by gracious education and instruction . . if they joyne with us in one religious covenant , and we sweare with our lives and goods to defend one another , we may cause them stand to the oath of god they were under . as asa compelled not onely judah but those of israel that fell in to him , to stand to the oath ; for the covenant , when it is mutuall , giveth a reciprocation of rights to each kingdome over the other , for if he that makes a promise to another , much more he that sweares a covenant to another , makes over a right to the other , to plead for the fulfilling thereof , omnis qui promittit facit jus alteri , cui est facta promissio , ad requirendam promissi implectionem . this is cleare in the king● covenanting at his coronation with his people , and the people with the king , in the compacts between the master and the hired servant , between two merchant● ; if thi● were not , the nerves of all societies , and lawfull confederations between man and man , nation and nation should bee broken . . omne promissum cadit in debitum , promise becomes debt , and so doth a covenant . but before i say more of compulsion of heathen , that are without . a word to the wise of forcing within , and of the covenant , endeavouring of uniformity , not the prelaticall in ceremonies and canonicall obedience , which familists impute to the covenant , but scripturall uniformity in the same faith and forme of wholesome words , and externall worship and ordering of it , which is not indifferent , as libertines and familists , who in this are brethren against presbyterians , the authors of their breathing in england , ( but we intended good to men , not to sects ) endeavouring of nearest uniformity in the three kingdomes , which we did sweare is contrary to actuall tollerating of all sects and religions , but the sectaries endeavour the latter , and have compassed it , ergo , the sectaries are gone contrary to their oath and covenant . the proposition is evident setting up of all sects and religions by a law-tolleration , is an endeavouring , yea and actuall erecting of the widest multiformity that is , yea but the ordinance provides against antitrinitarians , socinians , papists . answ . there is no provision against them , papists will say amen to tollerate them . . there is no provision made to try socinians and papists whether they be such or no , but the old way of trying them by the law removed , and no new one established , then are they the same way tollerated , that the familists , aminomians , arminians , libertines , enthysiasts , antiscripturists , sceptists , seekers , are tollerated , who all will acquiesce to the ordinance , as i conceive , and within these few yeares would have rejoyced at lesse then the halfe of it . a certaine author hath written a treatise called ancient bonds , in which there is little antiquity , lesse 〈◊〉 , no impartiality , much ignorance , for he neither doth , nor can so much as state the question . and he faith . we are to endeavour reformation of religion in the three kingdomes not simply , but according to the word of god , the only patterne and regulation of the best reformed churches , and of us , we clip the covenant of these words . answ . the word of god ( say the familists in their petition to king james an . . ) as we understand it . so as libertines understand it , and according to their conscience , so the jewes would sweare to endeavour a reformation according to the word of god in the old testament , as they understand it , and the papists according to the word of god , as they understand it , to written and not written , and will the author dare to looke god or men in the face ▪ and say the words , according to the word of god , is according as every covenanter understands the word of god , the prelaticall man , the socinian , arrian , familist , antinomian , seeker , separatist , antiscripturist , antitrinitarian , arminian ? for all these did take the covenant ( if we speake de genere singulorum ) or did those that took the covenant speak or meane that tolleration of all these sects and reformation , and nearest uniformity can consist , or that he , and all these had this sense under-hand of these words ( according to the word of god ) that is , as socinians , libertines , familists , antinomians , &c. expound the word of god ? if so , we must justifie the jesuits equivocation , and their oaths with mentall reservation , for the sense of prelaticall men , and of those that goe for heretickes and schismatickes now as then , to wit , socinians , libertines , arrians , familists , and the rest were knowne heretickes , and schismatickes , and their socinian , arrian , familisticall , &c. sense of the word of god , was excluded in the second article of the covenant in these words , we shall — endeavour the extirpation of popery , prelacy — superstition , heresie , schisme , &c. by this jesuiticall sense , we all sweare we shall endeavour to be perjured , and to reforme each mans religion according to his owne sense of the word , and whereas in former times it was beleeved that christ was god-man . we familists sweare to reforme religion in the three kingdomes in that part , and to teach and professe , that every saint is so godded , and christed , that there is as much of the fulnesse of the godhead dwelling in every saint as in christ ; so that there be as many saints ▪ as many christs , and as many gods manifested in the flesh , as there be saints , for since liberty of conscience was then not professed , and was a point holden by no reformed church , yea not by the church of new england , the best reformed church ( as this man saith ) but detested by all , it was presupposed that the true sense of the word of god was against it , and independents who then did sweare the covenant knew our minde , and did sweare the preservation of the reformed religion in the church of scotland in doctrine , worship and discipline against the common enemy , and they knew presbyteriall government approves both of the censures of the church and of the magistrates sword against heretickes , and therefore turkes and pagans would never have sworne a covenant to endeavour uniformity in one religion according to the word of god , and after petition the parliament to set up in england the widest multiformity that sathan can devise , and say they have sworne to endeavour the nearest uniformity in religion , and yet to preach and print , and endeavour by the same covenant , and the word of god the rule of sworne reformation , the widest multiformity , and that the lord should be one , and his name one in both kingdomes , and yet that the lord be two , or ten , and his name , that is , the maners and kinds of religions be two and twenty , that gods name may be divided amongst socinians , arrians , familists , antinomians , anabaptists , seekers , antiscripturists , libertines , scepticks , enthysiasts , brownists , independents● this is worse then a popish implicit faith , which we disclaim . the other thing ( saith he ) left out , which yet referres to all , the covenant is , that hee that sweares shall by all lawfull wayes and meanes , and according to his place and calling endeavour to performe the covenant , v. . to bring the churches to uniformity , and to extirpate heresie . as for instance , it is the godly magistrates duty , their place and calling , to send forth ministers to the darke places of the land , and to set up lights to guide mens feet into the wayes of truth and peace , and reclaime them from errors : and he cannot be urged upon his calling to punish or compell gainesayers . and the minister is to doe it in his place by exhorting , rebuking , instructing , but he is to goe no further , he is not to deliver men up to judge , and be an executioner . answ . the words by all lawfull meanes and wayes , which this man puts in italian letters , and says are left out by the authour , whom he refutes , may soon be left out , for they were never in the covenant . the man will defend the covenant , and apparently hath sworne it , but i thinke he hath scarce read it , for these words are not in the covenant , let him read againe . turpe est doctori cum culpa redarnit ipsum . he sweares to bring the churches to nearest uniformity according to his place , but when this man defends the tolleration of all the sects in england , socinians , arians , familists , for he writing anno when above twenty sundry religions in england came to the streets , he excepts not one in all his treatise , but calls them all the godly party , saints , brethren , the godly , and ownes them so , in his preface and whole booke . he must grant there is no uniformity in faith , discipline , worship , by the word of god , for if all these be saints , godly , and holy brethren , they have all one faith , and are saved , but let him tell me , by the next , if he can answer , whether there is a nearest , or any uniformity in faith , worship and government , betweene presbyterians and socinians , familists , antinomians , and seekers , yet this man sweares to indeavour the nearest conjunction and uniformity amongst all the saints who are to be tollerated , but let him say , if he hath , in this case ingenuity or learning , what nearest uniformity hee knowes amongst all these , whether the covenant should not obliege a libertine to indeavour the widest contrariety and deformity of religious amongst these , and to plead for forbearance of them all as he expoundeth it . but wee are ( saith he ) to indeavour by all lawfull meanes and wayes , the nearest uniformity among the churches , and the onely lawfull way , as he thinks is not by force , but by rebuking , instructing , exhorting , and by no weapons , but onely by the word of god. but since this authour and all the nation of libertines goe upon this principle , religion is not to be compelled by force , for we are not infallible , and those whom we force as hereticks may be no hereticks , for ought we know , but as sound in the faith as our selves . then we have no faith , nor any well-grounded perswasion of the word of god , to refute them by the word ; and we refute them not of faith , but sinfully and erroniously , for they may be as sound in the faith , as we our selves , for ought wee know , and this is a strong argument against morall wayes of gaining hereticks by the power of the word , for if they may be sound in the faith , and we the hereticks , though we refute them by the word , we may be perverting the right wayes of god , and ●ight against christ , as elim●s : for eli●●s onely by morall wayes , not by force or violence laboured to pervert the faith of sergius paulus , and it is not apparent that elimas was perswaded in his conscience , that the gospel paul preached was the truth of god , and so by no meanes , lawfull or unlawfull , by force , or by the word of god , are we to indeavour uniformity , for our indeavouring is not of faith , nor from the real grounds of the word , but from meere opinions and conjectures , for it may be ( say libertines ) that all those whom wee refute as hereticks , be sound in the faith , and we , not they the hereticks , and those whom we refute , are as much oblieged in faith to refute us , as we to refute them . so i see not how libertines can use so much as morall compelling of hereticks . for . they cannot compell them with the sword to forsake their heresies , because the sword bearer being fallible knoweth them not to be heresies , they may be necessary truths for him . ergo , because the pastor is no more infallible then the magistrate , the pastor with certainty of faith cannot say , thus saith the lord. jezabel is a false prophetesse , hymaeneus and phyletus depart from the faith , for jezabel , hemaeneus and philetus may be sound in the faith , and this pastor , who refuteth them , the false heretick , for there is no peremptory and imposing decision of any of these , till the last judgement , since now the infallible prophets and apostles are dead . upon this ground , yee cannot eschew any as a heretick after twise admonishing him of his here●ie , for ye have no faith , nor divine certainty , it is an heresie that he holdeth , it m●y be you who admonish him are the heretick : only upon opinion you admonish him . , you cannot rebuke any heretick sharpely , that hee may be sound in the faith , for you are not infallible in the bestowing of the lashings of your tongue on a heretick , more then the magistrate in beating him with the sword , and your rebuking of him , may be heretical and unjust , and he the man sound in the saith . . upon the same ground you cannot admonish and instruct him in faith . nor , . call the opinion of the magistrates coercing of men with the sword for their conscience , a bloody tenet and persecution of the saints . nor , . can you in faith refuse him lodging in your house , and all your . saying in the pulpit , such a way of familisme is a way of heresie , is not resolved in , thus saith the lord , by such a preacher , but such a preacher so thinketh , possibly phancies , that the lord sayth such a way is heresie . and by the same reason what ever pastors preach , especially except it be two or three fundamentalls which all christians , papists , socinians , lutherans , protestants , familists , arminians , seekers , &c. is but the dictates of their own conscience , and so they preach , so they beleeve , and so they professe not , because god so saith , but because their conscience so dictates to them . and here is the libertines creed , me thinks christ died for sinners , the dead shall be raised , &c. and so libertines are very papists in this , and resolve our faith into the testimony of men , the conjectures of the conscience . so he goes on ; hee expounds uniformity and nearest conjunction , to be absolute conjunction and identitie . if we be agreed of the same church officers with the reformed churches , and have cast out the old vsurpers , cashiered the common-prayer booke , ceremonies , alters , crucifixes ( all which we have don by the covenant ) do we not save our covenant , though we cast not our churches into such classicall provinciall , or nationall formes . answ . nor do we plead for absolute identitie in doctrine , and worship , but indeavour it we ought . but how i pray you doth the magistrate ( for that i had almost forgot ) send ministers to rebuke , exhort and reclaime men from their errors , but not compel gainesayers ? the magistrate ( i am sure ) sent not paul and barnabas ; it was not so from the begining , in the apostilick church there were no parliament-ministers . but it may be the authour meanes a politicall civill sending of ministers to extirpate heresies . but be it so , all magistraticall sending of magistrates is a commanding of them by the sword in a compulsive way , that they goe preach against familisme , socinianisme , arrianisme . but if so , good sir remember your selfe , the magistrate , as the magistrate doth not request , and morally by the power of the word ( for he hath not any such spirituall armour , i conceive , for his warfare ) intreat , and say , good pastors , i beseech you go preach against del , randal , saltmarsh and other familists , and extirpate their heresies ; private men so send pastors , but as a magistrate he must say , i command you goe preach against these heresies , under the paine of bearing the vengeance of my sword , now if the pastors reply , good master judge , we cannot doe that , for we think familisme a new glorious discovery of spirit , and mr. saltmarsh hath beaten out of the scriptures , new sparkles of glory and flowings of free grace , familisme is no heresie . if the magistrate notwithstanding by his place and calling send these , and command them to goe and extirpate familisme , doth he not compell the consciences of these pastors he sends ? what doe ye then talke of no compelling ? for what ever the magistrate by his place doth command which is lawfull , if ministers or any other refuse to obey , he may use the sword against them . ye cannot say , if it be a matter of conscience he cannot compell them to doe it by his place : then ( say i ) by his place hee cannot command them neither . beside that , this answer is , directly against the words of the covenant , if every man in like manner . art. . be to endeavour the extirpation of popery , prelacy , heresie and schisme , in his severall places and calings , as the author saith , this referres to the whole obligation of each person respectively . then is the magistrate according to his place and calling , which is to beare the sword , to compell with the sword , the extirpation of popery , prelacy , heresie and schisme , and what hath the author gained by this glosse , which i conceive is the true glosse ? except he mean the magistrate , as the magistrate should lay aside his sword and fall to prayers , requests , obtestations , that hereticks would lay aside their errours and preach sound doctrine , but now he doth so pray and request , not according to his place , as a magistrate , but according to his vocation as a saint and a christian , which yet crosses the covenant , and makes the parliament not as the supream court of judges to take the covenant , but as so many private christians . if so , the judges are not in their respective places to take the covenant , nor endeavour the extirpation of heresie , because that is against the word of god , but then by what authority or calling did the parliament cast out old vsurpers , the prelates , casheire the service booke , ceremonies , alters and crucifixes ? either as a parliament , and so by the sword : is not here yet the prelates conscience squeezed to the blood ? is not here highest violence done to the consciences of high alter men and adorers of crucifixes ? why to them more then to famili●s ? but if this was done by reque●● , and word● of butter and oyl from the parliament and committee-men , then are ordinances of parliament but meer requests to the subjects . but it is protestatio con●raria facto . he addeth , if these words ( we shall endeavour the extirpation of schisme , and whatsoever shal be found contrary to ●ound doctrine , &c. ) be levelled onely against the congregational men , it was not fa●re to draw them into a covenant to destroy themselves . it s disservice to the state , to spoyle the state of so many godly and brave men , and seemes to be but the birth of that challenge against these men ( to bee the sanballets and tobia's of this present worke ) and is the highest breach of love . answ . it is apparent the congregationall men he meaneth are the independents , who would have their churches gathered out of true churches . who will not be called schismaticks , as if ensis and gladius were not one thing , then this author levelled these words against presbyterians , as the schismaticks , for where ever one church is rent from another true church , one of the two is the schismatick church ; sure but the author will not have independents the schismaticks , then was it faire to levell these words in the covenant against presbyterians , and draw them in a covenant to destroy both their soule and body ? the congregationall men were not drawne , but they came to another kingdome with faire words to draw presbyterians in a covenant , and said , and swore to indeavour uniformity , and yet practise this day multiformity of religions and have put to the saile , the blood of many gallant men in scotland , that so they may buy with their lives , cursed liberty of conscience . but will it not be bitternesse in the end ? . the author hints at a story that fell out in the assembly of divines where i was witnesse , mr. phi. nye having sworne to endeavour the preservation of presbyterian government in the covenant , was pleased in the face of the assembly in the hearing of that renowned generall of england , for the time , the earle of essex , and many other honourable and noble persons , to declaime against presbyteriall government , as formidable to states and free kingdomes , as of old some called jerusalem the rebellious city , and the prelates the same way burdened the generall assembly of the church of scotland , but mr. alexander henderson , a man for piety , learning , prudency and singular moderation , from zeale , not from the spirit of gall and wormewood , as the authour slanderously speaketh , said they were the words of tobiah and sanballet , to hinder the worke of reformation ; now whether that worthy man spake what hath now come to passe , let the godly divines of the assembly be judge . . we know no service to the state done by these men , but that they set up with the sword all the blasphemous and hereticall sects and religions that th. muncer or john of leydon phancied contrary to the oath of god , for they all professed they were for the covenant , many of them did sweare it , with what conscience to perfome , let crumwel and others speake , god will not be mocked , which is such disservice to the state of england as cannot but draw downe from heaven the vengeance of the lord , and the vengeance of his temple upon the land ; or was it fair when the congregationall men did hide their conclusion of liberty of conscience , would keepe that intended idoll in the bottome of their heart , and joyne in covenant with presbyterians , and sweare against multiformity of religions in words , known to be contrary to the sense of those who drew up the covenant , contrary to sense and reason , and the same words of the covenant , and now obtrude on us multiformity for uniformity . . the authour insinuates as much , as not to give them liberty of conscience , as a reward of their valorous fighting , is disservice to the state. but ingenuous workmen speake of their wages , before they ingage in the work , but to keepe up any word of liberty of conscience untill the worke bee ended , and it come to disbanding , is no fair bargaining , but rather in plaine english , either sell to us law , liberties , religion , and give them to us beside our arreares , or we must be a perpetuall standing army to governe england , and manage religion with the sword , and to set up all religions , and destroy the covenant and the protestant faith , and live upon the sweat of other mens browes . the covenant with a faire interpretation may be urged against presbyterians , and for the congregationall way , as well as otherwise . the covenant binds no man , nor number of men to state or church for their parts respectively , to any paterne or degree of reformation , conformity or uniformity with other churches , but what shall satisfactorily to them and each of their consciences , appeare to be according to the word of god ; and such a reformation doe the congregationall men desire , pray , preach , endeavovr for and after , in the pursuance of the covenant , as if there had beene no such outward covenant obliging them , would yee have men driven in droves to the sacrament still , and the pretious and the vile mixed ? and idol-shepheards suffered ? and bishops courts , and consistories continued ? had these beene beaten downe , had not we under god , as a forlorne hope first given them battell ? how can ye say , we hinder reformation ? when we are for a further and purer reformation ( your selves being judges ? ) you would ●it down on this side jordan , we would advance ? si● you quiet , if you will not helpe us , as we helped you . answ . when you of the congregationall way , that is , of the church way ( for none are churches but you , we are excommunicated , and all else but your selves ) did sweare to endeavour the preservation of the reformed religion in the church of scotland in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , which to your consciences , and all the reformed churches is presbyterian , can the covenant be turned against presbyterians , as well as against you ? . you write and preach that the government presbyterian , is popish , antichristian , more tyrannicall then that of babel , of aegypt , so all your way , and particularly mr. burton in his conformities deformity , and your independents in the assembly , yet you did sweare to endeavour its preservation , and all the independents in both houses spake against it as tyrannicall , and have voted to clog it with erastianisme , i would beleeve erastus , if he had sworne to endeavour the preservation of it , better then your oath . i think pagans would not sweare to endeavour the preservation of any religious way which with tongue , pen , lawes , and sword , they endeavour to undoe and extirpate ▪ see if distinctions will defend it against the common enemy , and whether these words , according to the word of god expounded by you , will save you from the quarrell and wrath of god for a broken covenant ? passe over the isles , and goe to turkey , to america , and see if such a thing as this hath been ? . the covenant bindes no man ( saith he ) to any degree of reformation , but what shall satisfactorily appeare to each mans conscience to be according to the word of god. . then the reformed religion in scotland , in doctrine , worship , and government according to the word of god , appeared once satisfactorily to your conscience to be according to the word of god , for you tooke the covenant , yet ye say it is antichristian , it drives men in droves to the sacrament , it is the bishops courts and consistories continued . but yee did sweare to endeavour the preservation of their reformed religion according to the word of god the onely rule . but if it was sworne to as the reformed religion , was it not according to the word of god ? is it reformed , and not according to the word of god ? or was these words according to the word of god ; a condition , insinuating what is in the doctrine and discipline of the reformed religion of that church ? not according to the word of god , to that you did not sweare . but so if the turke should come and wage warre against papists for their religion , and a heathen people that maintaines there bee more gods then one , and that the old testament is not the word of god , should raise armes against the jewes , you might as well swear you should defend the doctrine of the church of rome , and the religion of the jewes against the turke , and those heathen people according to the word of god ; for sure these fundamentalls that jewes and papists hold in doctrine are according to the word of god , and so you did swear no otherwise to defend the reformed religion of the church of scotland then that of the church of england , before these troubles arose for that ye swore to defend in so far as it agrees with ●●e word of god , yea so ye did sweare to defend any religion of any nation you never heard of , according to the word of god , if you say , but we knew the reformed religion of the church of scotland , therefore ye might sweare to it , but yee know not all the religions of any nation you never heard of . but if so , then yee knew the reformed religion of scotland to be according to the word of god , then it appeared satisfactorily to your conscience so to be . but did their fundamentalls against familists , antiscripturists , socinians , arrians , so appeare to your conscience to be according to the word of god , and their antichristian and tyrannicall presbyteries , that are but , as you say , episcopall courts and consistories appear to be so , and that satisfactorily to your consciences ? if so , why judge ye familists , socinians , such as deny the trinity , and such as make all the saints to be christ , and godded with the indwelling fulnesse of god , to be gods manife●●ed in the flesh , to be saints , brethren , the godly party to be indulged ? then you must question the fundamentalls of the doctrine of scotland ▪ and they did not satisfactorily appeare to your conscience to be according to the word of god. and why did you simply without any limitation sweare to endeavour the preservation of the reformed religion ? you should have said , truly reformed religion of the church of scotland ; and why did you sweare simply to the doctrine , worship , discipline and government of the church according to the word of god ? when yee knew then , as now , their government was antichristian , and not according to the word of god ? and their doctrine even in fundamentalls not so sure but socinians , arrians , and the saints your brethren the familists may hold the contrary , and bee tollerated as saints , and their doctrine , though opposite in fundamentalls to ours , may be as satisfactory truths to your conscience as ours of scotland . confesse and glorifie god , you sware the covenant in a jesuiticall reserved sense , kept up in your minde , as you insinuate pag. , . and such as the words cannot beare . . there is here a new tricke put on the covenant , it bindes to no truth but what shall appeare satisfactorily to the conscience of each swearer to be according to the word of god. if a merchant promise and swear to a simple man to give him for such wares an hundred pounds , he gives him but an hundred pounds scotch , whereas the wares are to the man as dear as an hundred pounds starling , is the merchant absolved of his oath and promise , if he pay him but an hundred pounds scotch ? and say , it appeares satisfactorily to my antinomian conscience the 〈…〉 of no more value then a hundred pound scotch , and my oath and promise obligeth me to no more then satisfactorily appeareth to my conscience the onely rule of my obligation , to be according to equity and justice , and so you are fully paid with an hundred pounds scotch . so this authour absolves us from all oaths and covenants , though we sweare not to kill a captive taken in warre , and sweare to adhere to the fundamentalls that there is one god , christ is the one onely mediator , god and man , consubstantiall with the father , yet if after you have talked with sa●marsh , or put your faith in the power of the sophismes o● a cunning jesuit , he makes it satisfactorily appeare to your conscience that it is according to the word of god that the captive ●e killed , ●e is a murtherer , and there be as many mediators , as there be saints in heaven , and as many christs godded with the fulnesse of the godhead , as there be saints of the family of love , and so your oath to your fundamentalls obligeth you not ; and you are guilty of no per●ury though first you sware to the necessary truths of god , and now ye turne apostate from both faith and oath . libertines infuse such a magick in your erroneous conscience that it is your onely rule , and displaceth the law of nature from all obligation , or the word of god the onely rule of faith and manners , you are tyed no longer by the oath of god , then your weather-cock-conscience , with this new moon , hath catched a new light , you are as if there had been no such outward covenant obliging you , take it upon the word of this gamaliel , dormii securd in utramque aurem . but though it be true , nothing doth oblige , but it must appeare to be according to the word of god , that it may oblige in the right and due manner and way , yet it is most false that it obligeth , as it shall appear , or qua●●nus , because it doth appear to the conscience to be the word of god , for a quatenus ad omne valet consequentia . then every thing obligeth , as it appears to be the word of god to the conscience most erroneous , then are some obliged to murther the innocent apostles ; for it appeares satisfactorily to their conscience to be the word of god , and service to god so to doe , joh. . . and some are obliged to sacrifice their sons to god , though they did vow and covenant the contrary in baptisme , for it appeares satisfactorily to their conscience , it is according to the example of abraham , to offer their sonnes to god , except god from heaven forbid them as he did abraham . . to libertines no covenants nor oaths of the most lawfull things layes on any more obligation to performance , then if these oaths had never been made , if the erroneous conscience gainsay . . you did know the discipline of the church of scotland debars not all from the sacrament , except known unregenerate persons ; yee knew their consistories to be hatefull to the common enemies , why then did you swear to defend them against the commmon enemy , since both to your conscience and the common enemy they are contrary to the word of god. . you durst not give the first battle to bishops , scotland gave it to them , when your grandees were as low as shrubs , as feared as harts . . you hinder reformation , your independents wrought with all their power , there should be no assembly , and that no old non-conformists , such as sound and learned mr. ruthband , gracious and zealous mr. ash , and others , to bee members thereof , and would rather have had prelaticall conformists in the assembly then they . you joyne with all the sectaries , who are against covenant , government , confession of faith , and directory of worship , retarded the proceedings of the assembly ; we heard often in scotland ▪ you wished prelacie were gone , if ye knew what to put in its place , as if no government known to you could fit england but prelacy , and that of the reformed churches were not so good . . you would goe further on then we , and be over jordan , but we had rather sit downe on this side of jordan , as go over with you , for ye was not well over , when yee set up at the kings house idolatrous bowing to altars , and the abjured masse-booke , and familists , socinians , antinomians , seekers , arrians , preaching souldiers , who teach as many saints , as many christs and gods manifested in the flesh , and when these perverters of the right wayes of god were silenced by a godly preacher at london , they prayed woe with learning , it opposeth all the wayes of god ; and is that a reformation on the other side of jordan , which sends out apostles to preach that are as blinde as moles in the principles of the single catechisme , who know not whether there bee-one god , and one mediator christ , or millions of gods and christs , yet these are the onely a●ointed ones . it were good that such a reformation were over jordan , and millions of miles beyond america . chap. xxii . the pretended liberty of conscience is against the nationall league and covenant , and the ordinances of the parliament of england ingaged by oath for a reformation of religion . a midst our greatest feares , and the inlarged sorrowes of our heart , for the calamitous condition of our dear brethren in england , by reason of an unnaturall warre raised by a prelaticall , popish and malignant party , tending to the destruction of the kingdome , subversion of religion , lawes , and liberties , we exceedingly rejoyced , when the lord mighty in counsell ▪ did lay in sion the foundation of a hopefull building ▪ and stirred up the spirits of the honourable houses of parliament to declare to the commissioners of the generall assembly of the kirke of scotland their sense of church government , by archbishops , bishops , &c. to be dishonourable to god , by arrogating to themselves a pre●●minence and power which he had not given , justly offensive to the kingdome , a great impediment to the growth of religion , and promising to remove the same , desired for the obtaining of a● happy union with the church of scotland , and other reformed churches abroad , the generall assembly to send to the assembly of divines at westminster , some godly and learned divines of that church , whereby an uniformity in forme of church government might be obtained , and t●ereby a more easie passage made to the settling of one confession of faith , one liturgie or directory of publicke worship , and one catechisme , in all the three kingdomes , and when for our faith fulnesse to our brethren in sending an army to england to helpe them , the enemy had wasted our land , and we were given for lost , and filled with the cup of astonishment , of waters of gall and wormewood , in our greatest midnight darkenesse ▪ it was to us the morning dawning of the flourishing condition of the isle of britaine , when we did reap first fruits of that blessed union of both kingdomes by that nationall covenant with the lord the most high , and of the three kingdomes amongst themselves , never to bee forgotten , and when we received the directory for the publicke worship of god throughout the three kingdomes , passed in ordinance of parliament in each kingdome . but now we are stricken with amazement exceedingly , when we reape no other fruit of our expence of blood , wastation of our kingdome , attendance on this assembly four years , but in stead of the nearest uniformity of the churches of god in the three kingdomes , in religion , confession of faith , form of church government , directory for worship and catechising , a far more capacious and wide deformity in all these then there was before our taking of the covenant , yea or since christian religion came first into this island . when we see a licentious tolleration in one of the three kingdomes of all formes and wayes of serving god established by law , and no limitation nor bordering provided to hedge in the fleshly and lawlesse exorbitances of men , whose apprehensions and phancies of the one onely true god in three distinct persons , and of his revealed will in his word , are now by nature vaine , superstitious , idolatrous , blasphemous , impure , and devilish , save onely a poore , narrow , and dubious circle of some few fundamentalls that may be , and are by men of corrupt mindes changed in lyes and blasphemies . we therefore the commissioners of the kirk of scotland according to the trust committed to us , are necessitated in the name of jesus christ the onely king and head of his church , and at the commandement , and in the name of the kirke of scotland to protest , and by these presents doe protest and declare against the said pretended tolleration as followeth . such liberty , is inconsistent with , and repugnant to the word of god , deut. . , , ▪ to ver . . rom. . , , , compared with phil. . . joh. . where false teachers are c●●●ed evill doers , so ezra . , , , , , . ne●em . . . . , . . . chron. . ver . , chron. . , . , . kings . , . . , . dan. . . dan. . . tim. . . revel . . , , . zach. . , , , , , . esay . . exod. . , , , . levit. . ▪ . deut. . , , &c. exod. . , , , . numb . . , , , &c. deut. . , , to ver . . josh . . , , &c. god severely avengeth and plagueth breach of covenant , either with the lord himselfe , or men . we therefore appeale to the righteous judge of the whole earth whose dreadfull name is ingaged in this covenant . nor can wee imagine that this covenant is temporary , for we swear to continue in this blessed union all the dayes of our life zealously and constantly . nor hath the lord instamped his divine image of making just lawes upon any nomethetick power of the most free and independent kingdome on earth , so as the breach of lawfull promises , covenants , contracts , which are against the law of god , of nature , of nations , should , or can be the subject matter of any nomethetick power , for god gives no power to make unjust decrees . the pretended liberty is against the articles , matte● , and ends of the covenant , a parliamentary power interposed for the not punishing of deformity as touching many religions , must destroy the commanded nearest uniformity of the one only true religion . nor can they defend the one onely reformed religion of scotland commanding the magistrate , the minister of god to use the sword against false teachers , who give liberty to all religions . nor can the word of god bee our rule of reformation , except this rule be one , and injoyne one only true religion , and forbid tolleration of all others . there can be no way so prevailing to promote , cherish and foment heresie , and what is contrary to sound doctrine , as for publique authority by law to permit it , except wee would ( praise , and reward such fleshly wayes ) . the lord cannot be one , nor his name one in both kingdoms , when by law , multitudes of names , wayes and religions are tollerated . many religions suffered , must be contrary to the true religious liberty of christian states and churches , when men are licenced to professe slavery and bondage , to the efficacy and power of errour to beleeve , professe , and disseminate lies and blasphemies in the name of the lord. many false wayes of religions , doth in the scripture argue a change of gods , for these that are no gods , which heathens doe abhorre , jer. . , , . and a multiplying of gods , according to the number of each sect and societie , jer. . . and a manifest countenancing of scepticisme , of many gods , and of no god , since then the parliament not onely as christian men , but as a parliament , and as magistrates have sworne the covenant ; they must sweare each one of them to defend his owne religion , familisme , arrianisme , antinomianisme , which he beleeves to be the true religion , and that as a magistrate with the sword of god , and so to oppose his fellow members with his parliamentary power , how then can the parliament command others , or ingage themselves to the lord their god to indeavour the preservation of the one reformed religion in scotland , that we and our posterity may live in faith and love ( for this is many faiths professedly different ) and that the lord may delight to dwel in the midst of us , and this is many gods in the midst of us : and that we shall indeavour the extirpation of heresie , superstition , prorpanenesse — and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine ? it is not every parliament man , who by law , may be of any religion , oblieged by the oath of god to endeavour the extirpation of the true protestant religion , since to him who is a familist and antinomian , it is heresie and contrary to sound doctrine ? are not papists though known papists , to be judges , and members of parliament ? why should they be debarred for their religion ? and they must by this oath indeavour the extirpation of heresies , and hereticks , that is , of protestan●s . the foresaid licentiousnesse is contrary to the indeavour to preserve the rights , liberties of parliaments , and just power and greatnesse of the king , now both king , parliaments , and all rulers have the sword committed to them to defend the church against seducers , wolves , hereticks , false teachers : and by the sword are to stand against the violation of mercy , righteousnesse , and the peace of humaine societies ▪ and so against such , as from meere grounds of conscience serve god in sacrificing their children to god , promiscuous use of wives , a part of the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , community of goods ; robing the just owners of their inheritances and possessions , because the word saith , the meeke shall inherit the earth : lying and denying of our religion before men . for should the magistrate kil the father whose only conscience , nothatred ( which is the only essentiall ingredient , to make killing of our neighbour without lawfull authority , that murthering of our brother , which by the law of god and man , is punishable with death , deut. . , , . c. . . c. . . and the sword of the magistrate ) not any hatred ( i say ) or desire of revenge towards his sonne , whom he loves as tenderly as abraham did isaack , presseth out of meere religious obedience to god to offer his sonne to god in a sacrifice , he should not punish a murtherer , but offer violence to the conscience of his father ; since the word of god condemneth this as false worship , not as murther , yea , as superstitious adding to the word , and as wil-worship , deu. . , . jer , . , . divers religions being contrary to christ , and the one truth of the gospell , of their owne nature raise fire and sword betweene , brethren , and the mother against the daughter in law , and must be a seminary of factions , and devisions , which is distructive to the unity in our covenant micah . , . matth. . , . luke . verse . , . gen. . by which it cannot be possible we should defend one another in this common cause of religion , except a reconciliation be made betweene the seed of the woman and the serpent . and many being of divers religions , must need give themselves to a detestable indifferency and newtrality , as touching the common cause of god. since it cannot be the common cause of god , but of sathan , and of forcing conscience by persecution to them . many men , yea , it s the cause of god to many , to hate and persecute the gospell by this . by which meanes every man may resile from this blessed union and conjunction , so far must he be from zealous and constant continuing therein all the dayes of his life , for parliamentary authority frees them to imbrace any new religion , contrary to the protestant religion . and to what church , sect , or religious societie can the christian magistrate be a nurse-father by his office ? is it not to the one , onely true church of christ , that professeth the sound faith ? certaine the scripture saith , as the sonnes of strangers shall build the wals of the true church , so kings shall minister unto her , esay . . and she must sucke the brests of kings , esay . . which evinceth , that kings , as kings are by their office to doe some princely and royall acts of justice and favour for the good of the true church , and true religion : then must either the king by office be indifferent and newtrall to all other religions and sects , which must be inconsistent with his duty , as nurse-father to the church , esay . . whose part it is , that according to his place he take care that the children sucke not poyson for milke ; or he must be newtrall to all religions except to the onely true religion , though he himselfe be an arrian , or socinian , or of opinion that all religions are to be tollerated by the christian magistrate , in which regard , it would seeme , such are not capable to be magistrates in a christian society . nor can the magistrate promote reformation against all lets and impediments , no not heresie , which is a worke of the flesh ; if both he may take , and give licence to all under him to professe what ever way shall seeme good to the dictates of an erronio●s conscience . no church can indeavour , according to our covenant , for the power and purity of religion , if any jezabel , any that shall seduce and tempt the flocke or any of them to idolatry , or abominable ▪ heresies , or make defection to judaisme , to familisme , which denyeth , as the antichrist doth , that christ is come into the flesh , if they purge not out such leaven , and withdraw not from them , and deny not to them lodging , as the word of god teacheth us , revel . . . , , . tit. . . rom. : v. , . thess . . , . tim. . , , , , , , . tit. . . cor. . , , , . joh. . . nor can we give a more publicke scandall and just offence to the best reformed churches , with whom we are to endeavour the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion , then to cry against both their doctrine and constant practise in that they teach a necessity of both civill and ecclesiasticall censures against ravenous wolves who spare not the flocke , and cease not , with elimas the sorcerer , to pervert the right wayes of the lord. . and we dare appeale to the consciences of our brethren in england , when we did willingly enter in the covenant of god , to dye and live , sinke and swim , give our lives with , and for them in this common cause of god , if they did not conceive our downeright and ingenuous sense and meaning of the covenant to be against all such pretended liberty of conscie●ce , for which cause sundry of them joyning with us as friends , yet did refuse to take the covenant , or if by the liberties of the kingdomes , or the true publicke liberty , or any like word , they did understand liberty of professing socinianisme , prolacy , popery , familisme , heresie , or any thing contrary to sound doctrine ; or if they did beleeve their brethren , who in the simplicity of their hearts did rather chuse to suffer affliction with the people of god , then injoy their owne pleasures and peace for a season , or that the honourable honses had any such sense , when in the returne of the parliament of england , p. , . in their letters and declarations , they invited us to joyn in covenant to endeavour an uniformity of doctrine , worship , and discipline with them , which sen●e , if any had , ( for we shall beleeve the honourable honses , invited not us to ruine our selves , and the reformed religion with any such argument ) shall not the lord search out such double equivocation , and jugling in the sacred oath and covenant of god ? nor doth the word of god evidence to the consciences of men , that there be some few fundamentalls , in which arrians , familists , socinians , seekers , arminians , anabaptists , &c. agree , and that the magistrate is to punish such as professe and teach false doctrine in these , but in all these other points that border with these fundamentalls , both magistrates and church are to leave men to their owne conscience to waste and destroy soules as they thinke good , without any controle , except in such smooth rebukes as eli gave to his sonnes , or exposing of the word of truth to mockery , after admonition an hereticke is not to be instructed at all by the word , nor doe we , by our doctrine more make the sword of the magistrate a spirituall meanes as touching mens consciences , by which they are converted to the sound faith , as concerning the duties of the first table and doctrine of the gospel , because the magistrate punisheth false teachers , then libertines doe make it a spirituall way of converting soules from murthers , rapes , sodomies , robbery , lying , to a sound conversation , in matters of the second table , who doe hold that the magistrate beareth the sword for punishing of murtherers , adulterers , and such as faile against the second table ; for in either the sword hath no spirituall influence on the conscience , nor is it any thing an ordinance of god for converting of heretickes , but to hinder perverting of the right wayes of god , and for our externall right walking as touching the outward man in all the duties of both tables , that we hurt not one another in civill societies . this new liberty destroyes all that the parliament hath done , said , suffered ; for the hononourable houses doe professe before the everliving god , the safety of religion , laws , and liberties to be the chiefe end of all their counsells and resolutions ; also that scotland had lovingly invited them to a nearer and higher degree of union in matters of religion and church-government , which we ( say they ) most willingly embrace and intend to pursue . the honourable houses declare , they have for the just and necessary defence of the protestant religion , his majesties person , crowne , &c. taken up armes , and appointed and authorised robert earle of essex to be captaine generall . the same was the end of the kingdome of scotland . now can it be dreamed that the end of either kingdomes , united by covenant and compact in this warre , was to spend lives and fortunes , for liberty or licence to many religions ? or can any say but the intent of the houses at that time was to oppose , never to countenance , and tollerate ( as now professedly they do ) brownists , anabaptists , familists , antinomians , socinians , arrians , seekers , and libertines , who are for all religions ? should not we have had bowells of iron , if in charity , wee had not beleeved our brethrens words , oaths , pro●essions ? the honourable houses ingage the whole kingdome of england to take the covenant by their commissioners in a treaty betwixt the two kingdomes , which treaty was ratified in the parliament of england , and both kingdomes agree that no meanes was thought so expedient to accomplish and strengthen the union , as for both nations to enter into a solemne league and covenant , and a forme thereof drawne and presented to the convention of estates , and generall assembly of scotland , and the two houses of the parliament of england , and hath accordingly beene done , and received their respective approbation ; and i. proposition , it is agreed and concluded that the covenant presented to the convention of estates and generall assembly of scotland , and sent to both houses of the parliament of england to their brethren of scotland , and allowed by the committee of estates , and commissioners of the generall assembly be swor●● and subscribed by both kingdomes , 〈◊〉 most 〈◊〉 and conjunction betwixt them , for their mutuall defence , against the papist and prelaticall faction , and their adherents in both kingdomes , and for pursuance of the ends exprest in the said covenant . ii. that an army ( of the kingdome of scotland ) shall be levied forthwith , &c. which treaty is approved by each parliament respectively , and by the parliament of england , . novem . . now what ever power the parliament of england hath in relation to england to alter , make and unmake lawes as shall seem most fit to the wisdome of the houses , yet they neither have nor can have power against the law of nature and nations , to alter , retract or breake their promise , agreement , faith , and contract made with another kingdome , so that both kingdomes binde their owne hands that they cannot but command the covenant to be taken by each kingdome , not by the representative kingdome or parliament , onely but by the collective or diffusive body of both kingdomes , in regard that the 〈◊〉 not between the parliaments onely , but between the kingdomes , nor can the houses thinke it lawfull at that time to offer violence to the consciences of some , ( which some now say is to force them to doe against the present judgement and light of conscience ) and unlawfull at this time to presse others , for this is a covenant ( as one faith well ) that is never to bee forgotten by us nor our posterity . — and the parties ingaging in this league are three kingdomes , famous for the knowledge and acknowledgement of christ above all kingdomes of the world , that this covenant tyes us to defend one another , beside the words thereof , the former authour saith , god hath wisdome to discover , and strength to punish , if our hearts he not upright to our brethren in this matter . so do the houses say , our purpose is to consult with godly and learned divines , that so we may not only remove governments by archbishops , but likewise settle such a government as may be most agreeable to gods holy word , most apt to procure and preserve the peace of the church at home , and a happy union with the church of scotland , and other reformed churches abroad , and establish the same by law , in the treaty between the kingdoms , an . . the scottish army shall grant no tolleration for the popish religion . the honourable houses must intend a quite other thing then pretended liberty , when they according as they are obliged by the treaty of both kingdomes passe an ordinance that the covenant be taken throughout the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , and their names to bee returned to the houses , who shall refuse . and an exhortation is framed by the assembly for taking the covenant , which was approved by the houses , and printed by a speciall ordinance , to wit , that no faithfull english heart be afraid to joyne with our brethren of all the three kingdomes in this solemne league , as sometime the men of israel ( although under another king ) did with the men of judah at the invitation of hezekiah , chro. . — and as ezra and nehemiah , ezra . neh. . drew all the people into a covenant without any speciall commission from the persian monarchs ( then their sovereignes ) so to doe , albeit they were not free subjects but vassals . and the two kingdoms joyntly declare that not onely papists , and popish recusants , and irish rebels that are actually in armes against the parliament , shall looke for no favour , but be punished as traytors , but also all newtralists , all the ignorant and simple that were seduced , or compelled to take armes , all of the scotish nation mis-led through private respects , all dividers between the king and his parliament , if they would expect pardon and favour , should speedily take the covenant , and joyn heartily and really in the defence of this cause . nor can the examples of ezra , nehemiah and hezekiah be good divinity then , and bad now , or the plea of not forcing the conscience be then weake , but now strong , except wee dreame that parliaments by a nemothetick power can alter divine truthes ; which wee are unwilling to beleeve of the parliament of england . such a tolleration must thwart and crosse the professed sincere intentions of the honourable houses for uniformity and the advancement of true religion , out of which there will also undoubtedly result , a most firme and stable union between the kingdomes , and contrary to that proposed end of the covenant , and of all our travels for reformation , which the assembly of divines testified at the special command of the house of commons assembled in parliament to be aimed at by both kingdomes in this defencive warre , in letters sent to the reformed churches abroad in france , helvetia , geneva . wallacria , &c. ( what a letter most contradicent to that might they now write ? ) whereas this tolleration must be the sad scandalizing and sorrow of all reformed churches in the christian world , the joy and triumph of papists , the mocking and dispising of the wayes of christ , to heathens within , to atheists round about , the sadning of all the godly , the condemning of our former wayes , as acts of apostacy from god , and rebellion and dis-loyalty to our prince . the houses also declare , if his majesty had not , denied his consent to a bill for an assembly of divines , they had long since manifested to the world their utter dislike of brownisme and anabaptisme . as also , that it is farre from their desire and intentions to let loose the reines of discipline and church government , and to let private persons , and particular congregations take up what forme of worship they please , but doe hold it requisite there should be through the whole realme , a conformity to that order which the law injoynes according to the word of god. we was invited , to bee instruments of a glorious reformation for a nearer union in church-government against the common enemy in the cause of god. the commissioners of england say , the parliament desires a nearer conjunction in forme of church-government , directory , confession and catechisme , and utter extirpation of prelacie the most effectuall and ready meanes , whereunto is now conceived to be the stricter union and league between the nations , and our assistance of england by an army . it rejoyced the hearts of the godly in the three kingdomes , when the houses passed an ordinance for the directory of publicke worship , to be used in all the three kingdomes , and layed aside the booke of common-prayers , and burdensome ceremonies upon a resolution professed to the world , according to the covenant to reforme religion according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , which was accordingly approved and ratified in the parliament of scotland , if wee then turne backe againe from that begunne uniformity , what doe wee also but pull downe and destroy what we have builded ? especially since uniformity , which we sweare to indeavour in our covenant , is cryed downe by familists , and antinomians , and all externall worship and profession of christ before men , as indifferent , and all religion retrinched into onely things of the minde and heart , upon a dreame that the written word of god is not our rule oblieging us , but an inward law in the mind beyond , all ordinances , must regulate us now under the gospell . the honourable houses in rules and directions for suspending from the lords supper , enumerating most of the fundamentals , doe by divers ordinances evidence they are by law to bee punished , who professe or teach contrary to these . and in rules for trying of ministers before they be ordained ( though thousands now are constant preachers without any ordination at all ) the minister must be one that is able to defend the orthodox doctrine contained in the scriptures ( as the scripture saith , tim. . tit. . , , . ) against all unsound and erronious opinions , especially those of the present age , such as these , of arrians , socinians , arminians , anabaptists , brownists , familists , antinomians , libertines , seekers , &c. where the houses mention the great duty lying on them , to settle matters concerning religion , and the worship of almighty god , and have continually before their eyes the covenant , which they have so solemnly taken , and in pursuance of the ends of the covenant — have removed the booke of common-prayer with all its unnecessary and burdensome ceremonies , and have established the directory in the roome thereof , and have abolished the prelaticall hierarchy by arch-bishops bishops , and instead thereof have laid the foundation of a presbyterian government in every congregation , with subordination to classical , provinciall and nationall assemblies , and of them all to the parliament . both houses of parliament , and the parliament of scotland , agree that the kings majesty take , or at least approve and ratifie the covenant , and that all the subjects of either kingdomes sweare it . what then shal become of the covenant ? shall it not be buried , if a law passe it shall be voluntary to men to take it , or not to take it . the honourable houses ordaine , that any preaching or writing , or maintaining such errours as doe subvert any articles of the true protestant religion , shall be excluded from the lords supper , and in case of refusal to compear before the eldership , or obstinate persisting in the errour shall be imprisoned by the justice of peace , till he submit to order . the houses give thankes to the commissioners of the kingdome of scotland , that the lords of privy councell do so farre respect the welfare and peace of england that they are pleased to second the desires of the generall assembly of that church for unity in religion , and uniformity in church-government in his majesties three kingdomes . we cannot thinke the honourable houses would passe an ordinance for an universall fast through all the kingdome to seeke assistance from god to suppresse heresies and errours , except the whole land be injoyned to take the name of god in vaine , if it were not the will and minde of the houses to detest liberty of conscience , especially since in the ordinance , they mention the wonderfull assistance of god since their engagement in the covenant , in which they are to endeavour sincerely , really , and constantly the reformation of religion in doctrine , discipline and worship , and the extirpation of popery , superstition , heresie , schisme , and prophanenesse , and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine , — and that they are resolved to improve the utmost of their power , that nothing be said or done against the truth , but for the truth . now by the utmost of their power they must meane their parliamentary power of the sword committed to them as the ministers of god ; for that is their utmost and highest power , otherwise all private men are to improve the utmost of their power for the truth . in the ordinance for reforming of the university of oxford , the honourable houses ordaine to punish those that take not the covenant , or oppose the execution of the ordinances of parliament concerning the discipline and directory . the honourable house of commons say , their true and reall intentions are , and endeavours shall be to settle religion in the purity thereof according to the covenant . nor can the parliament loose men from the oath of god , nor put any exposition on the covenant , other then the words naturally hold forth , nor can any one parliament obtrude any law interpretation of the covenant on the subjects different from the true sense and genuine meaning conceived by the parliament of the other kingdome , since it is not the covenant of any one single kingdome , nor can we say without mocking of god , and dallying with the oath of god , that the covenant was conceived in any such doubtsome , equivocall and two faced sense , so as each kingdome may sweare it according to their owne sense , and the one sense for , or not against the pretended liberty of conscience , the other for it . and both kingdomes esteeme the end of the warres , an abundant reward of all that we can doe or suffer in this cause , to settle religion , and we have resolved and decreed never to lay downe armes , untill truth and peace be settled in this island upon a firme foundation for the present and future generations . then what ever kingdome shall resyle from the covenant to a detestable liberty of all pretended truths , as they breake with god , so must they breake with men , seeing the two kingdomes are mutually and reciprocally ingaged to one another in the meanes and the end , and they must looke that the righteous god shall avenge breach of covenant , and such apostacie from his truth , with the saddest and heaviest of judgements that we or our fathers have heard of , the rumour whereof shall cause our eares to tingle . the honourable houses professe an union in doctrine , discipline , and worship , to be a more strong bulwarke against the bloody practises of papist , and deceitfull errors of other sectaries , and more profitable use of the ministery . other sectaries can be no other then such as swarme and abound in the army and kingdome . and this diversity of religions by tolleration utterly weakens , yea and dissolveth the blessed union betweene the kingdomes : for the houses say , religion cannot be altered in the one kingdome without the other , and the lord would not have put it in the hearts of both kingdomes , if he had beene minded to destroy us . they acknowledge that religion is the band and foundation of the safety and happinesse of both kingdomes . when therefore god suffers it to enter into our hearts to breake our covenant with god and our brethren , the lord hath a minde to disquiet the inhabitants of england , so as the fierce anger of the lord and his jealousie must smoake against them as fire . the reverend assembly of divines give their sense of this pretended liberty to be against the will and minde of god in his word . finis . chap. xxiii . the place acts . v. . to wit , the counsell of gamaliel , discussed , and found nothing for liberty of conscience . the most of the strength of master john goodwins argument , stands thus , theomachia , ser . . . this doctrine , or way , is either of men or of god ( saith gamaliel . ) if it he of men , you shall not need to represse it , for it will of it selfe come to naught ; which he proves by the instances of judas and theudas . if it be of god , it is in vaine to strive against it , for it must prevaile , and the counsell of heaven must stand ; for then ye run the hazard of fighting against god , and incurring the displeasure of the romans , by whose courtesie and meere grace you have the liberty of capitall punishments . the grounds that master goodwin layes downe , are , gamaliel at this time was a convert , and tooke on him the patrociny of the apostles . . his reasoning to abstaine from them is orthodox and sound , and from the holy ghost . . it holdeth , that when judges are not infallibly perswaded , ( as these were , not knowing the way of christ ) to coerce any religion or way never so false , is persecution , straining of free consciences , and fighting against god : i judge john goodwin hath ploughed with the heifer of vaticanus , who writes a virulent peece against caloin , and condemnes the burning of that monster . michael servetus brings the same argument . vaticanus ( some thinke it was castalio , adversus calvinum ) num. : and bellius , arg . . but . though libertines espouse and owne the argument of gamaliel , as from the holy ghost , to condemn all use of the sword against false teachers ; yet it is gamaliels rotten dialemme , not the holy ghosts . . abstaine from these men , is according to the medium or reason of gamaliel , speak no boasting words , deale not morally with the conscience , though ye by office , ought so to do , as sitting in the chaire of moses , far lesse use the sword against them . the reason is , if the doctrine be of god , it shall stand , and ye are no more to fight against god , with the tongue , than the hand , and with corrupt reason , than with a steele sword ; and if the doctrine be of men , it shall fall of will ; neither then are you to preach , nor with the arme of flesh to act against them , and the word in the greeke is , stand up from them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the syriack , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omittite eos , v. . let them alone , v. . and the intention of gamaliel , if he speak as a convert to christ , ( as goodwin and vaticanus suppose ) must import no lesse . . the argument is as strong in the matter of adultery , treason , bloody rebellion , and murder , against the lawfull magistrates power , coercing all disorders against the second table , as against religion or a way of god or of men , by which wee worship god , and therefore ( as beza sayth ) the man was no favorer of the gospell , but feared the evill that might follow upon the displeasure of the romans . and piscator and * gualther saies well , it was an evill counsell , gualther sayth , since the scope of gamaliel was onely to save the apostles from present danger , they abuse this argument , who thereby shake all discipline civill and ecclesiasticall : for the magistrate beares not the sword in vaine , and ought to extirpate heresies by his office. and calvin saith , it was a sentence unworthy of a wise man , because that which is of god shall stand , gamaliels consequence is null , that therefore the magistrate whom god armed with the sword should doe nothing against sinne . the consequence is as strong , in murthers , paricides , sedition , as in heresies whatever vaticanus says in the contrary , applying this argument only to doctrine , and to plants that our heavenly father hath not planted . for , . it is not the purpose of gamaliel to draw his doctrin to so narrow a channel as to doctrins only , as if doctrins of men only came to nought , for gamaliel alledgeth the examples of iudas and theudas the galilean , whose fault was not only false prophecying , but rebellion and sedition , for foure hundred armed men gathered to this man and obeyed him , greeke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . syriack 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 et abierunt post cum quasi quadringenti homines , they went after him , as their captaine in the fields . and the other judas of galile drew away much people ; now they were drawn away , in a course of tumultuary rebellion , as is clear by the two words , they obeyed him , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 syriack , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dispersi sunt , they were scattered as an armie of men , then these men were not onely false teachers , but levied men to rise against authority , as anabaptists doe after them : so shall it follow , that when men rise in bloody murthers and insurrections , we must leave them to god ; for when they rise to cut the throats of innocent people , whether that ignis fatuus the foole fire of blind zeale , or a treasonable designe raise them in armes , their way is either of men , and so god will bring it to nought , and we must sit still and suffer our selves to be murthered , contrary to the law of nature , because god will not faile to crush these novators and firebrands , or their way and courses of god , and so yet we must sit still , and all the most just defensive warres shall be unlawfull , for if we stir one foot against them , we run the hazzard of the bold blind gyants to fight against god , it is all one to the dialemme of gamaliel , whether he speakes of theudas the magician or sorcerer , as josephus antiq . lib. . cap. . and eusebius , who rose in the time that cuspius fadus governed judea , who said hee could divide jordan , and gathered his men to the banks of jordan in the fourth year of claudius ; or if it bee theudas that rose long before fadus , before the reigne of agrippa , who did reigne seven yeares under caligula and claudius , or who this iudas was , it is sure the argument will prove that magistrates are not to draw their swords against rebells , and traitors , and this subverts all policy and government civil or ecclesiastical . the argument , of gamaliel , cannot conclude that god is lesse watchful , and lesse severe to take vengeance on sorcerers , murtherers , lions and cruel tyrants , bloody and deceitful men , than against new false religions , for if the way of robbers , conspirators , armies that rise in rebellion against their masters , covenant-breakers , bee of men , god wil bring it to nought and destroy it , as he overturned the way of theudas and iudas , as is cleare . god turnes the way of the wicked upsidedown , ps . . . and the bloody and deceitfull man shall not live halfe his days , ps . . . and so shall the old lion perish for want of his prey , job . . and shall want and suffer hunger , psalm . . . ergo , iob or any magistrate should refraine from plucking the prey out of the jawes of the oppressours , contrary to iob . , . or if the way of oppressors bee of god , and if god have armed them with his power to be a scourge , rulers should not defend the fatherlesse , the widdow , and the stranger , from the pawes of the lions and murtherers , but should refrain ; why ? if gods power bee with them , we resist the power of god , we fight against god. nor is it enough that the patron of liberty , servetus and goodwin tell us in doubtsome things , such as controversies of religion , we would refraine from drawing the sword against men , for their conscience and religion , because we know not infallibly , but their way may be as well or rather the way of god , than our own , and then wee run the hazzard of fighting against god omnipotent ; and when it is dubious to us , but it may be the way of men , it is safest to leave it to god , and that we hold back our hand from offering violerce to them , for god will save our labour , and burne the hay and stubble of mens drossie inventions , and what need then is there to file the edge of the magistrates sword , in a dubious case , when we have not certaine●y of faith , that the now sectaries way is of men and sathan . answ . . pharoahs tyranny in detaining the people in bondage , notwithstanding of the wonders that the god of the hebrews wrought by moses , was as doubtsome to him to be tyranny , since his god-idol of egypt did the like wonders by the magicians , as controversies of religion are , and blindnesse in duties in the second table , when judiciall , and from the power of the prince of darknesse , is as strong and may as much make men excuseable , and shield them from the sword of god or man , as blindnesse in the duties of the first table . this answer does oyle the head , and flatter the wilfull and malicious ignorance of pharisees , who both knew christ , and whence he was , and were convinced that the gospell was from god , and that the miracles of peter and john came nothing short of the miracles of moses , in point of glory and power , and by this all the seducers , even such as sin against the holy ghost , as did these pharisees , shall bee tollerated , because wee know not infallibly , but their anti-gospell and blaspheming of god , and his son , may bee the way of god , and therefore we must refraine from lifting a tongue against them , and they know not but our gospell may be the gospel , or it may be the divinity of devills , and by this the knowledge of the elements and first fundamentalls of the gospell , to wit , that iesus died , rose againe , ascended to heaven , and through faith in his name , jewes and gentiles are saved , the only doctrine for which these apostles were persecuted , shal be mere scepticisme ; and an adventuring fluctuation ; wee must leave to god either to reward and establish , or to annihillate or crush this way of the apostles : wee must not oppose it , because no morall man with certainty of faith can oppose the most false way , though as cleare point-blanke contrary to the gospel as noon day to blacke midnight , but he must run the hazzard of either fighting against god , or invading the chaire of god , or of bringing to nought , that which god onely brings to nought , and of striking , but not in faith , him whom god will have us not to strike . but . this argument of gamaliel , and mr. goodwin , must conclude that we must not smite with the tongue , or argue by the scriptures of god against any false way . . it is dubious to us as to the pharisees , and to al christian magistrats who are infallibly in no gospel principle , and so they cannot in faith draw the sword where the certainty of faith does not lead them , for fear they fall upon gyant fighting against god , in lie● of acts of justice . but so neither should vatica●●● , m●mus , c●lsus , mr. go●dwin , nor any smite with the tongue presbyterians , socinians , antiscripturians , or fight against their way by scripture arguments , because their way may bee the way of truth , as wel as yours , and to fight against any truth of god , when ye know not , but it may be truth of god , is a fighting against god , and so al preaching , al writing against heretickes shal be a fighting against god , for it is no more lawful to fight morally then phisically against god , or his truth , and that without faith and infallibility , for to reproach any precious truth of the spirit in saints , and cal it a lye , must be to reproach god and his son christ , as to deny any truth of god before men , is to deny god and christ before men , matth. . . mark. . . luk. . . tim. . , . . this dilemma of gamaliel saith , any way or doctrine of men must be refrained from ; and nothing can be done by magistrates or ministers , nor spoken on the contrary , because god himself will have it reserved to him , that he may bring it to nought . now by this argument we are not by teaching and doctrine so much as in us lies , to hinder grievous wolves to draw disciples after them , and corrupt hearers to gather to themselves an heap of teachers , by preaching the contrary sound doctrine , contrary to acts . , , , . tim. . , , , . tit. . , , , . for . we are no more to convince , refute , and rebuke false teachers , except we could do it in faith and assurance , that their way is of men and false ( since all we do , or do not , speak , or speak not , must be in the perswasion of faith , else we sinne , rom. . , , , . ) then christian magistrates can punish them with the sword . . we can no more fight against a way of god ( for so the heretick to death under torturing professeth ) and you have no faith , on the contrary ( say libertines ) with the tongue , nor with the hand . yea , we can no more labour to suppresse what god onely , in his sole prerogative of providence , immediately working ought to suppresse , and that in a mediate providence of our own making , with preaching , refuting , watching over the flock , stopping the mouthes of gain-sayers , then we can indeavour the suppressing of it with the sword . . gamaliel intended to have the apostles , not to be medled with , either because godly men , and disciples of christ , as he was ; or because their way was dubiously , not notively and manifestly false ; if the former , then . godly men , though in an evill way , though they murther , play the traytor , rebell , commit adultery , are not to be any way censured . this is the way of anabaptisme , that sets all beleevers above and beyond the reach of the magistrates sword , and his dilemma cannot have this sense ; for if godly men , as godly men are upon this formall reason , because godly men must not be punished by the magistrate ; neither must they ever at all be punished for the acts of oppression , or murthering , or treacherous dealing , or adultery , for it is cleere in the person of david , lot , and others , that they remained godly , and saints , under those acts . . it is said , not proved , that gamaliel being a secret disciple of christ ; as nicodemi●● was , favoured the gospell , and the witnesses of it ; for the text insinuates no such thing , but that god used him as a morall moderate wise man , to save the apostles from death , for fear of politick inconveniences ; . anabaptists can have no better grounds then papists , for lorinus , salmeron , and some jesuites , thinke so ; they tell us that gamaliel was the master of paul , barnabas , and stephen , and counted among the martyrs , and that his body was found with the reliques of stephen and nicodemus , as baronius saith , clemens in his recog . li. . c. . beda saith , he was a companion of the apostles ; but occumenus and chrysostome say the contrary . . the best can be made out of his speech , is dissimulation to save the lives of the apostles ; for . he will have the councell to carry themselves to the gospell , the onely instrument of their salvation , as neutrals ; and wils them neither to try it , and believe , nor to persecute it . againe , if the councell must not dare to meddle with the apostles , because their way was dubious ; he proves that the councell , as magistrates , should not interpose their sword , but leave them to god , by a weake argument , because the romane magistrates left not theudas and iudas to god , but tooke order with them , and killed , and dissipated all their followers ; so that the contrary followes from his reason , that the councell should not leave them to god , and his immediate revenging hand ; for immediate providence cannot be the rule that the magistrate or church must follow in punishing ill doers , and in censuring scandals ; the revealed will of god must be their rule ; but let them alone , because god shall bring them to nought , by gamaliels logick , shal leave the rulers of church and state to immediate providence . . the councell had power of ecclesiastick censures , and of casting out of the synagogue , at which the romanes tooke no exception ; but this dialemme proves they should be left to god , as touching all censures , and that they should have leave to ruine their own soules , and the soules of millions , in a pernitious way , against moses his law , and the onely true way of god , as they conceived . chap. xxiv . whether punishing of seducing teachers , be inconsistent with the meeknesse of christ , place luke . . discussed . libertines cry much for the mansuetude and clemency of our saviour christ to be a skreen and shield betwixt false teachers and the sword . so arminians , apolog. c. . fo . . if christ will not permit to his disciples a desire of punishing , out of zeale and love to christ , to whom the samaritans denyed lodging , far lesse will he permit christians to punish hereticks for their conscience onely . but christ proves the former to come from a spirit not such as was in elias ; . that spirit is sharp and bitter . . tending to destroy lives , which i came to save . . not acceptable to me , in that you would destroy for religion , and this is against all cruelty for religion . so vaticanus , num. . so monfortius . so mimus cels . answ . . theophilactus saith , it is an example of blinde anger or zeale , the samaritans did sooner believe by clemency than by fire . but to consume a whole city , men , mothers , and sucking children , and many innocent people not for idolatry , there was need of an expresse law of god , and ( as hieronimus saith on the place ) the known will of god , though there was a law , deut. . of destroying a city that maintained idolaters , that tempted to follow strange gods , and kept out against all israel , and so defied israel and their god : yet we finde not the executing of such a temporary judiciall law , without asking at the mouth of god. here the fiery disciples shape a way of their owne to christ , in revenge , in asking fire from heaven . . neither here , nor in the case of elias , was idolatry or false worship the quarrel , but denying of an act of humanity to christ , to wit , not lodging of him ; and because christ would have nothing done or said against samaria , for this shall libertines ( i must use this name , because of the dangerous error ) infer upon the same grounds of christs meeknesse , that therefore pastors ought not sharply to rebuke , and magistrates may not in a well ordered city , reprove and punish such as refuse an open inne to innocent strangers , against the law of nature . for this conclusion followes as well as theirs . . elias desired not fire to come downe and burne cities , men , women , and sucking children , but fifty and fifty murtherers that came to kill him , or then to bring him to a tyrant , who against all law , sought his life , and so the case was not alike . . there is no ground in the text , that christ condemns elias as too severe , but the disciples at too vindictive ; and by this blasphemers , and obstinate open despisers of christ and the gospell , should not be punished . vaticanus saith , nu. . sect . seque if they deny god , and blaspheme the holy doctrine of christ , and detest the holy life of the godly , eos ego relinquo magistratibus puniendos . i leave them to be punished by the magistrats , not for their religion , for they have none . sed propter irreligionem , for their want of religion . so were the samaritans void of religion , and blasphemers and maligners of the gospell , and of christ , and ( as libertines say ) by this text not to be punished ; and yet the text declares them to be irreligious and prophane atheists , and so to be punishable . but it is not our minde ( saith mimus celsus ) pag. . to compare and resemble by this text samaritans to hereticks , and ministers of the word to magistrates , for that were to no purpose , but to condemne all cruelty flowing from desire of revenge , in the matter of religion . answ . if so , the argument is much weaker than it was , for we condemne cruelty and desire of revenge in the matter of justice , as well as of religion ; for libertines beg the question when they will have no bloodshed for blaspemy ; but it must be cruelty and desire of revenge ; for there can be no greater cruelty then for a christian magistrate to suffer bloody wolves to prey upon the flock , and false teachers to hunt soules , and destroy them . it was justice , not cruelty , yea mercy to the church of god , to take away the life of servo●us , who used such spirituall and diabolick cruelty to many thousand soules , whom he did pervert , and by his booke , does yet leade into perdition . . the mature object of the disciples furious and blinde zeale was not religion , but refusing of lodging most inhumanely to christ , because the samaritans did not receive him , for his face was as though he would go to jerusalem , luke . . and the samaritans so maliced and envied the jewes , that because he aimed to go to ierusalem , being so glorious a prophet , and famous for holinesse among them , they refused him lodging . then surely they had an esteeme of christ as a rare and singular prophet , and would have monopolized him , as a samaritan , and worker of miracles as their own , and envied that he should go to their enemies ; though i deny not that the samaritans had too base and irreligious thoughts of christ , yet that was not all the injury they did to christ . . the samaritans worshipping a false god , they know not what , joh. . and no salvation being in their religion , cannot be called hereticks ; and we confesse , to burn cities , because the in-dwellers are of a false religion , is no fit way to convert them to the true religion ; and because the apostles , to whom god hath not given the sword , but onely the spirituall armour of the word , cor. . . are not to use fire and sword , and that out of a vindictive spirit against samaritans , who despise christ and the gospell , it is no consequence . ergo , christian magistrates by this place , luke . must not use the sword against false teachers and apostates . . i grant , christ the mediator , and the embassadors of peace , whose office it is to save soules , are not to kill men because they are of another religion , then they are , or because they seduce souls ; nor are we to neglect what beza saith against monfortius , p. . in opus . de punien . heret . elias did from gods command , what he did ; the disciples call for fire , from a wild spirit . . it was not a proper function for the apostles , nor had they any extraordinary calling from god , as elias had . . there is one consideration of elias , who came to restore religion after great apostacy ; another of christ who came to propagate the gospell . i see not much inconvenience in the answer of swarez , they were not to use violence and threatning against the samaritans , but to shake the dust of their feet against them ; for christ and his disciples bare not the sword as magistrates . whatever arguments libertines extort from these places , which say christ is so meeke , as he shall not cry , nor strive , nor breake the bruised reede ; the ministers must be so gentle , that they must teach with meeknesse , isa . . , . tim. . . not strike , but be apt to teach , and keepe themselves to the foolishnesse of the gospell ; and onely shake the dust of their feet off against rejecters , acts . and not judge before the time , cor. . . for the sword may make a whole nation of hypocrites , isa . . but can never recover them out of the hands of sathan . i say whatever arguments they throw by the haire from these places , are but tokens of the prejudices of libertines . for . is not christ as meek to whores , publicans , the theife and robber on the crosse , persecutors , and to seducing teachers and hereticks ? and should not ministers in all gentlenesse , teach and instruct , drunkards , adulterers , murtherers ; yea , and as many as are taken captives in the snare of the devill at his will , and are in such a case , as god peradventure may give them repentance ? for of such speaketh the place tim. . , . and must not pastors be gentle , patient , apt to teach , and labour the conversion of all drunkards , whores , bloody men , as wel as hereticks ; what warrant have libertines to straiten the meeknesse of our saviour , and his embassadors in these scriptures , and confine and limit the sweet qualifications of christ to onely seducing teachers , whereas the word doth extend these to all sinners of what ever rank , that are slaves of sathan , but especially , if they be sin-sicke for christ , and bruised reeds ( such as seducing teachers , and wolves that worry the lambs , and lead silly women captives , are seldome ) and such sinners as the phisician came to cure ; whereas false teachers are all for the most part selfe righteous , sonnes of pride . now make an argument from these scriptures , and it concludeth , that it is against the meeknesse of christ that murtherers , drunkards , adulterers be punished by the sword , for since christ and his ministers are no lesse with all patience , gentlenesse , forbearance to instruct these , if at any time god shall give them repentance , and this strongly sinels of anabaptists and socinians way , who contend that the meeknesse of our saviour hath deposed the magistrate from his place of shedding any mans blood , be he never so notorious an il-doer , so saith socinius , catechesis , raccoviensis , ostorodius , smalcius , meek jesus warranteth no magistrate to take away any mens life for any fault , or to make warre , for the scripture wil have the meeknesse and mercy of christ ( if it stand in not punishing with bodily violence , evil-doers , as these men suppose ) to bee extended to all sinners of whatsoever kind . the argument hath no foot , except it so run , that which is no means of the converting of soules , christ will not have to be used , for the conversion of soules . but such is bodily violence , we grant al , for the sword avengeth , hurting of soules , but is not a meanes ordained of christ for the converting of soules , or if it doe , it is by accident as afflictions doe , as hos . . in their affliction , they will seeke mee early . if christ be merciful and meek , and wil have his ministers with gentlenesse and patience to instruct gain-saying sinners , then wil hee not have the magistrate to draw his swordand be severe against seducing teachers , d. adam stewart in his learned and solid answer to mr. goodwin of right de jure , denies the proposition , and so doe the learned professors of leyden answer arminians objecting the same , and say christ is meek to repenting sinners , but a severe judge and a revenger of ill-doers re. . . . . , , , . his garments are red & died with the blood of his enemies , he is so a lambe , as he is a lyon. . nor is the meeknesse of christ inconsistent with his justice , and righteousnesse , in commanding the nurse-fathers of his house , the rulers of the earth , that which the morral and perpetual standing law of god requireth , to wit , that they use the sword against il-doers , of all sorts and degrees ; for they stand together in the person of christ , who is a meeke king , zach. . and lowly and just , having salvation , and breaketh not the bruised reed , nor quencheth the smoaking flax , which is not meant of his forbearing the use of the sword , against grievous wolves that spareth not the flock , and wolves in the skin and cloathing of sheepe , seducing hereticks , for neither calvin , musculur , gualther , junius , scultetus , marlorat , nor any sound interpreter , protestant , lutheran or papist , save socinians and anabaptists professed parties , render any such sense , for not to breake or to quench by a figure merosis or litote , is to cherish , and deale meekly and tenderly with weak beleevers , that have something of the life of god ; and saving light of grace in them , as weake growing reeds , and smoaking flaxes , and it saith that christ doth cherish saving seeds of grace in them ●ay . . the lord god hath opened mine eare that i was not rebellious , that is , that i was very flexible and obedient to give my backe to the smiters , john . . him that commeth to me i will in no wise cast out , that is , i will make the beleevers dearly welcome , raise him up at the last day , and give him life eternall vers . . libertines then must say , heretickes and bloody wolves , are such tender weake beleevers , as weake reeds and smoaking floxes , and christ doth not only not use the sword against such tender ones , but he taketh wolves and sedncing teachers in his bosome , and nourisheth , and tenderly charisheth the principles of men of corrupt minds , destitute of the truth , but as christ is meek to weak ones , so is , isa . . . righteousnesse the girdle of his loynes , so psalm . . . shall be strike through kings in the day of his wrath . . and judge 〈◊〉 the heathen , and fill the places with the dead bodies , and wound the heads over many countries , and rev. . . in righteousnesse shall be judge and make war. considering the parties he hath to do with , he is meek toward the meek , but so as he destroyes his enemies , and burns their cities with fire , who will not have him to reign over them , mat. . . which yet i expound not to be the sword of the christian ruler , as if hee were an office-bearer in the church , but only bring it to prove how weak these allegorick places are , either for , or against the point in hand . to correct with the sword , and with the rod of men , as a father , is consistent with covenant-mercy and meeknesse , psal . . , , , as not to punish is one of divine wrath , hos . . . yea , to deliver scandalous persons to sathan , to excommunicate them , to thunder wrath against them , to pull them out of the fire by the haire ; that they may bee saved in the day of the lord , by as good reason , are against the meeknesse and gentlenesse of christ ; as the christian magistrates using of the sword against hereticks , if we speake of that , which is penal in both these , to wit , to be under infamy , reproach and shame , and cast out of the society of the godly . to judge before the day , cor . . is not to forbid al judging of hereticks , for except we judge them to be hereticks , how shall we beware of them , as christ biddeth us , mat. . . and eschew them , rom. . . and not bid them god speed , nor receive them into our houses , joh. . . and avoid them , tit. . . and farre lesse must a judicial tryal of jezabel be forbidden to the church of thiatira , rev. . . but it is rash judging of hidden things , as calvin , p. martir , bullinger , murlorat , pareus , beza , and the place expounds it selfe , for the corinthians crowned false teachers , defamed the sound teachers , which was to anticipate god , for it is the lord who brings to light the hidden thiugs of darknesse , and makes manifest the councells of the heart , and then every man shall have praise of god , so he manifestly forbiddeth peremptory judging , proper to god , and judging upon dark grounds known to god only , the words in the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iudge nothing before the time , are brought by anabaptists to prove that no christian should bee a judge , and so to judge a murtherer , is to usurpe the place of god : so the places , mat. . . and rom. . are brought by libert●nes and anabaptists , to prove that all judging is unlawful , whether of false teachers or malefactors , which is but an abusing of the word . the author of the bloody tenet saith , the sword maketh a nation of hipocrites , but converteth none , and he citeth , if. which speaketh no such thing ; but that god sendeth the sword of the assirians against an hipocriticall nation . that the sword maketh hipocrites , and men to professe the truth against their conscience ; not kindly , nor per●se , but through the corr●ption of mens hearts , who make themselves hipocrites , of it selfe , and per●se all israel fear the sword , and shall no more tempt others to go after other gods , deut. . . but that they do this in an hipocritical manner , is not from the innocent sword , but from this , that men feare him that can kill the body , more than they feare him that can destroy both soul and body in bell , mat. . . for upon this ground , the sword should make hipocrites , because for fear of the sword , men abstaine from bloodshed sorcery , paricide , sodomie , more then for feare of god , and shall therefore the magistrate not use the sword against paricides and sodomies ? so many are made hipocrites by hearing , and external performances , drawing neer to god with their lippes , when their hearts are farre from god , shall therefore the hearing of the word and the prosperity that followeth the gospell which begetteth believers for a time , who wither when the sun riseth , and shall power in the hands of the people of god , that maketh the enemies lye , and hypocritically submit , psal . . . be as unlawfull as the drawing of the sword against false teachers ? for all these beget hypocrites , but they do it by accident , not kindly ; and if we made the sword a meanes of conversion of sinners , as libertines falsly suppose , the argument should have some colour : or if drawing of the sword against seducers , were of it selfe indifferent , and yet by accident did make hypocrites , they might conclude against it , as we argue against humane ceremonies , in the supposition of many who suppose their indifferency . of this sort is the pamphleters objection , religion should not be inacted by the lawes of the magistrate , why ? it is inacted ( saith he ) already by an higher authority than any earthly king or magistrate ; and if it will not sway the conscience to obey , what can the lawes of men do ? can these cobwebs catch those that the lawes of god cannot catch . answ . there is a fallacy in the word catch , though he be but an innocent sophist , who propounds it ; for lawes of men to fence from outward disorders , cannot catch soules to convert them , as they are lawes of men ; nor teach we that acts and statutes of parliament , are the power of god to salvation , that is the honour of the preached gospell . but shall good lawes of artaxerxes , darius , for fearing the god of daniel , and obeying the god of gods , be trampled on , because they cannot come up to the power and excellency of gods lawes ? yet they so far catch , that lawes inacted upon paine of the sword , binde up hands and tongue from doing wickedly ; and this man argues against scripture , deut. . . and all israel shall heare and feare ( for the paine of stoning , and the sword of king or prince moses ) and shall do no more any such wickednesse as this amongst you . the man argues against the statutes of parliament , against sabbath-breaking , which yet catch some , neh. . . if you do so , i will lay hands on you , from that day forth , came they no more on the sabbath , externall obedience is given , that men dare not blaspheme christ , nor sweare , nor murder , nor whore , nor steale , though the authority of god , which is higher than any earthly kings , hath already forbidden blasphemy , swearing , killing . ergo , by this reason all lawes of men against evill doers should be cashiered , because they cannot catch soules , when as they are not ordained to catch soules , but to binde the outward man in fetters , that he prey not upon the soul , and body , and goods of his brethren ; yea , by this reason , men should not by ministeriall authority preach the gospell to catch men , for the gospell is inacted already by an higher authority than any on earth , king or pastor can preach , and will thy cob-web preaching , poore minister , catch whom the net of god will not catch ? all these men sway to the familist and enthysiasts hand , beware of them . so does the bloody tenet , the magistrate should not send the heretick to the church , to heale the heretick ; why ? like mother , like daughter , perhaps he sends an heretick to be healed by hereticks . answ . master williams cannot finde a church on earth , but a false and hereticall church to heale a seeker , familist , or anabaptist . but say it were so , should not the magistrate hezekiah exhort the priests to teach the people , and deale with the people , who think baal to be the true god , because the priests do also thinke baal perhaps the true god , which if hezekiah do , sure he is a miserable physitian , but ( saith he ) the poore heretick disputes with the church that shall deliver him over to the bloody sword , if he will not yeeld , as the lambe in the lions paw , being sure to be torne in pieces in the end . answ , this author makes ever the supposition of himselfe , as if he were infallible , we may suppose the heretick is a ravening wolfe , and that he obstinately , and as a selfe condemned man disputes ; and that the magistrate is the lambe and the minister of god , who loves not to strike with the sword ; and the question is not , whether he should yeeld reason and conscience up for feare of the sword , but whether he should abstaine from prophecying lies in the name of the lord , and should say , god sent him to contradict ieremiah , and to assure the kingdome of iudah , they shall neither see sword nor famine , jer. . notwithstanding the godly prince ( we suppose such a king then in iudah ) should assure him he should be stoned to death , if he shall thus pervert the right wayes of the lord , should not the magistrate be a terrour to all ill doers , and to such a wolfe ? there can no argument be drawne from magistrates that are lions and tygers , persecuting the saints of god for the truth , as this author alwaies vainly supposeth . chap. xxv . whether the rulers by their office , in order to peace , are to stand to the lawes of moses , for punishing seducing teachers . jvdiciall lawes may be judiciall and mosaicall , and so not obligatory to us , according to the degree and quality of punishment , such as is deut. . the destroying the city , and devoting all therein to a curse ; we may not do the like in the like degree of punishment , to all that receive and defend idolators and blasphemers in their city : and yet that some punishment by the sword , be inflicted upon such a city , is of perpetuall obligation ; because the magistrate beares the sword to take vengeance on ill doers , and so on these that are partakers of his ill deeds , who brings another gospell , ioh , v. . . though sauls destroying of the amalekites in that cause was morall , in regard they lay in wait for israel , when they came out of egypt , and so of perpetuall obligation , yet the destroying of them , sam. . is temporary , and obligeth not us ; . because that generation were their sons , not those same persons that oppressed israel , when they came out of egypt , and we may not punish the sonnes for the sinnes of their fathers with death ; therefore gods po●itive command to saul , and the reason , i remember what amalek did ( in moses his time ) therefore kill them , does not oblige us , except we had the like command . . because the slaying of man , woman , infant , and suckling , oxe and sheep , was temporary , and cannot have a perpetually obligatory ground in the law of nature or naturall justice obliging us . . where there is an injury done to god , against the law of nature , and against our brethren , in drawing them from serving the true god , and a punishment commanded by god to be inflicted once ; that punishment , or the like in substance and nature , must ever be such as obligeth us in the like cases . the learned professors in leidon say , they can see no reason but they must oblige under the new testament . i confesse when the fault is ceremoniall , though the punishment be reall , as the cutting off of an infant not circumcised , and some punishments inflicted on the leper , it is not reason the law should oblige us in the new testament , either as touching the punishment or the degree . because these punishments for typicall faults are ordained to teach , rather than to be punishments , and the magistrate by no light of nature could make lawes against unbaptised infants . . no man but sees the punishment of theft is of common morall equity , and obligeth all nations , but the manner or degree of punishment is more positive : as to punish theft by restoring foure oxen for the stealing of one oxe , doth not so oblige all nations , but some other bodily punishment , as whipping , may be used against theeves . mr. jo. weemes , vo . . ca. . of the judiciall law , the determination ( saith he ) in moses law judiciall , was divini juris , and they had greater force to binde the sonnes , than any municipall lawes have to binde subjects new , in regard they were given by god himselfe ; yet these judiciall lawes ( saith he ) commanded the outward man , whereas the morall law called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignea lex , deu. . this fiery law pierceth the heart . gamachaeus saith , iuditials and ceremonials are immediately deduced out of the principles of the law of nature ▪ by way of a more remote and obscure conclusion . aquinas saith , by way of divine determination . but the truth is , the proposition might have some ground in the law of nature , but why . stripes , not , . not . only should be inflicted on such an evill doer , and the assumption in many judiciall lawes ▪ seeme to be an act of the meere positive will of god , therefore aquinas saith , ceremonials primo & per●●se , first and chiefly were ordained to signifie things , but iudicials secundarie did signifie things to come . and swarez saith , that judi●ials aecessarily , and by accident , did signifie things . it is true , cori●thus , 〈…〉 and ●erome saith , and the ebionits , as irenaeus saith , and the nazarer , as augustine tels us , hold that ceremoniais and judicials do yet oblige . shoolemen deny their obligation as soto , aquinas , medina , valentia , gamacheus , because the priesthood is changed . yet let not us go on with egid-coninck to say , that if it was lawfull to make war with any nation for wrongs done to men , how much more for injuries done to god ? for making of war is an act of magistracy , and so suppose some jus , some power and authority , that we have either by the law of nature , to defend our life , peace , liberties , or for avenging of such heineous in●uries done to the nation as cannot in justice be decided , but by the sword . so that sin , as sin , or as greatest sinnes , are not the just cause of war , but sinnes as most distructive to humane society , for which by the principles of the law of nature , they may be convinced of fearfull breaches ; now these that are idolators , the nations that worship god in idolatrous way , and being of a strange religion , worship a strange god , though they doe the greatest injury to god that can bee , yet in regard they being other nations as independent on us , as we are on them ; and doe it not in order to the destruction of our of our paece , liberty , and lives , we have not jus over them , nor authority to make warre with them , except god gave us a command to destroy them , nor is this a good consequence , we may by war revenge injuries done to men , erg● , far more , by war , may we revenge injuries done to god : for war is an act of revenging justice : that supposeth some authority given of god , over such a nation as we come out against in war. every just war is some way defensive , in regard every act of magistracy , is an act of defending of the peace , life , and liberty of the society , or the members thereof , and a propulsion of violence , by violence ; and this is the intrinsecal and of magistracy , to hold off unjust violence , by just and harmelesse violence ; for if the life of a murther●r be not taken away by the sword of a magistrate , he will still take the life of another man , qui semel ●alus , semper malus presumitur , ●e that is once wicked , is still presumed to be wicked , except his wickednesse be restrained , and to offend a nation or person that hath not offended us , must be unjust violence , and unlawfull war : and to make war against a nation that hath worshiped a strange god , and injured god , and not us , supposeth that we must instruct them of a wrong done to god , by teaching them , and instructing them in the true religion : for suppose they worship the workes of mens hands , and worship sathan as some indians do and so by their own conscience may be convinced , and so are inexcusable in foro dei , before gods tribunal , yet are they not so inexcusable , in foro humano , before mans tribunall , as we can make warre against them , till we informe and instruct them positively of the true religion . but they that shed our blood , and invade our peace and liberties , are by the law of nature convinced , and by demands of reparation made to them , quickly silenced , and need not to be instructed in the principles of the law of nature , which are written in their hearts . but it may be said , what if that nation will not be informed of the true religion , and will go on contumatiously to dishonour god , and reproach the true god ? shall we not upon a meer quarrell for religion , make war against them , and avenge the injuries done to god , and defend his truth , no lesse then with the sword , we defend our own lives and liberties ? i answer there is not the like reason : for god and nature have given to the strongest , a jus and authority over oppressors , to repel unjust violence , with innocent violence but that we should force the true religion on idolators , we have not the like ground , except they did attempt to obtrude their false ways upon us , and injure our soules : for there is a vast difference between a people never receiving the true religion , and a people who have imbraced , and submitted to lawes , that have inacted the profession of the true religion : those that never professed the true religion , cannot bee compelled to receive it by the sword of another nation , except they first subdue them in a just warre , and be masters of them , and they may educate the posterity of the subdued people , and discharge the duty of parents to them , and impose lawes on themselves , to cast away the idols of their fathers house , and to learn the knowledge of the true god : but they cannot make the not receiving of the true religion the ground of a war : for we read not of any such cause of war in the scripture . it is true , god did command his people to destroy the canaanites , but idolatry was not the quarrell , josh . . . there was not a nation that made pe●●● with the children of israel , save the hittites the inhabitants of gibe on all ( other ) they tooke in battell , . for it was of the lord to harden their heart , that they should come against israel in battell , that he might destroy them utterly , and that they might have no favor , but that he might destroy them as the lord commanded moses . and those that they subdued in the wildernesse , denied them harmelesse passage through their land. it is true , some popish writers , as masius , cornelius a lapide , abulensis say , if the canaanites would have sought peace , and imbraced the worship of the true god , the israelites would not have destroyed them , but the text , calvin and famous papists , as cajetanus , swarez . gamacha●s , and augustine before them , say plainly , israel made warre against them , and israel but defended themselves against the canaanites . libertines say the teaching of the gospell , mat. . and not the sword , is a means to spread the gospell , so say we , i see no warrant wee have to obtrude the gospell in the purity thereof , upon papists in france and ireland : but we may lawfully avenge the blood of the people of god on irish murtherers , who excercise extreame cruelty and tyranny over persons and the consciences of the martyrs , and the oppressed people of god amongst the papists . the question seemes harder , when these of a false religion , in regard of their neernesse , and vicinitie to a kingdome professing the true religion , when as they may infect them , or if they be in one nationall covenant , and under the oath of god , to indeavour , the extirpation of all false religions , and what is contrary to sound doctrin . it is certain , the kingdom of judah might justly have avenged the apostacy of the ten tribes from davids house , and from jerusalem where the lord had set his name , for the worshipping of the golden calves , if the lord by his prophet had not expresly forbidden them to fight against their brethren kings . and the children of israel did justly attempt warre against the two tribes and the halfe , because they erected a new altar for worship , as they conceived , which was apostacy from the covenant of god , and the true religion which they were to maintaine by the oath of joshua . , , , . and to bring the wrath of god on all the tribes as achan did , vers , , no doubt , saith calvin on the place , they were angry with an holy zeale , for sayth hee on vers . . the sword is not given to every man in his hand , but every one according to his calling ought ( by this place ) manifestly and constantly to defend the true religion . and if the wrath of god came on all the people ( saith calvin ) for the secret sinne of one man , much more the people shall not goe unpunished , if they dissemble the manifest idolatry of many . piscator saith , it was piety in the tribes that they resolve to make warre with the two tribes and the halfe , for their defection from the true god such was their zeale ( say the divines of england ) that they would rather hazzard their lives , then suffer gods true religion to bee corrupted ; for god had ordained there should bee but one place for publique service , and sacrifices , and but one altar leviticus . , . deut. . . . . . exodus . . deut. . . for they were all in covenant with one god , and this was a schisme and an apostacy from the church , ( saith diodat . ) in which alone is the true service of god and the participation of his grace , and covenant . so also the geneva notes approves the lawfullnesse of the warre , and the dutch annotations . to this accord also , asvatablus , cajetanus , cornelius a lapide , who commend this zeale , and say all the twelve tribes made but on state and one church , and tostatus saith , there was a necessity of making war with the two tribes , because the law commanded it , deut. . therefore they tooke not councell whither they should make warre , but they consulted touching the manner . so agreeth hugo cardinalis , so masius . so sorrarius . lyra saith , warre should not be undertaken , but upon a certaine and just cause , especially against friend , therefore they send messengers to the two tribes , to try the cause of the new altar . menochius , out of zeale they sent messengers to try the crime of idolatry , and to bring them to repentance , if not , to make destructive warre against them . and ferus , they were readie , if the two tribes obeyed not , armis dicernere , 〈◊〉 decide the matter by warre . would god ( saith he ) there were such zeale in us , and we see not one altar erected , but a number of superstitious altars . from this place it is cleere , when a kingdome , or two kingdomes are united together , and confederate by the oath of god in one religious covenant , they become an ecclesiastick body , so as the whole may challenge any part that maketh defection , and labour to gaine them , and if they contumaciously resist , they are with the sword to decide the matter , lest wrath from the lord breake out on the whole confederate body ; as for the sinne of one 〈◊〉 , wrath came upon all israel : nor can i well see what can be answered on the contrary , except that that warre for the new altar , was undertaken upon judiciall and temporary warrants , which do not binde us under the new testament . but this is said , not proved , that new altar was not a heap of stones ; but if it had been made upon religio●s grounds , and for the service of god , it had been no lesse than an apostacy from that true religion once delivered by god. then if the third part of scotland and england should turne apostates from the religion once sworne , after they had bound themselves in covenant : the question remaineth , what should the state and parliament doe in that case ? should they be indifferent beholders , and not use the sword against such apostates ? swarez and others , not without reason , thinkes that infidels that are not subjects , and not apostates , cannot be compelled to imbrace the true faith , even though it be sufficiently proposed to them , his reasons are , there is no lawfull power given to the church by jesus christ to compell such . . it is no tradition of the church . . those that are without cannot be judged ; but the truth is , the sword is not given to the church , as the church ; and in the spreading of the gospell , the lord forbids the use of the sword . it is true , a christian prince may deny to infidels liberty to dwell in his bounds . see weemes , vo . . expos . of the iudiciall law , cap. . and subjects may be compelled not to blaspheme christ , not to dishonour the true god with manifestly professed impieties ; for if asa made a law , chron. . that they that would not seeke the true god , should be put to death : if that be temporary and judaicall , then the christian magistrate is not as a christian magistrate , or as a nurse-father , esai . . . so much as to command any to serve christ , nor to rebuke any for blasphemies . sure this can be no part of the peaceablenesse of christs kingdome , not to rebuke sinners : but nurse-fathers and civill tutors must do something for the defence of the truth from errors ; for constantine the great closed the temples of heathen gods , to the end that heathenish idolatry might be abolished , as euschius saith ; see also ruffinus , iovianus , and nicephorus , iustinian made many lawes against idolators . before constantine the great would pardon arrius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be exacted an oath of him , that he should stand to the nicen faith , and he sware , but dissembled . so socrates ; then arrius was punishable by the emperour . so timotheus colo● , bishop of constantinople , under anastius first emperour , was an euty●hen , and cursed such as rejected the synod of chalcedon , and before the emperour cursed such as approved the synod of chalcedon ; so theod. anagnostes , petrus mongus , bishop of alexandria under zonon the emperour , was an eutichen , then againe orthodox , a little after he rejected the councell of chalcedon ; a little after in an epistle to acacius bishop of alexandria , he professed the sound faith , and denyed that he rejected the councell of chalcedon ; againe he rejects that counsell , and the sound faith ; therefore evagrius tels him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a shoe , for every foot , a turne-coat , and a time-server . ergo , such hereticks , beside that they have not been innocent and godly ( as arminians say ) they feared the sword of the magistrate . but as touching the practice of emperors , and the imperiall laws for ratifying church constitutions , there be but too many of them ; as also for gathering councels ; which proveth the coactive power of princes , kings , and emperours , over hereticks and seducing teachers . constantius , i grant , made a law , that some godly men should be tolerated , ut pa●em cum fidelibus i● qui errant ( he saith not hereticks ) pacis est quietis fruitionem gaudentes accipiant . eusebius in vita constan . and though the emperour grotian decreed , vt quam quisque vellet religionem sequerentur , that all religions should be free , he had much ad● in warres with the gothes , who wasted thracia , and was therefore carefull that ambrose should draw up a short confession , yet did he except from the toleration the manichees , the phocinians , the eunomians . but see , codice prima lege . cunctos populos de sum . trinit . martianus ibid lege . . synod chalcedo , leo imperator , cons . . c. const . . heracl●us imperator , const . . de fide justinianus novellus . c. . novell . c. . honorius , l. . c. . eccle. valentinianus , l. . de episc . cler . novell . . c. . novella . c. . &c. le. const . . novell . . c. . eusebius pamphil de vita , constan . l. . c. . surius tom . . concil . c. . p. . codic . l. . tit. de heret . lex . ● . justinian codex l. . tit. . de sum . trinit lex . surius concil . tom . . p. , . & tom . . p. , , . socra scholastic . his . l. . c. . nicepher● hist . l. . c. . contur . magdeburque col . . so for his power to conveene councels , as the nicen , by constanti , euseb . l. . c. . sozom , l. . c. . so●rat . l. . c. . ruff. l. . c. . theodor. l. . c. . the councell of tyre by constant . eusebius , de vit . cons . l. . c. . sozom. l. . c. . theodosius elder , made a law of death against the anabaptists , and banished eu●●mius socrat. l. . c. . it is true , constantinus and licinius , as eusebius tels us , l. . c. . say in a law , now therefore we freely will and command , that every man have a free liberty to observe the christian religion , and that , without any griefe or molestation , he may be suffered to do the same . but the practice of heathen emperous , is no rule . . god opened their hearts to make these lawes in favour of christians . . they had experience of the favour of god by the prayers of christians . . the heathen law in the letter would prove that none should be rebuked , or argued against , whatever religion he chose ; maximius proclaimed , that all men should use what religion they like best , eus . l. . c. . but . maximius , out of naturall pity , because he had before persecuted christians , did this . . dioclesian and maximianus tooke churches from them , he restored them ; hence followed peace till an . . the councell of constantinople , . by theodosius senior , theodoret , l. ● c. . socrates , l. . c. . the councell of ephesus , . by theodos . junior . evagrius , l. . c. . so imperator iustinus . l. . ad maenam patriarcham de monachis & monasteriis separandis & de episc . & cler . eusebius de vita cons . l. . c. . epistolam libella ad synoda constitutionem . the bishops of the second generall councell ( if there was any of them generall ) writ to the emperour theodosius , we desire your clemency , that you by your letters would confirme the decrees of the councell ( of chalcedon ) and command that it be ratified and established : which he did . see also constantius his power , prescribing to the councels of arimimon and seleucea the subject matter they should treat upon , and commanded ten of each councel to come and give him an account of their proceedings . s●zomen , l. . c. . toeodosius and valentin● command the councell of ephesus to send them some bishops to acquaint them with the causes and motives of their deliberations . relatio synodi ephesinae , quae est tom . . concil . the second councell of nice , which some call the seventh generall councell , relate the like to the emperour at constantinople , theodoret , l. . c. . zonaras , tom . . anat . there be two edicts of the emperours , valentinian and martian , confirming the councel of chalcedon , so act . . chalc. to . . conc. all which say , the emperours , de facto , commanded as magistrates , church-men to determine according to the word ; and corrected such as contravened . and though picus mirandula saith well , no man hath power of opinions so , as if hee will , he may have another opinion , which though it may beare , that opinions fall not under free-will , yet the venting of them to others , is to mirancula , a free act and punishable . we know the edict of vale●inian and martian , of capitall punishment against such as shall attempt to teach things unlawfull . let false teachers according to justinian , have no leave to live and dwel in roman bounds , saith pametius . augustine saith , hereticks kill soules , let them be afflicted in body , they bring on men death eternal , and they complaine that they suffer temporall deaths . and why ( saith augustine ) should sorcerers find the rigor of the law from emperors , and hereticks and schismaticks go free ? constantius gave out edicts against hereticks , as eusebius saith . h. . c. . and also made lawes of pecuniary fines , and mulcts against them . honorius made lawes against donatists of fining and of banishing preachers of donatisme . martianus did the like . the like saith nazianz ▪ of theodosius the great . banishment and other punishment , the emperours inflicted upon arrius , macedonius , nestorius , futiches and their followers . which the arch-bishop of spalato m●de dominis granteth ; though he sayes augustine excepteth capitall punishment , for such ( saith he ) he will not have to be inflicted for the conscience , which is a manifest depraving of the mind of augustine , who will have such punishment according to the quality of the fault inflicted on them , as upon sorcerers and murtherers . let augustine be considered in these and other places , after hee retracted his too meeke sentence , that they should not be punished at all . alexander alexandrinus said , arrius and his followers ought to bee punished with excommunication , and a curse , theodoret. lib. . c. . but for the point in hand the christian magistrate is tyed and obliged to these punishments to bee inflicted for morall offences , that the law of god hath ordained , at least in nature : i prove . that which is morrall , and cannot be determined by the wisdome and will of man , must be determined by the revealed will of god in his word ; but the punishment of a seducing prophet , that ruineth the soule of our brother , and makes him twofold more the childe of sathan than before , is morrall and cannot be determined by the wisdome and will of man : ergo , such a punishing of a seducing prophet , must be by the revealed will of god in his word . the proposition is proved . . because god only , not moses , nor any other law-giver under him , taketh on him to determin death to be the adulterers punishment , levit. . . and the same he determineth to be the punishment of willfull murther , exod. . . of smiting of the father or mother , v. . of man-stealing , vers . . of sorcery , exod. . . of beastiality . . of sacrificing to a strange god , vers . . and upon the same reason , god only , not any mortall man , must determine the punishment due to such as seduce soules to eternall perdition . for what reason can be imagined , why god can be the onely determiner of such a punishment of killing , and not for the ruining the soul and making him the childe of perdition . let not any say by this reason , to tempt to any sin , by any evill counsel ●● provocation to immoderate anger or envy , should deserve death , for every tempting to sinne is a ruining of the soul of such as we give bad counsell unto , and tempt to sin . answ . if we do so tempt them by a sinfull way , as a sinfull injuring , and railing on them , or by a wicked course , it is sure it doth deserve punishment by the magistrate ; but the act of so counselling and tempting to sin , though e●conditione operis , it be soule-ruin , yet it is not such as deserveth death . otherwayes , killing , adultery , sorcery , beastiality , tempt also to sinne and soule-ruine , besides the other injury in them , against the life and ch●stity of men . the proposition is proved , because the will of god can be the creator , and first author of nothing , but which is morrally good . for the scripture is as full in the duties of the second table touching mercy and righteousnesse , as in the duties of the first , touching piety and religion , and any thing pretended to be morrall , hath god for its authour , in either the first or the second table of the law , nor can the will of man be the author of any thing morrally good , and will-righteousnesse , is as unlawfull as will-worship , or will-piety , since the word is a perfect rule in matters of doctrine , or faith , or of life , manners and conversation , and teacheth the judge what he should doe , deut. . , , . psalm . . . psalm . . , . prov. . , , , &c. what ever by order of justice , doth concerne the life and death of our neighbour , rewarding or punishing him in name , body , goods , so as if it bee justly inflicted , it is justice ; and if unduely and undeservedly , it is unjustice , and murther : as wronging of him in his body by stripes , wounding , death ; in his liberty by prison ; in his goods , by fines ; that must be determined in the word by him that is lord of life , death , libertie , of our name and goods , otherwayes the word should not teach us when the judge sinnes , when not , when he makes just lawes , when unjust , when he exceeds in punishing , when he is deficient . i come to the assumption , the punishing of a seducing prophet is morrall . in that it is commanded to father and mother , not to pitty him , deut. . . holden forth as the zeale of god , in father and mother , under the messia●s kingdome , zach. . , , , , , . and every one is forbidden , to bid him god speed , yea , and commanded to deny him an act of humanity , and hospitality , and not receive him in his house , joh. . if we be commanded to put any shame on him , far more must the ruler bee taught of god , what shame he should put on him . for what ever under the new testament is capable of a command , is morall . and if morall , what the magistrate should doe to him can no more be determined by the will and wit of man , than it can be determined what punishment the magistrate must inflict upon the murtherer , the adulterer , the sorcerer , the sodomite ; which all the wisdom of god hath determined : in the word , otherways god hath left the magistrate in the dark , that from the word he hath no direction , when he committeth murther , or when he doth acts of justice . and that it is a morall act also to seduce soules is cleare , in that , . we are commanded to beware of such . matth. . . and avoid them , tit. . . rom. . . . that the lord condemneth them in his word , as such as make their followers the children of perdition , yea matth. . . they subvert the hearers ; their word cate as a canker , tim. . , . lead silly women captive , tim. . are deceivers , tit. . . now that god hath appointed a punishment for this of old , and hath spoken against this sinne so much in the new testament , and bidden private christians , cry shame on seducers , and fly them , and yet left the magistrate under a discharge , and inhibition to draw a sword against such : who can beleeve it ? except that inhibition given to the christian magistrate wer written in the testament of our lord. to say the new testament-dispensation is so spirituall that god wil have no remedying of seducing , but by the spirituall armor of the word , is said without ground , when the new testament-dispensation is as spirituall to gaine the sorcerer , the the●fe , the sodomite , the drunkard , the reviler , as the idolater by the spirituall a●mor of the word , act. . . cor. . , , . and by this reason the magistrate may draw the sword against no theife , sodomite , drunkard , sorcerer , contrary to rom. . , , , , , . pet. . . especially since the magistrate is not indifferent towards ill-doers , and well-doers , since hee must punish the one as a nurse-father , praise and reward the other , peter . . gaining of soules is well-doing , matthew . , . and seducing of soules is by the law of nature and nations , the worst of injuries done to men . argument , that which is perpetually morall , and one act of justice at all times and places , must oblige us christians , and the christian magistrate , as well as the jewish rulers : but to punish the seducing prophet is perpetually morall , and an act of justice at all times , and in all places , as the rewarding of such as teach truth , is a commendable act of justice , ergo , the proposition is cleare , in regard the morall law doth therefore oblige us christians , because it is morally perpetuall , and perpetually morall ; and that in all times and places ▪ as to serve god , honour our parents , not to murder , &c. is perpetually morall now , as among jewes , with us , as among the indians and tartarians : but to punish the seducing prophet is such ; . because the heretick is condemned by his owne conscience , tit. . . in believing lies ergo , farre more by his owne conscience , by leading others into that same condemnation with himselfe ; and if he apprehend the vengeance of a god-head , there must be a conscience naturally apprehending such : as we see the conscience of murtherers , and of cain , feare some revenging hand . if therefore the minister of god , the magistrate , inflict this , it must be nothing else but an act of naturall justice , which the naturall conscience doth apprehend . but what acts of justice the conscience naturally feares , must be acts of justice perpetually morall , not respecting one man or nation more than another . . all countries by an instinct , apprehend a god , and conceive their priests and prophets are to be entertained and rewarded , as egypt , gen. . . midian , f●xed , . . exod. . . judg. . . c. . . king. . . the philistims , sam. . . c. . . baal and the zidonians had their priests , king. . , , lycainia , act . . and if their rulers feed their priests , the false prophets and priests that deceive them , and mis-lead them , they must punish : so the king of babylon roasted in a fire two false prophets , jer. . , . and it is cleare , that jeremiah argues not from any judiciall law , when he saith , the prophets that speake lies in the name of the lord , shall die by the sword , c. . v. , . it was by the sword of the chaldeans , ( who had nothing but the law of nature ) that they perished ; for no judiciall law of god taught them , that he ought to die by the sword of the magistrate , who speaks lies in the name of the lord ; whereas the chaldeans knowing that jeremiah had prophecied truth , and was sent of god , they intreated him well , as the lord had fore-told , ier. . . nor can it be said , that the consequence is null , and that that cannot oblige christian magistrates , which hath no better warrant than the corrupt practises of heathens ; for they persecuted the true prophets and apostles that spake in the name of the lord ; as herod beheaded iames , acts . and apprehended peter . nero persecuted paul , and d●mitian confined iohn to the isle pathutos for the word of god. to which i answer , that the argument is not drawn simply from the practice of heathen magistrates , but from the light of nature , that teacheth all magistrates , heathen and christian , to punish publike impostors , false prophets and liers , as most pernitious enemies to the peace of all humane societies . and if the law of nature and nations dictate to all societies , that deceivers , and such as raise false reports and lies upon earthly judges , should be punished ; far more is it a principle of the law of nature , that publike lyers , and such as speake lies in the name of the lord , and deceive and seduce the soules of father and mother , king and ruler , and of all ranks of men in the society , should not be tollerated in the society . and what though emperours and kings have abused the power that god gave them for the truth , to persecute the servants of christ for the truth , it followes not , but they had just power , as the ministers of god , to punish seducing prophets , as well as other ill-doers , by the law of nature and nations . and this i take is holden forth by iob , , , , . who being under no judiciall law , obliging the jewes , but a gentile , and so in this led by the law of nature and nations , maketh idolatry and worshipping of the sunne and moone , to be an iniquity to be punished by the iudge . that this is not an iniquity to be punished by god ( as if heresie be innocency , as libertines say , it must neither be punished by god nor man ) but by the judge on earth is cleare . for . the expression , v. . varies onely in the number from that which is v. . now there iob saith of adultery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & ipsum iniquitas iudicum . and ver . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etiam hoc iniquitas iudie is . the english divines do well observe , that adultery is a capitall crime to be punished by the iudge , gen. . . levit. . . deut. . . and they expound ver . . the same way . pagnin . est iniquites iudicanda , iudice di●na , vel iuditiaria . mercerus , exod. . , he shall give 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the iudges , isai . . . do , iudgement . shimlerus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 judges that cognos●● of causes . deut. . . our enemies being iudges , job . . inquitas dignaque iudicetur & puniatur . it is true , the lxx , expound it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the chalde paraphrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , est enim iniquitas maxima . but it is taken for a crime that comes before an earthly judge . so hieronimus . and exod. . . if a man strike a woman with childe , and she live , he shall give according to the sentence of the iudges . hieronimus quantum arbitri iudicaverint . the chalde paraphrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & dabit per sent●ntiam iudicum . lxx . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the syriak , dabit quantum decernent iudices . the samaritan , dabitque ex sententia iudicum . vatablus , job . v. . iniquitas capitali supplicio persequind● , v. . nam & ea iniquitas capitali supplicio digna . junius , iniquitas à iudicibus animadvertenda . piscator , iniquitas iudiciaria . complutentes , iniquitas judicanda . pineda in job . . iniquitas digna iudicio , iudicumque sententiâ severissima & gravissimo supplicio . all agree to this , that idolatry , according to iob , from the law of nature , deserveth canitall punishment to be inflicted by the judge . and pi●eda saith , this agreeth with the law of god. especially , deut. . . & . sanctius gathereth from job . . that adulterers in iobs time were , by the sentence of the judge burnt . now the same expression is , v. . spoken of idolatry . hence is socrates condemned to die for his false religion , as is supposed by the people . maximus condemned the priscillia●s , as hieronimus observes for heresie . nor is it much to be valued , that ier. taylor saith , that maximus was a tyrant , and put to death catholike hereticks . without choyce , it proves punishing of hereticks , as supposed of old to be warranted by law . vrsatus and stacius procured at court , law to death against priscillianists . and the niceue fathers , that arrius should be banished . nor doth spalato cite tertullian , cyprian , lactantius , hi●rome , severus , sulpitius , minutius , hilary , damascen , chrysestome , theophilact , bernard , for any other purpose ( whatever taylor say on the contrary ) but . to prove , that forcing of men to religion , is not to the way of god , which also i teach ; for the preaching of the word ; not the using of the sword , is the meanes of conversion of sinners . that killing is not to be practised on all hereticks . . that the law and the sword , are not to go without convincing of the conscience by the word of god. . that to deliver up godly men to persecuting tyranes , because of some errors , hath more scandall to cause men stumble at truth , than to make truth victorious . . that neither church nor state can judge heart-opinions , nor punish them , but only professed and taught opinions , that are both unnecessary and unsound . . that pastors have not the sword , to compell to religion . . that nations of another religion are not gained to christ by the sword ; not can we make warre against them , because they are idolators , and follow a false religion ; nor was idolatry the ground of the warre that israel raised against the ca●aanitos and other nations . to all which i adde the words of ier. taylor . the best and ablest doctors in christendome have been deceived actually in 〈◊〉 of religion , in that all sorts of christians dissent from the error● of papias , irenaeus , lactantius , iustin martyr , cyprian , firmilian , &c. ergo , by taylors sentence , we are not rest , much upon the fathers , whether they be for or against liberty of conscience . for course to be taken with pagans ( to speake by the way ) all that lactantius , l. . c. . tertulli ad scap●lam , c. . augustine , ser . . de verb. dom . c. . cont . lite ▪ petitian ▪ lib. . c. . we approve , and what famous schoolmen , 〈◊〉 , thomas , bannes , durandus , palud●●● richardus , 〈…〉 , paluda , and that of augustine ▪ s●● . . de verb dom. c. . glandiendum est paganu , ut audiant veritatem , in christianis vero secanda putredo . pagans must be allured , and not compelled by warres to the faith . because the just cause of warre must either be an open breach of nations against the law of nature ; for it must be a finne , of which a multitude may easily be , or are convinced of ; as is cleare in the a●●lekites , and all the nations who invaded israel , josh . . v. , . or then in a visible church , it must be for manifest apostacy from the covenant of god , and 〈◊〉 religion , as the new altar supposed to be erected by the two trib●● and the halfe against the only one altar commanded by god see cavarruvias in regnum paccatum part . sect . . setus in . distin . . . . art . . molina de justitia disp . , and bann●s . g. . art . . saith , that paul the third defined well , that the westerne indians being capable of life eternall , were true lords of their possessions , and could not be justly deprived thereof . to tollerate jewes openly blaspheming christ , or to receive them in the common-wealth , cannot be allowed , or to suffer them to have synagogues , in regard they blaspheme the god we are in covenant with , and doe no lesse deny him , then goliah and senacharib did , . but simply seduced jewes are to bee instructed , for there is a peculiar prophecy touching the jewes , rom. . jer. . , . that they shall bee brought in to know christ , and beleeve in him . argument , that which was a meere judiciall law , and not onely in no force now , as touching any obligation to bodily punishment from the christian magistrate , is now under the gospell , either a sin offensive to humane society or , . no sin , but innocency , as some say , or then . ● thing lndifferent . if it be a sin offensive to humane society , and the people of god , to drive them away from the lord their god , and an abomination that israel should feare to doe , in the dayes of moses and before christ came , as is cleare , deut. . , , , , , , , , . it must be so now : for since it is not a typicall , but a morall sin , it is at all times , and in all places to us , and now , and to them , and then , an abomination . ergo the argument of the holy ghost being perpet●all , that it is destructive to humane society , the lord must provide the same , or as effectuall means , for the remedying thereof . but if the christian magistrate have no place or power to represse such abominations , but isreal may seduce men after false gods , and not feare the stroke of 〈◊〉 sword , then hath the lord left the church to the lust of ●avenous wolves that destroy the flocke , and hath left these wolves to the lords immediate hand of judgement : for rebukes , church-censures are not to be used against them , upon the same ground that the sword should not be drawne against them , by the ground of libertines : for rebukes and church-censures doe . . force the conscience no lesse than the sword . . they beget hypocrites . . are as contrary to the law of meeknesse and gentlenesse of christ and his servants , who used no such way to gaine the samaritans , and other gaine-sayers , as the sword is repugnant to christs meek administration , who did not use either sword , crying , rebukes , or excommunication , against broken reeds , though both these may be used against seducers in great gentlenesse and tendernesse toward their soules , by fathers in state or church . . they are no lesse against liberty of prophecying , beleiving with a reserve to beleeve the contrary , than the sword . for how can we in the name of the lord , rebuke , threaten eterned wrath , deliveto , sathan , seducers , more than the magistrate can use the sword against them , yea , or refute their errors , in the name and authority of christ , or strike with his rod , since wee are not infallibly perswaded more than these we call seducers , for they may upon the same grounds call us seducers , threaten us with eternall wrath , and deliver us to sathan , in the same name and authority that the sound church proceedeth against them ; for neither side had the infallibility of divine authority , in a reflex knowledge , more than others , by the doctrine of libertines . . they are no lesse contrary to growing up in knowledge and new light ; for contrary reasons , and rebukes , and threatnings are as apt to expell new light , and to reduce the seducer to old darknesse , for any certainty of perswasion any of the sides have , for both may see beside their book , and dreame the moone is made of wax , by this way , and instructing of teachers that see but on this , and the yonder side of truth with e●●s of flesh , as they say , is as uneffectuall a remedy against teachers , as the sword . . since the sword and stoning , when used by the jewes , deut. . presupposeth infallibility . what warrant doe our lords of licence of conscience give us , that all the commons , and lads , and girles that lifted a stone against the seducer , had proph●ticall , infallibility : or that every wife , to whom her husband might say , let us go and follow baal and dagon , for sure the zid●nians and philistines are a people taught of god as well as we , was infallible in her knowledge and unerrable , and the husband an erring seducer according to the principles that masters of licence would lead us on : for there must be a response given to all and every one to beleeve this is the seducer , from the light of moses law , else they had no more right to stone the seducer , then the seducer to stone them . for as wee may erre in persecuting true prophets , i hope so did the people kill the prophets , and stone them that were sent , matth. . and chron. . . they mocked and misused the prophets of god , and did as foully erre in persecuting , as now we under the gospell . yet mr. goodwin gives to the jewes an infallibility of an oracle to tell them who was the man to be stoned , as a seducer . but let him answer these queries . did the oracle speak immediately to all the actors in the stoning ? i thinke no : then the oracle spake to the priest only . to pashur ; then the officers had but the word of peshur to put jeremiah in the stockes , and the people had but the priests word for stoning the man. query , were the people infallible in discerning the priest to be a true relater of the mind of god from the oracle ? how beleeved they then some lying priests who persecuted the prophets of god ? query , was the priest infallible in discerning the oracle and relating the mind of god to the people ? how then did they say , he is worthy to dye ? how did caiaphas say , what need we any more witnesse , we have heard himself blaspheme ? were not the priests deut. . ver . . to judge according to the sentence of the law of god delivered to moses ? was this an immediate oracle of infallibility , such as bellarmin , becanus , gretsorus , valentia corn. a lapide ascribe to their appollo at rome ? i thinke mr. goodwin cannot say that . if he doe , i know what to answer to the papists in that . if it was the law and the testimony , as i conceive it was , had not all the people that were to stone the seducing prophet , their way of judging the false prophet ? if they must not follow him after other gods , and if they must be actors in stoning him . and was not this fallible as well as ours under the new testament ? and therefore , because we are not infallible judging in the heart-heretick ; we must not draw the sword against him ; and i say , nor can we draw the sword of the spirit against any such ; for in the using of the sword of the spirit , in teaching , refuting , or arguing against hereticks ; we are not infallible . if this way of peoples judging , and not listening to the suggestions of a false prophet was infallible , how erred they , and slew the true prophets , and stoned them that were sent , matth. . . as well as we may ? and why may not we , notwithstanding of our fallibility and actuall erring , judge and drive away by the sword , devourers of the flock , as well as they ? . if god have left no means under the new testament , but exhorting , to suppresse the seducer , what shall be said of iohn epist . . who forbids to receive a seducer in our house , or bid him god speed . sure this is some externall forcing of the conscience , if we credit libertines ; for rather then some seducer lye in the fields in america in winter , he will say he abhors familianisme , though he hate all the sound in the faith . now is not this a greater externall power , armed against a seducer , then if the holy ghost had said , if a murtherer , a parricide , a sorcerer , a drunkard , come to your house , let him not lye in the fields , lodge him , but give him course cheare , and no bed to lye on , no fire to warme him ? yet so much is not said in expresse words , for the forcing of the conscience in the new testament . againe , for the second member , if to teach what we judge in our conscience to be truth , though most erroneous , be no sinne , but innocency , yea if ( as minus celsus said ) it be a token of a good conscience , and innocent feare of god , as libertines say , we are to judge no mans heart , and that in a matter of salvation , no man will be so devill-like as to go to hell , and leade millions of soules with him , the way being against his conscience . for ier. taylor saith , it is all one here , whether it be a reall truth the seducer holdeth and teacheth , or if he onely apprehend it to be a truth , though it be an untruth ; and he said well according to his way . now , if to teach ( i say ) what we conceive to be truth , though most false , be no sinne , but innocency , then the magistrate ought not onely not to punish it , but reward it ; and to allow stipends and maintenance to all seducers , to teach what errors they judge saving truths . and grant me these three , which cannot be denied but by grosse anabaptists , . rom. . that the magistrate is to reward well doing . . that the workeman is worthy of his wages , tim. . , . matth. . . and that a preaching ministry is necessary under the new testament , cor , . , , . , . rom. . , , . then must it follow of necessity , that the christian magistrate should maintaine and pay stipends to all preachers , whether sound , and orthodox , or heterodox , and seducing ; for if he withdraw maintenance , as a magistrate , or any other way , because he judgeth the preacher to be unsound , and a seducer , he taketh upon himselfe to punish a man for his conscience , when as he hath no infallibility ; and he doth so punish and force the conscience of the innocent pastor and people both . for he is obliged to judge , that both the sound pastor and the seducer follow their conscience ; and whatever the doctrine of either be , orthodox or heterodox , he is to judge that both followeth his innocent conscience , and in so doing , both feareth god , and doth well ; and by his office he is for the praise and reward of well doers : and suppose he judge in his conscience , that the doctrine of the seducer is error and heresie , yet is he to judge it heresie with a reserve , so as it may be to him the next moneth sound doctrine ; and therefore not to judge otherwayes of the seducer , than that he followeth the dictates of his conscience . and so as yet he doth not take on him infallibility to judge , that the seducer teacheth against the light of his conscience , and therefore is not to punish him , but reward him , and pay wages to him , as to a well doer : yea , and whatever ministers teach , since neither they are infallible in teaching the very fundamentals , nor the people that heare infallible in judging , and neither are to beleeve with the perswasion of faith ; and all are to be heard as instructors . for suppose you believe that christ is god consubstantiall with the father , yet are you to heare arrius preach , and to admit a contrary light . if arrius can make the contrary appeare to your minde , and arrius preacheth according to the light of his mind , and there is no reason why you should not be instructed by the seducer ( for you are to try his doctrine ) as well as by the sound teacher , for you have no infallible knowledge who is the seducer , or who is the sound teacher , by the principles of libertines . the third cannot be said , to wit , that it is indifferent to drive away people from the true god ; for it must either be good and praise worthy , or evill , and so punishable , against which we have sufficiently argued . argument what the magistrate is foreprophecied to be under the new testament , that he must discharge with all the power god hath given him , and that perpetually , and not by the tie of a judicial and temporary law , which binds for a time only . but the magistrate is fore-prophefied isai . . . and . . rev. . . to be a nurse-father to the church under the new testament , to keep and guard both tables of the law , and to see that pastors doe their dutie , to minister to the church by his royal power , yea when the fountain shall be opened in davids house , that is under the new testament , he shall thrust through the false prophet that speaketh lies in the name of the lord , zach. . , , , , , . kings as kings must confer some royall service to the church , over which they are nurse-fathers . but all the power that kings have , is essentially co-active , and in order to rewarding or punishing , rom. . , . therefore they must confer coactive service . piscator saith well , that the prince is called the keeper of both tables of the law by our divines , therefore he is to vindicate gods glory in both . he that hath the keeping of two pits , one more horrible and dark , another more mild and heartsome for two malefactors , a theef , and an adulterer , he must not cast the theef in such a dark dungeon as the adulterer : so if the magistrate keep both tables , he must not punish according to his own will , but according to the rule and prescript of god. nor saith the author of the bloody tenet any thing , when he tels us that the magistrate owes to the true religion ; . approbation and reverend esteem . . personall submission to the spirituall government , mat. . cor. . . protection to the subjects whether they be apart or met together . to a false religion he oweth permission , not approbation mat. . . . protection from violence to their persons and estates . answ . all this is very nothing , . approbation and submission to truth is no royall power . isaiah giveth a paternall and fatherly power to the king in church matters , when he saith , he shall be a nurse-father . now all he gives in these two former points , to wit , approbation of , and submission to truth , is no more then any tradesman or son owes to the church : so isaiah makes the king a father ; this author makes him a son subject to the church , which subjection i deny not in another consideration , but that as a nurse-father he should approve the truth , and submit thereunto , as all the members of the church , makes him both a father and a son ; a commander , and a humble submissive obeyer in the same consid●ration , which is most contradictorious and uncongruous , for he must speak of him as a ruler , or else he saith nothing . the third thing which is , protection to the true church is nothing to the purpose ; for that he owes to them as subjects , not as they are serving god in the duties of the first table , for the king by this man can neither command them nor forbid them , by his magisteriall or coactive power to serve god , or not to serve him , in the duties of the first table , and by the true church that the king owes protection to , the author meaneth not the church that is in it self sound and true , but the church that seemeth and appeareth so to the conscience of the magistrate though most erronious . now this is the church of seekers and anabaptists , but suppose the magistrate or commander in war be a familist , a grosse anabaptist ; the author will not say , that he ought to protect the church assembled to worship god , and to excommunicate and deliver to satan such as subvert the faith of many , and say the resurrection is already past , or that he ought to protect an assembly of divines that are for presbyteriall government , and the truth that calvin and our reformers delivered : these are to him antichristian synagogues ; or if he owe them protection , he ought to offer violence with his sword , to anabaptists , such as rose in germany under john becold of leydon , that out of meer principles of religion , killed all that were not of their way , and to displace , imprison , and confine presbiterians . so yet in a defensive way the magistrate must offer violence to the conscience of men , who for meer religious grounds doe labour to scatter and violently to hinder the meetings of the servants of god : for how many of the sectaries of england who are for liberty of conscience have come into churches in england , and stepped up to the pulpit , and hindered the minister the discharge of his conscience to the flock , and offered violence to the meeting of the true church ? now it is not enough to say the minister was but an antichristian service-bookman , and it was no true church whose service such sectaries interrupted ; but giving and not granting it were so , yet are libertines not to offer violence to the conscience of any church true or false , if they be true to their own principles : but this author being an anabaptist and a seeker will say neither warres nor such violence are lawfull , but if so , the magistrate then cannot with the sword protect the true church against the violence of men , who upon meer conscience disturbe their assemblies . . to libertines all churches professing true religion ( as all churches on earth , indians , and mahometanians not excepted , do ) must be true churches , for they are not to judge , but that they follow their conscience , and so the magistrate ow● protection to them , though their conscience be most erroneous , & even for such as they conceive to be true churches , they are not infallibly perswaded they are such , and so the magistrate gives no protection to them as true churches , but only as subjects , which the author tells the magistrate he owes to false churches , & so the king by this is a nurse-father , by his office and by the places isai . . . and . . to bring his glory of protection to the where of rome if they be his subjects as well as to the new jerusalem : but sure the king by these places ows father-nursing and magistratical protection to the true church not to the false , because isai . . . the place is clearly of such a church as the lord can no more forget , then a woman cannot have compassion on the fruit of her wombe , v. , . . such a church as is graven on the palmes of gods hands , v. . . whose ●●sters and destroyers shall be removed , v. . and destroyed , vers . . . which shall be inlarged , by the incomming of the gentiles , whose place shall be too narrow for multitude of sons and daughters begotten by the power of the gospel , though she was a captive removing too and fro , v. , , . . a church that shall lift up a standard to the gentiles , and nations to take in their sons and daughters to fight under christs colours , as being baptized to the same faith , vers . . a church whose spirituall government kings and queens shall obey , licking the dust before them , v. . . a people that wait for the lord , and so shall not be ashamed , v. . now to say that a false church shall have all these glorious priviledges needeth no refutation , and they must be stupid who teach that kings are made nurse-fathers by this text to antichrists kingdom , as if the lord had the beast and his followers written on the palmes of his hands , or that kings being made nurse-fathers to the true church , owe nothing to those that wait on the lord , but the common protection of subjects which they owe to limbes of antichrist , jewes , mahometans , indians , who worship the devil , if these be their subjects is a very pleasant dream and uncredible ; for the place isai . . cryes to him that runs and will read , that kings shall minister something to the true church , which they doe in no sort to the false church , and it is most evident to the judicious reader , that the sucking of the breasts of kings , v. . . and the kissing of the son , psal . . must be more then common protection to subjects that are open enemies to christ and wasters of zion ; yea it must be some protection to the church as the church , and to the laws and ordinances of god , in rewarding the well-doers , and conserving the ordinances , and the correcting of wolves , impostors , lying prophets ; for if we come to master williams his way , that the king owes protection from violence to the persons and estates of false worshippers , to those that serve devils , and because they are subjects , then those texts say no more then be glad indians , popish idolaters , mahometans , for i will make kings your nurse-fathers , and queens your nurse-mothers , and kings●shall minister unto you , and you shall suck the hreasts of kings , and kings shall bring their glory and riches to you . nor need we prove that the place isai . . speaks of the true church , read it and it s proved , v. . arise , shine , for thy light is come , and the glory of the lord is risen upon thee , &c. nor is the matter helped to say , it is a great favour , that the power of the kings who lent their ●orne to the beast , is now lent to the lambe and his followers for their comfort , for then what power bring the kings to the new jerusalem , but royal power ? and what royal power to protect the true church in their persons and estates as they doe the false ? is this the breasts of the milk of kings , and their royall power as nurse-fathers ? and that power which they bring into the new ierusalem ? when it is the same very power they brought into babel , and the same horn they lent to the beast . . the kings lent no royal and paternall power to the true church but what they lent to babel as yet , nor doe they yeeld any royall power to hold up christs throne and maintain his ordinances , or convey the sincere milk of the word , by their politick coactive power to the church , if our adversaries doctrine be received . againe , permission to the false church is proved by matth. . . let the tares grow ●ill harvest . gulielmus parisiensis part . . hact . de legibus p. . vbi ergo impii in consumptionem populi dei , vel diminutionem crescunt , ibi nullatenus ●rescere sinendi sunt , sed eradicandi ; quod si quis dixorit , quia ipsi sunt zizania , possunt esse ●riticum , quia converti possunt ad viam veritatis — sed non hoc● certum , quod autem per ▪ ipses , illi qui triticum sunt , zizania siant , hoc evidenter certum est ▪ hoc enim est ac si diceretur , ut paucis lupis in media gregis existenti●●● , gr●g●mque incessanter lacer antibus , ac devorantibus , parca●●● , quia forte deus , faciet illos , oves & agnos , — & dimitte●das p●●eas faces ardentos in medio silv a lignorum germinantium , ips●●que silv●● inc●ssanter ardentes , quia deus forsitan faciet illas arbores fructiferas , — pauc●s leprosos dimittendos esse in medio sani populi assidue contagio ipsum corrumpentes & inficientes , quia forsitan deus salvabit illos . calvin advers . servetum numb . . si praecise nobiscum agant , ex verborum formula , non tantum prohibeantur magistratus ab usu gladii , sed omnem disciplinam è medio tolli oportet . joan. à ch●kier in paraenesi ad haereticos , c. . parabolam illam non loqui de judicibus . beza de haeret . puniendis , p. . nemo patrum haeretic●s ne quidem judicandos ante extremum diem asserit . . zizaniorum appellatione intelligi arbitror non sols haereticos , sed omnes qui vitae exemplo ecclesiam offendunt , chrysost . hom . . in mat. sinite crescere , dissipate haereticorum conciliabula , ora obstruite , audacian loquendi concidite , sed ne interficite , item ibid. dogmata quidem impia arguite & anathematizate , sed hominibus ipsis parcite . how far is mr. williams bloody tenet against all the power of the ministery , or so much as rebuking hereticks , for he saith c. . p. . thirdly i have proved that the ministers or messengers of the lord jesus ought to let ( the tares or hereticks ) alone , and to let them live in the world , and neither seek by prayer nor prophecie , to pluck them up before the harvest . enthymius and theophylact follow chrysostome , puniendos , non necandes . iacobus acontius stratage . satan l. . p. . constat triticum esse pios , zizania impios — si sinendi sunt crescere , tam impii , quam pii — tolleretur omnis magistratus authoritas omnisque disciplina , & page . inter pontificios jacobus simanca parisiensis episcop ▪ in enchyridio violatae religionis ti . . p. . nu . . parabolam loqui de punitione impiorum , quando est periculum ne simul eradicetur triticum , zizania sunt omnes filii nequam , nullus igitur facinorosus puniendus , absurdum , non loquitur parabola de judicibus . phillippus gamachaeus in . q. . de infidel . q. . sinite crescere , si verum ac reale non imaginarium damnum immineat , debet tum ecclesia , debent tum christiani principes à coactione abstinere . sic suarez tom . de vir theo . dis . . se . . nu . . ( ne forte eradicetis ) sie august . l. . contra parmen ▪ cap. . c. . tannerus tom . . dis . . de fid . q. . du . . n. . ( ne forte ●radicetis ) ratio haec est communis & adequata omnis justae permissionis malorum quando etiam deus eb eandem causam mala permittit , azorius inst . par . . l . c. . per zizania haeretici intelliguntur secundum chrysostimum , augustinum , hieronimum , enthymium , theop●ylactum , sed respondet ex parabolis non semper sumi efficax argumentum , & generaliter per verba , accipi hic pravos mores & falsa dogmata . nor is it altogether to be condemned that gregorius . innocen . . paulus . clemens . command the talmudicall and cabalisticall books containing blasphemies against god to be burnt in the fire , august . ep. . ad vincen. retracteth ingeniously his opinion , that hereticks ought not to be punished , mea primitus sententia , erat , neminem ad unitatem fidei cogendum . theodore srackius in hist . anabap. c. . in notis p. . to the compelling of men to religion against their will , that which some object out of lactantius , that lactantius doth argue against such as being destitute of the word of god and sound reason , would compell by the sword only men ▪ to receive true religion . it is a token the man is scant and ebbe of proofes in scriptures , when he can prove liberty of conscience by no scripture , but one wing and tith of a parable , never expounded by christ , who yet expoundeth all the rest of the parts of the parables , and yet ( as i have said before ) the tares are not expounded by christ to bee heretickes , but ver . . the tares are the children of the wicked one , and ver . . all things that offend and doe iniquity . mr. goodwin denies that heretickes are ill doers , mr. williams saith , they do iniquity but if he would expound and apply all the tithes and joynts of the parable , then mr. williams must tell us what the sleeping of men , v. . and what the springing up of the blade is , and the bringing forth of the fruit is , v. . and how men quarrell with god , because of the prosperity of hereticks , when as scripture extends the prosperitie that stumbles men , to the most wicked , who are fat and rich , psal . . , , , . ier. . . job . , , . and what the bundles are , vers . ▪ since mr williams ( as all libertines and anabaptists are ) is bold with the word to expound tares otherwise then the word of god and our saviour christ doth , who of purpose expoundeth the ●●res to be workers of iniquity , and ill doers , now hereticks to master williams and libertines are no ill doers , but innocent men , men that fear god , such as suffer persecution for conscience , the children of light , of the promise , of the free woman , persecuted by the children of this world , and the sons of the bondwoman , as all their books say ; how doth christ make these hereticks that are named tares , such as grow and flourish till harvest , and then these innocent men that feared god are judged by god offenders in christs kingdome , workers of iniquity , cast into a furnace of fire , where there shall bee wailing and g●ashing of teeth ? to conclude why doth mr williams say the magistrate oweth protection , to the true church apart and met together , and saith not that he owes protection to the false church , the same way apart and met together ? he must secretly insinuate that the magistrate oweth some singular royall protection to the assemblies of anabaptists and seekers and the true church , which he oweth not to the church of wicked men met and assembled for worship . yet when the wicked are assembled in the valley of the sons of hinnon to burn their sons to devils , when they are met in the high places to offer and sacrifice , to the sun and the queen of heaven , and to adore the works of mens hands , even then are these men , subjects under a lawfull prince , and this prince must either in such abominable and bloodie worship , defend their persons and estates from violence , or then . master willams saith amisse . the prince must by his office serve the devil , and countenance , and defend a most wicked and bloodie service , such as son-slaughter and idolatry , and that against his conscience though he judge them a false church . . the prince , if hee withdraw his royall defence , is wanting in his office , and yet it is his conscience to neglect dutie to such . . and must force the consciences of people , in tempting them to de●ist from what they in conscience conceive to be the highest worship and expression of love , fear and reverence to god , in that he refuseth to protect them in man-slaughter , and such service to god , which they dare not venture on without his protection , least men rise up against them and destroy them . mr. williams addeth ib. p. to professe the magistrate must force the church to doe her 〈◊〉 , and yet the magistrate must 〈◊〉 judge what that dutie is , must be to play in spirituall things . answ . that the magistrate should compell godly men to keep peace , and a david ( suppose he were a subject ) not to kill , not to commit adultery under the pain of civill punishment , i suppose is not heresie , and yet i see not how the magistrate is not to judge according to the word of god , what is wilfull murder , and so deserveth death , by the law of god , what is accidentall killing and deserveth no death , but a refuge and maneprize . but the magistrate ( say liberti●es ) should not judge what is heresie , what sound doctrine , why ? because that is to be judged according to the word of god by pastors . but , that is , 〈◊〉 causa pro causa , for the king is to judge what is murther , what not , and all matters belonging to a civill judge , what is morally good and evill , and what is punishable by the sword , what not , by reading on the book of the law when he sitteth on the throne , deut. , , . but this he judgeth in order to civill punishment , and not in order to the gaining of souls , and in so far as concerns his practice , and the same way is he to judge what is heresie , what not , if this be not said , then should we play indeed in spirituall matters . q. but is not the christian ruler then as a ruler , to judge whether arrius ought to be banished , and imprisoned , who denieth the son of god to be consubstantiall with the father ? and so all rulers are to judge of heresies and gospell ▪ truths even indian and puga● magistrates , who are essentially magistrates , as well as christian rulers , for quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ans . there is a difference betwixt a ruler , and such a ruler , a christian ruler , or a heathen ruler , a ruler a● a ruler , should judge of all civill businesses , and of truths and falshood in religion , for all nations have some god , and some religion ; but a ruler as a christian ruler onely , not as a ruler ( as the notion of : 〈◊〉 a ruler doth 〈…〉 and the christian ruler ) ought 〈…〉 judge what is gospel truth , or gospel untruth , for then all 〈…〉 pagan , or what not should judge the gospel truthe though they be not obliged to believe in christ , or to know the gospel , which they never heard , rom. . , , . now this is absurd . but onely rulers as christian rulers should judge of gospel-truths ; magistrates should judge , but all magistrates as magistrates , should not judge of all businesses , and of all matters belonging to all countries ; for then an indian magistrate should judge of all the matters of france , england , scotland , which cannot be said , so a magistrate as a magistrate should judge of religion , but not all magistrates of all religions , for heathen magistrates cannot judge , nor ought not to judge whether arrianisme be heresie or not , and whether it be punishable by the sword or not , whether christ mediator hath one will , as the monothelites said , or two as the catholike protestants said , because the heathen magistrate ( as we suppose ) never heard of christ . so we say a judge of france cannot judge , as a judge , of transporting of wooll out of england , or of wax out of scotland : nor can an english judge as a judge , judge of transporting of wines out of france , or of crying down , or up the worth of monies within scotland , only the judges of france can , and ought to judge of the former , and that not as judges simply , but as ●●th judges of france , and only the judges of scotland as they are such , can judge of crying up or down monies in scotland : and upon the same ground , judges as judges are not , nor ought they as judges to determine what gospel truths are praise-worthy , in order to civill rewards , and what gospel heresies are punishable , for of these they are to determine judicially as such judges , as christian judges who are hearers of the gospel . though christianitie adde nothing to the essence of a judge as a judge , yet christianity addeth something to the being and authoritative power of such a judge , a christian , a scottish , an english judge , this remaineth then true of a judge . what a judge doth as a judge , that all judges may do , for quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but what such a judge doth as such a judge , as christian , as scottish , as english , that all judges may not , nor cannot doe : so a christian husband , father , master , as christian , is to give christian counsels and instructions to his wife , children , servant , but it followes not that all husbands , all fathers , all masters , though heathenish and pagan , though they never head of christ , are to give christian counsells and 〈…〉 to the principles of the gospel , to their wives , sons , servants ; so the christian prince , not as a prince simply , but as a christian prince is to confer his royall authority , in a politick and co-active way to promote the mediatory kingdome of christ , which all judges on earth are not to doe , for these judges only psal . . are to kisse the son , who hear the decree published , thou art my son , psal . . . for a law never pro●●●gated , neither by heart ingraving , neither by minister all publication can oblige no man , as is cleer rom. ● . . rom. , . and . . joh. ● . . matth. . ● , . yet shall it not follow that the christian judge is a sub-mediator under christ , and subordinate as a vice-gerent to the m●diator , for the christian magistrate does not promote christs kingdome , as the minister of christ , or as representing christs person , for the christian magistrate is the minister of god , and the vice-gerent of god ; now god as the soveraign lord hath a co-active power overall , the magistrate , heathen , or christian , is his vicegerent , and the christian ruler may compell with the sword all to serve the son , yet the son as mediator whose kingdome is not of this world , sends not men out to promote his kingdome with the sword , joh. , . mr. williams civill peace is pax civitatis , the peace of the citie , jer. . . pray for the peace of the citie , which peace of the citie or citizens so compacted in a civill way of union , may be intire , unbroken , safe , &c. notwithstanding so many thousands of gods people , the jewes , ●●re there in bondage , and would neither be constrained to the worship of the city of babell , nor restrained from so much of the worship of the true god , as they 〈◊〉 practise , as is plain in shadrach , mosha●● , and abedaego , daniel . in daniel c. . who would rather suffer , then de●ist from true worship , or practice fals● : so the 〈…〉 papists keep the peace of their townes and cities safe and distinct , where there is no spirituall and heavenly peace . answ . all this is to prove that there may be no breach of citie peace , or civill peace , where there are 〈◊〉 of sundry religions . but . the mans should remember , there is a christian externall peace , which 〈◊〉 an 〈◊〉 providence can not be kept , where there be divers religions , and sundry waies of worshipping christ , & we beleeve our saviour intendeth so much , mat. . . thinke not that i am come to send peace 〈◊〉 earth , i came not to send peace , but the sword . v. . for. i am come to set a man at variance against his father , and the daughter against h●r mother . luke . . and ye shall be be●r dyed ●oth by your parents , brethren , kinsfolks , and friends , and some of you they shall cause to be put to death . and what is the quarrell , but divers religions and waies of worship about christ ? so paul exhorteth to christian peace , ephes . . . indeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , not because of contrary religions , and many sectaries called the holy partie that are to bee tolerated in meeknesse and mutuall forbearance : but v. . because there is but one lord , one faith , one baptisme , and but one religion whether presbyteriall or independent , and since the apostles and christ in the new-testament so often recommend peace , and never once insinuate forbearance in diversitie of religion , and all the apostles and apostolike church had but one religion , toleration of many religions , not being a part of the new testament liberty where with christ hath made us free , as is the libertie from ceremonies , and righteousness by the law , that the foolish galathians affected , gal. . , , we conclude there is a law against toleration of many religions , not any repealing of that law in the new testament , but divers religions expressely forbidden as contrary to peace , and foretold to fall out as sad judgements , mat. . . mat. , , luke . . , , , . tim. . , , , . tim. . , , . . joh. . affirmanti incumbit probatio , our adversaries are obliged to give us precept , promise , or godly practice , why a morall sin forbidden and severely punished in the old testament , should yet remaine a moral sin in the new testament , and yet not be punishable by men or churches , yea solomous toleration of the idolatrous worship , kings . provoked the lord to anger , yet his wives consciences should not have been compelled to leave off the worshipping of the gods of the moabites , ammonites , by this way , rom. . . let us follow after the thing that makes for peace ( saith paul ) but toleration of many religions is contrary to peace , if one of them be the only true way , the rest are all false waies , the mixture of the two contrary seeds , the seed of the serpent , and the seed of the woman must be against peace ; and paul exhorting to union and christian peace , thinks many religions , many sects and opinions tolerated , cor. . . to be just contrary to peace . now i beseech you brethren by the name of our lord jesus christ , that ye all speak the same thing , and that there be no divisions among you , but that ye be perfectly joyned together in the same minde , and in the same judgement . hence he seriously dehorts from schismes and sects , whereas upon supposition of divers sects , all being godly , we should have some charitable precepts commanding men of divers religions to beare with one another ; but where is that written ? and if they dwell together peaceably , why but they may marry together , achab then in marrying the king of the zidonians daughter , failed not , and he married her wicked religion . clotildis the daughter of clodoveus married almaricus the arrian , king of the wisigots , the maid being educated in the sound faith , but procopius , l. . bell. gothorum said , there was never peace between them . as for mr. williams chaldean , and heathenish or american peace , we leave it to himself ; the peace the people of god was to pray for , jer. . was onely outward prosperity , freedome from the sword of egypt , and from other nations , that the captive church might also partake of that peace . but i hope jeremiah bad not the people of god in judea , under the babylonish captivity , follow an heathenish peace , with toleration of divers religions , or yet a religious peace , or a church peace , that standeth well with many religions , yea they are to denounce wrath against the chaldee religion , jer. . . and would he have christians all keeping such an heathenish unity and peace , as babylonians and americans have , and in the mean time tolerate all religions , christians who have one god , and one faith , and one hope are to follow more then a civill and heathenish peace . it is therefore in vaine for libertines to tell us , that abraham lived long amongst the canaanites , who were contrary to him in religion , gen. . and isaac with them , gen. . and jacob twenty years with laban an idolater , gen. . israel in egypt years , in babylon . israel under the romans with herodians , pharisees . what of all these ? the godly rulers and church , sometimes pilgrims , sometimes servants , sometimes captives , never having the sword nor power of it as magistrates to take order with false teachers , did peaceably dwell with them , ergo , godly magistrates armed with the sword , must now suffer the sheep of christ , to be worried and preyed upon by wolves ? this consequence is nothing , this is à facto adjus , and to argue from the controverted practice of heathen . chap. xxvi . whether punishing of seducing teachers be persecution for conscience . libertines lay downe for a ground , that to punish any for their conscience must be persecution ; anninians call punishing of hereticks persecution : it is proper to carnall men to persecute the children of the promise . he that is sick onely of an errour of the minde , breaks not the law of god : if the magistrate punish him for that , he is a persecuter . so also the anabaptists in bullingers time . mr. williams going after these guides saith , i acknowledge that to molest any person , jew or gentile , for either professing doctrine , or practising worship meerly religious , or spirituall , is to presecute him , and such a person ( what ever his doctrine be , true or false ) suffereth for his conscience ; and beside , a man may be persecuted , because he holdeth or practiseth what he beleeves in conscience to be truth , as daniel , and because he dare not yeeld obedience , to doctrines and worships invented by men , and so the authour of storming of the anti. and of the ancient bounds . answ . the very like the donatists objected ; so cresconius grammaticeus , quisquis christianum persequitur , christi inimicus est , whoever persecutes a christian is an enemy of christ , augus . l. . contra a cresconium c. . answereth , verum dicis , ●● non in illo persequitur , quod christi est inimicum , neque enim dominus in servo , pater in filio , maritus in conjuge cum sine utrique christiani , non debent persequi vitia cbristianae contraria veritati , an vero si non persequuntur , non rei negligentiae merito teneluntur ? it is true , saith he , he is an enemy to christ , who persecuteth a christian , if he doe not persecute in a christian , that , which is enmity to christ , yet are not the master , father , husband , not to persecute in servant , son , and wife ( if they be christians ) sinnes contrary to christian truth , and if they persecute not these sinnes , are they not justly guilty of the negligence of their brethrens soules ? so also augustine distinguisheth a two fold persecution , de unit . eccl. c. & psal . . had these men given us one letter of scripture for their bastard definition of persecution , we should not stumble to heare tongue-persecuters and raylers , and hand-persecuters say so ; but we goe from them to our saviours words , matth. . . blessed are ye , when men shall revile you , and persecute you , and say all manner of evill against you ( not for an erroneous and bloody conscience , as libertines define it ) but falsely for my sake . persecution that the scripture condemnes , is persecution , for righteousnesse ●●d truth , such as the true prophets suffered for the truth , matth. . . for christs names sake , luke . . matth. . . for the word of god , and for the testimony of jesus , rev. . . rev. . . for the testimony of the trutb , rev . . for righteousnesse , matth. . . for the gospel , mark. . . acts . . acts . . gal. . . gal. . . tim. . . mark. . . cor. . . . thess . . . tim . matth. . joh. . . joh. . . rom. . . acts . . cor . gal. . . thess . . . acts . . acts . . c. . . phil. . . and why was jeremiah persecuted ? the three children , daniel , christ , paul , peter , john , james , the martyrs , heb. . not for familisme , antinomianisine , socinianisme , anabaptisme , &c. shew us a word of old or new testament warranting you to call it persecution , to molest any for worship or practice , though most false . mr. williams saith , to malest any for their conscience is persecution , then must jeremiah be a persecuter , for he molested those with rebukes and threatnings , who out of meer conscience , killed their sons and daughters to malech . christ molested pharisees and sadduces , who out of meer conscience defended the traditions of men , false interpretations of the law , denied the resurrection ; yea the lord commanded the judges in his law , not onely to molest , but to stone to death without mercy , those who professed doctrine out of meer conscience , and practice worship upon meerly religious grounds , which tended to drive away people from the true god , and such as blasphemed god , deut. . exo. , . rom. . . . . lev. . , . deut. . . levit. . . but god never commanded in any law persecution , but hated it , and no more commanded it , then his holy laws can be unjust . . asser . there is a persecution with the tongue by words like coals of juniper , psal . . , . and like the arrows of the mighty , like a sharp razour , psal . . . job . . these ten times ye have reproached me , and are not ashamed , v. . why doe ye persecute me as god ? jobs friends never put hand on him , but by arguing him to be an hypocrite , from the mistaken doctrine of providence , as is clere , chap. , , , , , &c. yet they persecuted him , job . . they that mocked jeremiah and in arguing opposed his doctrine , and said , jer. . . where is the word of the lord , persecuted him , v. . let them be confounded that persecute me , jer. . . then said , they , come let us devise devices against jeremiah , for the law shall not perish from the priest , nor counsell from the wise , nor the word of the lord from the prophet : and they had much to say from the word , that the law was with the priests , and the word of the lord with their prophets , as well as with jeremiah , yet they resolve to persecute jeremiah , come and let us smite him with the tongue , and let us not give heed to any of his words . and the scripture tells us of the scourge of the tongue , job . . and the place cited by libertines , gal. . , . where it is said that i●hmael the son of the handmaid , persecuted isaac the son of the promise , it was not by offering any bodily violence to isaac , as we teach the christian magistrate , is to use the sword against seducers ; but as pareus , meyer , calvin , piscator , beza , luther , perkins , and all interpreters do well expound it , ishmael but mocked isaac , and said , the promises made to him were but a mock , and he would have , forsooth , the dignity of the birth-right . calvin saith , the mocking and blaspheming of christ on the crosse , he trusted in god , let him deliver him , psal . . matth. . , . was the most cruell persecution that ever befell him , heb. . . and others had triall of cruell mocking and scorning . optatus complained that the bloud of bishops was shed not by the sword , but by the tongue ; then must elias persecute baals priests , for he mocked them : and what warrant have libertines to say , that all baals priests followed that worship that they were brought up in , against their conscience , for the conscience of hereticks being burnt with an hot iron , tim. . will make them think the killing of the lords apostles is good service to god , and all the sarcasticke mockings and jearings of m. williams goodwin , the authors i cite , and of other libertines against presbyterians , the followers of calvin , the opposers of wilde and atheisticall liberty of conscience ( since they are not in fallible in maintaining toleration of all wayes , turcisme , judaisme , familisme , socinianisme , &c. ) must be persecution of all in the contrary opinion for conscience , and so while they write against persecution , they persecute all contrary arguing and refuting of such , as we conceive doe erre : and all rebuking of them , all syllogisticall collections and inferences , of the absurdities and blasphemies of their doctrine , must be smiting with the tongue and persecution . for that spoken against jeremiah , the law shall not perish from the priest , nor the word of the lord from the prophet ; having so much colour of scripture , as that also , he saved others ; ergo , if he ●e the saviour , he must save himselfe , being of the dye and hew of truth , so near of bloud to it in outward face , and to the consciences of many ; were notwithstanding grievous persecuting of jeremiah and jesus christ , then must m. williams say true , we must not by prayer or prophesie seeke to pluck up the tares till harvest . so all writing , preaching , and refuting of gainsayers , of that which we conceive to be truth , except we be infallible , and prophetically ascertai●ed we are right , and these we refute , wrong , must be persecution and smiting with the tongue . . nor doe libertines charge us more with persecution , then anabaptists did bullinger and our reformers , and the donatists did augustine , and the catholicks upon whom augustine retorted the challenge , for the true church ( saith he ) casts out agar the handmaid , is this persecution ? it is to be observed in this argument . . that none objected this but sectaries ▪ and such as were conscious to themselves of foule tenets , as anabaptists in germany , donatists in africa , papists in q●een elizabeths time ; calvin , beza , protestants never objected this , against the papists , or spanish inquisitors , the old non-conformists never pleaded against the most tyrannicall prelates for liberty of conscience , finde this in all their books . so cartwright , yea amesius though by assed with independency , speaketh against lawlesse liberty . . libertines , anabaptists , donatists , when they get the sword in their hand , of all men most cruelly presse the consciences of others , that are not in every punctilio in their minde . see the authours in the margine to prove this , none such bloudy persecuters for conscience as they . . all these arguments do strongly militate against jezabel and all hereticks , and seducing teachers , for christ hath ordained a spirituall coactive power in the church against wolves and such as say , they are jews and lie , and are the synagogue of sathan , rev. . as well as god hath ordained a civill coactive power in the state , and the one coactive power doth as much hinder christs followers to be a willing people , as the other , and presse the conscience . create hypocrisie . oppose the meeknesse of christ and his ministers . savour of persecution . estrange affections . countenance domineering over conscience as the other . nor doe we professe , coercing of sound and faithfull teachers , but onely seducing hereticks . the arminians tell us , a precept is quickly found , when we would persecute the godly for their conscience , and mr. williams cryeth , search all scriptures , records , &c. no persecuters , not the divell himself , professe to persecute the son of god , jesus as jesus , christ as christ , without a marke or covering ; so said they , had we lived in queen maries dayes , we would not have consented to such persecution . answ . this argues a silly engine , for if it hold good against us , search all scriptures , records , &c. no tyrants , no nero having the sword to punish patricides , matricides , sorceries , adulteries , sodomy , professed that they punished just men as just men , innocent men as innocent men ; what then ? shall it follow magistracy and the use of the sword is unlawfull against any , because tyrants oppresse the innocent , not as innocent , but as seditious , traiterous , cruell , bloudy men ? nor would i have mr. williams , so charitable to the devill as to thinke he will not persecute jesus as jesus . i dare not determine much upon the devills heart-reduplications , but if he be not involved in the sin against the holy ghost , and a burning malice against jesus , because he is the son of god , and the saviour of man , i know not much . however mr. williams hath reason upon his grounds to thinke that none should be persecuted for conscience , because we are all scepticks even in point of salvation and fundamentalls , and not infallibly assured of either heaven or hell , and so he is wor●e then a papist . . no men know ( all men since the prophets and apostles sell asleep , being void of infallibility ) assuredly what he believeth unto salvation , if any should deny there is a god or a providence ( as i feare there be too many practicall and judiciall atheists amongst us ) he ought not by prophecying or arguing to be plucked out of that estate , till harvest , but must with the clemency of christ ; here dears brother atheist , you are a godly pious hereticke , and have no god , but your conscience ; and dare not for feare of your conscience believe , that there is a god , and i dare not rebuke you , but be going on in your divinity ; i have as little infallible assurance there is a god , as you have , there is no god , and neither you nor i are to be punished for our consciences . . mr. williams ought for no religion venture his life to burning quicke , for he cannot dye or cast away his life but upon a conjecture , it may be there is a god , and it may be there is no god ; for how dare he breake the sixt command and hazard his life , for a truth that may be a lye ? so neither should any persecute , but in faith , that he is infallibly sure the man is a reall hereticke , neither should he be persecuted , for he is not infallible in the knowledge that he suffereth for , and so cannot suffer in faith , see for more of this , and the foregoing doctrine . cainbartus contra lypsium ; lincaeus , de libertate christiana , althusius in politicis , and celsus gives us good stuffe , it was commanded kings in the old testament to kill their enemies , but in the new testament we are to love our enemies , and doe good to them that hate us ; for edification , not for killing and destruction is church discipline ordained . ans . what this socinian author bringeth for new precepts of christ in the new testament , different from these of the old , is but wicked socinianisme as you may see in the catechisme of raccovias , socinus , osterodius , smalcius , volkelius , and the arminians , episcopius arminius , who make the loving of our enemies commanded by christ , matth. . . luke . . and by paul rom. . . not to be commanded in the old testament , which argueth their ignorance of the scriptures , prov. . . if thine enemy be hungry give him bread , prov. . . rejoyce not when thine enemies fall , exo. . if thou meet thine enemies oxe or asse going astray , thou shall surely bring it backe to him ; yea david by an old testament spirit , when his enemies were sick , psal . . , was cloathed with sack cloth and fasted , and behaved himselfe as one mourning at his mothers grave ; what david and jer●mial , did prophesie against gods enemies is fulfilled in the new testament , and paul and luke say amen to it , rom. . v. , , . acts . , . and we are to beare the like zeal , yea more against false teachers under the messias kingdome , then they did , zach. , , , , , . joh. . rom. . . rev. . , . the end of church-discipline is edification , the taking away the life of a blasphemer is the good of the society , deut. . . that all israel may heare and feare , and doe so no more , but that the christian magistrates end is spiritual , and the edification of souls , we read it not . the author of ancient bonds having forgotten divinity cryes , god waited for the old world yeers , and when this date of patience is out , i would have gathered you , &c. i sent my prophets early , but where doth the lord charge the prophet , that the magistrate did not force and compell the people ? ans . will this man let us hear logick ? the lord waited on the old world yeers ; and sent his prophets early , i dare say , many hundred yeers ; ergo , the blasphemer and the false prophet contrary to deut. . levit. . must be spared yeeres ? so ergo , wee must exercise much long suffering in the old testament while these lawes were in vigour , ( for then it must bee that the prophets jeremiah and isaiah were never charged that magistrates compelled not consciences , ) toward seducing prophets : why , but god using much long-suffering toward the old world , and israel not a world ( i j●dge ) of innocent and godly hereticks , but of men that corrupted their way , despised the prophets , hardned their faces and hearts , were murtherers , oppressors , grinders of the poor , killed their children to devils ; ergo , the magistrate should extend long-suffering for as many yeers as this man will to these ill-doers , no less then to seducing torchers , should not pastors & rulers extend long-suffering to all sorts of sinners as well as to hereticks ? but where ( answers the prophet ) doth the lord lay it to the charge of prophet or magistrate , that they did not force or compell the people , to repent , to leave their murthering , their oppressing their grinding of the face of the poor ? we teach not that the prophet ought to compell any , nor that the sword is an ordinance of god to convert oppressars , and murtherers , to turn meek and righteous judges , co-action by fire and sword in old or new testament can convert none to christ , the word and the spirit must ever doe the turn : by accident god can change the nature of the rod and fanctifie it to manasses , for to bring him to humiliation and repentance . but were these that christ would have gathered matth. . only false prophets , to whom he extended patience many hundred yeers , even from moses till his owne coming in the flesh ? ergo , we should extend to bloodie murtherers of the lords prophets , the like patience , and not kill them , for then they are past hope of being gained ? now the text means no such thing , but that christ waited long on , and sent his prophets early in the morning , to those that were theeves , isai . . murtherers , adulterers , jer. . that sl●w their children to mole●h ; by this argument the magistrate should not draw his sword against adulterers , murtherers ; and i judge the rulers were called lions and wolves , ezek. . because they extended too much cruel patience to these . but if gods patience be a rule , men must not be cut off , because there is hope of their repentance so long as they live , your own acontius saith by this reason , murtherers and adulterers should not be punished by the magistrate , for there often is more hope of publicans , harlots and murtherers that they may be the elect of god , and gained to repentance , then of self-wise , and judicially blinded pharisees : nor find we any so deserted of god and judicially blinded of god as libertines , read but the book intituled john the baptist , sure a wilderness man void of reason wrote it , the man tells chap. . disclaiming against going to low and wars ; ( which yet anabaptists and this scholler of that sect practise , whether the parliament will or no ) saith , are yee wronged in person , estate , good name , or for christs sake , which is our conscience ? our saviour and his saints have drunke the same cup. hence he citeth to no purpose scriptures but two and fourtie in number , of the persecutions to follow the lords disciples for the gospel , and that it is proper to the world to persecute , and to the saints to be persecuted , and hated for righteousnesse , and that such as are persecuted , and 〈◊〉 ●●sallow all persecuting for matters of religion , as the greatest stumbling block to the propagation of the gospel , must necessarily be the true church and 〈◊〉 of christ , none else having a capacitie ( without gods infinite mercie , and dispensation ) of being ever hewed out and squared as members sutable to such a head : contr●riorum eadem est ratio , since the true church must needs be persecuted , that must needs be a false church which persecutes the true one , for though this false church be persecuted likewise , yet in regard it cannot be both true and false , that persecuted church must needs be the only true one , which doth not persecute others , but that the argument may be compleat and full ( it had much need , for it is weak and unstable as water ) as in the mouth of two witnesses unto this evidence of reason , let me adde a scripture proofe , viz. we brethren ( true christians ) as isaac was , are the children of promise , but as he that was born after the fl●sh , persecuted him that was born after the spirit , 〈◊〉 so it is now gal. . , . yet since it is better , if the will of god be so that we suffer for w●ldoing then for evill doing , pet. howev●r these ishmalites are powerful , prosperous , prevaile against us , and have the world at will for the present , yet let us comfort our-selves that god hath chosen the dispised and poore , rich in faith , &c. we close this chapter with their doom and ours , neverthel●sse what saith the scripture , c●st out the bondwoman , for the son of the bon●woman shall not be heire with the son of the free-woman , so then , we are not children of the bondwoman , but of the free , gal. . , . so of that sort is the heedlesse quaerist to the assembly of divines . if the magistrate as a magistrate have a power from christ to punish such as he is perswaded in his conscience are erroneous and hereticall , or because he differs in religion from the magistrate , then queen mary and her parliament did well in burning the martyrs for differing from her established religion . answ . . the man as an anabaptist citeth , matth. . . . whosoever shall smite thee on the right che●k , turn to him the other . volkelius an arrand socinian cryes down lawes and judges , and all warres under the new testament , and maketh this a new commandement not warranted in the old testament , as if the hating of our enemie , and revenge , were commanded in the old , and forbidden in the new . nay ( s●ith he ) what heavenly ravished and blessed spirit will tell me what these scriptures mean , mat. . . , . as if none were heavenly and blessed spirits that knew the meaning of the scriptures but volkelius , chellius , socinus and other socinians and anabaptis●s . i answer , socinus and volkelius are these blessed spirits that can shew the meaning of these words and tender lettice for your lips . but see your socinian dream , and theirs refuted by poliander and joan. peltius , for christ in the new testament does no where contradict moses law , nor refute moses , but he refuteth the false glosses which scribes and pharisees put on moses law. for . christ never saith , it was said by moses , but i say the contrary . but it was said of old by the unlucky elders and fathers of scribes and pharisees , which these wretched doctors and their sons said , eye for eye , and thou shall not kill , and thou shall not commit adultery . as is cleare : . because loving of our enemy was forbidden by moses , and in the old testament , as in the new , as i proved before , revenge is forbidden , prov. . . deut. . . shedding of bloud is forbidden , gen. . . as well as by our saviour , matth. . . . because christ saith , matth. . . i say unto you , except your righteousnesse exceed the righteousnesse of the scribes and pharisees ( he saith not , except it exceed the righteousnesse of the law of god commanded by moses in the old testament ) yee shall not enter into the kingdome of heaven . and as christ condemneth unjust anger , so is it condemned a● murther , and accursed in the old testament , gen. . chro. . . daniel . . prov. . . gen. . . est . . . prov. . . prov. . . c. . . eccles . . . esa . . . amos . . sam. . . sam. . . prov. . . c. . . c. . . c. . . and forbidden in the sixt commandement , before christ had that sermon , matth. . and the forbidding of rash and sinfull anger , is no new commandement , but more frequently condemned in the old testament , then in the new. and the like may be proved of heartlusting , prov. . . lust not after her beauty in thine heart , gen. . . job . . jer. . . sam. . . job . , . job . . all which places , and many others in the old testament condemne lusting after a woman in the heart , no lesse then christ condemns it . . christ refuteth socinians and anabaptists , matth. . . think not i am come to destroy the law , &c. . for verily i say unto you , till heaven and earth passe one jot , or one title shall in no wise passe from the law , till all he fulfilled . but if christ oppose his new precepts to the law of moses as velkelius saith , he must utterly destroy the law of moses , and substitute a more perfect law in the place thereof . but libertines , as joh. baptist here , would have heresie forbidden in the old testament , and punishing of false prophesying commanded there . but heresie must be innocency , and righteousnesse in the new testament , and to be punished for false teaching in the old was to suffer for ill-doing ; but now in the new ( saith baptist ) to be punished for false prophesying is to suffer for well-doing , and he citeth pet. . . as if it were the will of god , that sectaries suffer for well-doing : that is , for familisme , socinianisme , antmomianisme , popery , idolatry , butchering of children to god , as some anabaptist parents have done , and for preaching doctrine that eateth as a gangrene , tim. for blaspheming and denying the resurrection of the dead , as hymeneus did ; for he that suffereth for all these , out of meer conscience , suffereth for well-doing , as peter saith , if we beleeve joh. baptist . . but how shall mr. baptist prove christ foretelling the apostles should be persecuted for the preaching of the truth of god and the gospel , that these apostles , and the anabaptists that now are , must looke in like manner to be persecuted for the gospel ; that is , for familisme , socinianisme , all the new blasphemies now on foot in england ; are all these blasphemies the gospel ? and whosoever suffer for monstrous heresies , must they suffer as the apostles did ? and must they lay claim to all the comforts that our saviour hath bequeathed in his testament , to his disciples who were to suffer for christs sake , and for righteousnesse , then surely an erronious and a blaspheming conscience must be righteousnesse ; and to suffer for blasphemy and satan , must be to suffer for righteousnesse and for christs sake , for these libertines say the assembly of divines teach blasphemies , popery , murthering of saints for conscience . so baptist , so necessity of toleration , so ancient bounds . . if such as are persecuted , and disclaime totally persecution for conscience , be the onely true church , and none but they , then these papists in england in the reign of queen elizabeth who were onely persecuted ( in your sense of the word persecution ) and wrote , and petitioned against persecution , and totally disclaimed it , are the onely true church . the like i may say of the arrians in the emperours times , against whom , most severe laws and edicts were made , which to m. baptist was direfull persecution , and yet they totally disclaimed persecution for conscience , and pleaded for toleration . so say i of the arminians in holland , who alwayes plead for liberty of prophesying , and of anabaptists , and all the sectaries in germany , when they first arose , of the familists and most rigid anabaptists in new england , and of all the vilest sects , anabaptists , antiscripturists , socinians , familists , &c. in old england . yea , we may suppose all papists , iewes , and the most abominable sects , living where there are strict lawes for the onely one true religion , to hold the opinion of totall disclaiming persecution for conscience ( for sure they are most capable of this opinion ) hence it shall follow that all these wretched hereticks shall be the only true church and body of christ . . this monopolizeth the nature and name of the true church to onely sectaries that professe they are ready to suffer for their conscience , and doe totally disclaime persecution , that is , for liberty of conscience : so this opinion shall be the only essential , not and constituent form of the true church , and shall exclude the sound faith of all fundamentalls , and the doctrine of the law and gospell . the vilest hereticks living , holding this one article of baptists faith , shall be the onely true church ; and this opinion shall unite men and societies formally to christ their head , and yet it is no matter of faith ; except libertines say , none are capable of faith and salvation , but such as hold this opinion . hence it must follow all these named calvinists , all the reformed churches , all the churches and saints in new england , all the ancient brownists , the old non-conformists , who all disclaimed toleration and licence of conscience , must not onely not be the true church , but the malignant church of such as professe that which they cal persecution ; yea and since they detest and abhor liberty of conscience as atheisticall . all these saints must be uncapable of saving faith , and necessarily damned , because being professed persecutors , and tot●●ly disclaiming toleration , they are in the judgement of this baptist , such as have no capacity ( without gods infinit● mercy and dispensation , converting them to such libertinisme ) to be hewne out and squared to such a head as christ , for contrariorum eudem est ratio . . forme an argument , mr. baptist , from your two scriptures . if to persecute for conscience be essentiall to such as are borne of the flesh , and to be persecuted for conscience be essentiall to such as are born after the spirit , then to be thus persecuted , and to disclaim totally persecution for conscience is an essentiall note of the true church . this proposition can never be proved in your sense , for to be persecuted for conscience ; that is , for a well informed conscience which is sound in the faith of articles of saving knowledge is indeed such an essentiall note , and so we yeeld all , but it is nothing for toleration , but much against it , but to be persecuted for conscience , though erroneous and holding judaisme , turcisme , arrianisme , papisme , familisme , &c. to be the true and saving way ( which is the sense of baptist ) is no wise a note of such a● are born after the spirit ; not doth any place of scripture by the thirteenth consequence prove the same ; for isaac was not persecuted by ishmael for his erroneous conscience . the text sayes no such thing , except baptist make isaac an heretick , and a false prophet : if ishmael persecuted isaac for his conscience ( which yet baptist cannot prove from scripture ) sure it was not for the hereticall conscience of isaac ; nor will it help baptist to say in the minde and conception of ishm●●l , isaac was an heretick . answ . how is that proved ? the text sayes no such thing . . we teach no such thing as that men should be punished by the magistrate , not because they are , but because they seem only to ●e heretickes , or because isaacs and saints are hereticks in our mind and conception , but because they are so indeed ; as the magistrate punisheth not justly a murtherer , because he seems in the minde and conception of the magistrate to be a murtherer , but because he is a murtherer , and is proved by faithfull witnesses to be a murtherer ; so is the heretick proved to be a heretick by the magistrate , and so convicted , that he is self-condemned ; for we never make the magistrates thoughts and his conception to be the rule of punishing an heretick , even as we are not to avoid an heretick after admonition , because he is an heretick in our conception onely , for our conception must not be the rule or formall ground of casting out any man from our society , and avoiding of him ; but we avoid him because he is an heretick in himself : nor exhorts peter any man to suffer for well-doing ; that is , for his conscience , or for his erroneous and hereticall conscience , that is but an abusing of the word of god ; for he speaks not of suffering directly for onely religion true or false , though he exclude it not , but saith , pet. . . but let none of you suffer as a murtherer , as a theefe , as an ill-doer ; and in so saying , he means that no man should ( as elimas ) suffer blindnesse , for perverting the faith of sergius paulus , and i beleeve , it will be a peece of labour for libertines to prove that such opposers of the gospel as elimas and hymeneus , who suffered as ill-doers , did yet know in their conscience the gospel to be the onely saving truth and way of god , and that against the warning of an illuminated conscience , elimas perverted the right wayes of god. however to suffer here as a well , doer by baptists way , is to suffer for an hereticall conscience defending and teaching lies in the name of the lord ▪ if so , such a well-doer if blasphemously unsound , is to be thrust through , and stabbed , as an impostor , by the lords mouth , zach. . lastly , baptist is so charitable of all saints that are not for liberty of conscience , as that he makes it their doom to be cast out as ishmael , and to have no share in christ , or in the gospel . but , baptist , if you judge us , and be not infallible , you take the lords throne upon you , and you judge us before our day , which is to you a strong argument against liberty of conscience , c. . pag. . know ye we are selfe-condemned ? and saw you gods secret book , and saw our names dashed out of the book of life , and that we are inrolled with ishmalites ? take the beam out of your own eye . chap. xxvii . whether our darknesse and incapacity to beleeve and professe , together with the darknesse and obscurity of scripture be a sufficient ground for toleration . as mr. john goodwin the lord pardon his perverting of soules ) led the way from arminian principles , who teach with socinians , that to know is not in our power , which he and they borrowed from aristotle , but wickedly understood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and arminians taught that god by an irresistible power , works illumination in the minde . so opinions not being in our power , the magistrate can have no power over men to coerce them from spreading of heresie . hence baptist , the bounder , the stormer , and other libertines , m. goodwin speaks for . that which is not in our power to doe , or not doe , and is wrought in us by supernaturall grace , and by god onely , we are not punishable by the magistrates sword , but to beleeve , to repent , to be sound in the faith , is wrought in us by supernaturall grace , and by god onely . baptist heaps together but eighteen scriptures , produced against pelagians , papists , arminians , and his brethren socinians , and old anabaptists , that no man can come to the son except the father draw him ; the naturall man understands not the things of god , &c. and i am sure he is ignorant of the conclusion ; for we professe the sword is to be drawn against no man , because he repenteth not , or beleeveth not , &c. hence baptist spitting out with other antinomians his venome against us , though no matter ( excepting the sin of it ) if he wronged not christ and his truth . for when a weak christian ( a disciple of servetus , socinus an apostate denying the lord jesus to have come in the flesh , and all the scriptures to be the word of god ) tyred of longer imprisonment and death , shall say , you say well , but how shall i prevaile with my selfe to beleeve what you say ? thus reply these miserable comforters . yeeld obedience to what is taught you , meditate on it often , desire to beleeve it , and god in time will bring you to beleeve it . then poore popery , why art thou evill spoken of ? and this is a lie ; why ? it is the spirit that teacheth us to pray , abba father . this is merit and supererogations ground-stone . answ . . what if a man void of the spirit cannot pray ; ergo , we should not advise him to pray ? is it popery to advise him so to doe ; or to pray when he wants the spirit ? sure peter taught no popery to simon magus , a man as void of the spirit as any socinian or familist , a man in the gall of bitternesse , and in the bond of iniquity , act. . . repent therefore of this thy wickednesse ( i conceive this is yeeld obedience to what is taught you , and meditate on it , and your evill wayes , and change your minde ) and pray god ( though thou hast no spirit of adoption more then a familist , who makes you beleeve hony words , or the very spirit given to his anointed ones , such as they onely ) if perhaps the thoughts of thine heart , may be forgiven thee ; and whom does the lord command , ezek. . that they would make a new heart ? i conceive such as were as unable to doe it , as to make one haire white or blacke , as the bounder saith , and this is our advice , not because we thinke they can do it without the spirit of christ , more than those that move the question , act. . . what shall we doe to be saved ? act. . . act. . . but if unconverted they may be humbled and convinced , that they are in a lost condition . and , i confesse , if antinomians will advise them to beleeve , and pray , though they have not the spirit , and to pray as they can , and beleeve as they can , and without any preparative work of the law , or sense or knowledge of sin , or sicknesse for christ , immediately and forth with , beleeve christ dyed for thee obstinate socinian , and wrote thy name in the booke of life , and beleeve thy election to life , baptist is a miserab●e comforter , and how he censureth this ; its gods absolute will and pleasure you should beleeve , and that you must necessarily beleeve upon perill of damnation● which he saith is our catechisme . i understand not , except he shew us a conditionall commandement to beleeve the gospell , and a conditionall election and reprobation , suspending gods decrees on what we are foreseen to doe , and except he deny the threatnings in the gospel which shall finde out an unbeleever , joh. . . . if the man be a weak christian or a weak beleever , when the advice of yeelding obedience , praying , desiring to beleeve is given him , appearingly he would have weak antinomians and all anointed ones loosed from all precepts , rule of obedience , and have them under no rule but the immediate impulsion of the spirit , which if it be his mind , he should have set it down , and must prove a miserable comforter in so teaching . . but are we in all these scriptures that hold forth our impotencie to beleeve , to thinke a good thought , to doe the works of righteousness , mercie , truth , chastitie , sobrietie , prescribed in the second table unable only to conceive sound opinions of god and eschew hereticall wayes , and false religions ? are we not also unable to abstain from murther , adulterie , &c. without the supernatural grace of god ? yea all these places shall prove that the ministerie of men , pastors and teachers of the word , are as unlawfull means of converting soules as the magistrates sword to beare down heresi●● o ( say they ) preaching is an ordinance of christ , and a spiritual means ordained to convert soules , the sword is nothing but a carnall humane device ! i answer it is an humane device of converting souls to shed the blood of their bodie , but it is to beg the question and not to prove it , to call it a humane device to punish ill doers , and false teachers who pervert the souls of many . . i speak to the argument , the only preaching of the word , it alone without the spirit , can no more make an hair white or black , or draw us to the son , or work repentance in sin●●rs , then the sword of the magistrate can work repentance : what can man doe ( saith the bounder ) is it not god that must give repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth ? so say i , what can preaching of man or angel doe without god , is it not god and god only who can open the heart ? therefore this is no argument against the use of the sword against false teachers , because it hath no strength against soule obstinacie to work repentance , for neither hath preaching ; but the sword hath strength and more strength against the outward man , the tongue , the pen , the profession of seducing preachers to coerce it , and to guard the flock from grievous wolves , ( for these being test●●ined , the flock is in no more danger from the conscience of the heretick , then peaceable men are in danger of the bloodie mans thoughts , hatred , heart-malice , if the magistrate tie his hands from murther and violence by the sword of god which hee beareth , rom. . ) it hath ( i say ) more force in its way , then the preaching of the word hath , in regard hereticks , men of corrupt minds , fear● men , and the sword of the magistrate , more then god ; and the threatnings of the word ; as murtherers and adulterers abstain from disturbing the peace of humane societie , more for fear of the laws of men , then for god. i grant the excessive fear is from the corruption of nature , for oderunt peccare mali formidine poenae , yet this argues that the sword is ordained of god to order the outward man in a peaceable way , both in state and church ; for lay down this ground which libertines do ; that god hath appointed no law nor rule to men of corrupt minds , to those that subvert whole houses , but their own erroneous consciences , grievous wolves may doe in the flock to waste , destroy , and pervert the flock as they please . but they are ( say libertines ) no wolves , but the lambs of christ , the anointed ones , whom presbyterians so call , and the presbiterians are the wolves , who so domineer over the consciences . i answer , this is a manifest perverting of the state of the question , and to leap from the proposition to the assumption ; for we dispute only upon the supposition , that there be wolves and seducers in a christian societie ( but who they be , presbyterian , or others , is another question ) whether or not the christian magistrate should for his part leave them to themselves , and suffer them to preach , print what blasphemies they list , and their erroneous conscience dictates to them for truths . but neither the christian magistrate not being infallible , nay nor any church on earth can judge who is the heretick , who the saint , and therefore should take on him to judge none at all to be hereticks , but should suffer tares and wheat to grow till harvest , for fear he pluck up the wheat in lieu of tares , and persecute saints under colour of justice . hence i argue in the contrary demonstratively , that liberty of conscience is unlawfull , and not of god. whatever way layeth down a principle most false and contrary to the word of god , is not of god , but must be unlawfull , but the pretended liberty of conscience is such , ergo , &c. the proposition needs no probation , that must be false that by strong consequence follows from a false principle . i prove the assumption , the prime and first principle of libertie of conscience now under the new testament is , that hereticks and seducing teachers are therefore unpunishable by the sword , because they are unknowable : the formall and that which constituteth an heretick an heretick , is in the heart , to wit , heart-contumacie , legible and obvious only to him that knows all , say the belgicks , arminians , and therefore they can neither be judged nor punished ; observe by the way , the church of thyatira must be then unjustly rebuked for suffering jezabel to seduce , and this exempteth all false teachers from church-censures , yea from rebukes , for who dares rebuke men for f●●s knowable to the almightie only who knows the heart ? . we are expressely commanded ( say libertines ) to suffer the tares , that is , hereticks to grow till harvest , because we cannot know tares from wheat , and we run the hazard ( saith iohn goodwin ) of fighting against god , and fighting against saints , and god in them ( saith saltmarsh ) when we punish hereticks . . we have not that infallible spirit , and those prophets who cannot erre , and can infallibly tel us who is the heretick , who not . . there is a great variety , and such contrarietie of judging ( say they ) what is heresie , what not , that what is heresie to one , is saving truth to another , who is as worthy to be beleeved as he ; ergo , we are all in the mist , and in a sea of uncertainties in judging who is the heretick , who the saint . . heresie is innocencie ; ergo , there is no such fault reproveable or punishable in the world , say they . but this principle that the seducer is not knowable in the new testament , is most false and contrary to scripture . . he whom the holy ghost bids as try , and not beleeve , till we try , he is knowable , but every teacher true or false , the holy ghost bids us try , thes . . . joh. . . and for this are the bercans commended , because they tryed paul and his doctrine by the scriptures , acts . . ergo , if paul had been an heretick and a false teacher , he might have been found out . . such an one as the lord forewarns us to beware of ▪ and avoid , such an one is knowable . but the lord bids us beware of false prophets and seducers , and bids us avoid them and beleeve them not , matth. . . remore of false prophets , marth . . . if any man say to you , loe here is christ , or loe there , beleeve it not : why if he teach me where christ is , if i heare not him , i refuse to hear christ , matth. . , . ergo the false christ is knowable , tit. . . an hereticke avoid , &c. when solomon saith , make not friendship with an angry man , is not the formality of anger in the heart ? if any should reply to solomon , god onely knows who is the angry man , who is the patient and meek man , therefore we will make friendship withall men , or with no man. should any say , there is no such 〈◊〉 knowable , should he not contradict the holy ghost ? so must we say , there is not such a man knowable to a mortall man as a false prophet , or an heretick ; and therefore paul doth but mocke the philippians , who were not infallible , when he writeth to them thus , beware of dogs ; and john when he saith , if any man bring not this doctrine , receive him not into your house . might not libertines say , god commandeth us to run the hazard of incroaching upon gods chaire , for who but he who knows the heart can tell who is the heretick , who not : when the lord rebukes association with theeves , robbers , slanderers , prov. . , . ps . . , holdeth he not forth that the theif , the robber , and the slanderer are knowable ? . these whom the lord rebukes , because they judge not jezabel and deceiving teachers , may know jezabel and deceiving teachers ; but the lord rebukes the church of thyatira for this , revel . . . and all other churches in them . . those that faithfull elders are to beware of , and to watch against , are knowable ; but the faithfull elders of ephesus are to watch against the incomming of grievous wolves , act. . , , . . those that the holy ghost doth forewarn the saints of , that they may be rooted in the truth , and armed against them , those are knowable . but christ for●told his people that some would come in his name , and professe so much , who yet come in their owne name . paul foretels of some who shall speake lyes in hypocrisie , and teach doctrines of devills , tim. ● ▪ and peter , pet. . , , . tele of some bringing in privily damnable heresies , doth the lord bid us judge in charity all these tares to be wheat , and their heresies truths , because we are not infallible ? and doth he foretell of such coggers and jugglers , and yet presupposeth none on earth shall be able to know them ? and if any man say familists , socinians , &c. are these men , they runne the hazard of reproaching god , notwithstanding the lord foretold us of them , and set marks upon their brows yeares agoe ? or if any now say there is a false teacher , or an heretick breathing on earth , they must either give themselves out to be infallible , and so must either be grand impostors , or then apostles and prophets living againe . and this same argument from our impotency to beleeve , was as strong in the old testament against the equity of such laws as god made against false prophets , deut. . levit. . for it was as unjust for god to command to put to death men , the frame and imaginations of whose heart , were onely evill from their youth , then , as now , because they beleeved not , and could not repent , and abstaine from prophesying in baal , and speaking lyes in the name of the lord , since hearts were no more naturally able without the grace of god to repent and beleeve under the old testament , then under the new. and upon the same reason they tell us , god must have a willing people , psal . . and obedience compelled by the sword , is no obedience at all , and far lesse is it religions obedience . to which i answer : and did not the lord require a willing people then in the old testament as now ? . did god ever accept of faith and repentance extorted through feare of a direfull sword ? . does the lord accept of compelled and forced abstinence from murther , patricide , adultery ▪ as obedience , because undeniably the sword of the magistrate doth avenge murther , adultery , parricide , rom. . m. williams a carnall weapon , a sword does produce a carnall repentant , a 〈◊〉 , an outside , as uniformity things a 〈◊〉 , what an unregenerate man does is sin , preaching , sin-preaching , breaking of bread , no betterthen the oblation of swines bloud ; ergo , the magistrate must compell men to sin , if he force the conscience by the sword. answ . the sword produceth no repentance at all , for externall repentance is no repentance either in name or thing , the lord commandeth indeed externall repentance , but precepts are not given to the outward man , as to the adequate and proper object of the commandement of god ; the magistrate indeed forbiddeth speaking of blasphemy , and teaching of lyes in the name of the lord ; but he forbiddeth not teaching of lyes , or abstinence from blaspheming in a spirituall , but in a carnall co-active by force of the sword , and externall way , because he cannot punish the spirituall and internall wayes , and manner of externall obedience , and therefore he cannot under paine of bodily censure , command and forbid these wayes of obedience , so the magistrate forbiddeth murther , but god , not the magistrate forbiddeth murther , or commandeth abstinence from killing , out of mercy and love to our neighbour ; for the magistrate cannot punish heart-hatred of our neighbour , or rash anger , but in so far as it comes out to his senses , in striking , maiming , or opprobrious speeches ; and these he can forbid , and censure and punish . so we say the magistrate is but a peece , or a bit of an ordinance ( though both lawfull and necessary , rom. . for our good ) to reform the outside , & to work outward reformation , and when he commandeth the outward man , and saith , sweare not , blaspheme not , speake not lies in the name of the lord , kill not , steale not under the paine of feeling the stroke of the sword : he commands not sinning , for though he forbid onely externall abstinence from sins that troubles the outward man , without any spirituall and internall right way of abstaining , he commands not sin and hypocrisie , perse , and kindly , and properly . . because the magistrate , as the magistrate should , and ought , as the minister of god , give commandements to the outward man , under paine of corporall punishment , not to the soule , or to the inward man. . because that externall obedience , not to kill , not to steale , not to speake lies , is good , lawfull externall obedience , to man , and profitable in the state , for the end that god hath appointed it , which is the peaceable conversing one with another , that same abstinence from killing in an unrenewed man , who abstaineth not from killing for fear of god , and love to his brethren , is a sinfull abstinence , and carnall repentance , by accident , and in relation to the law of god ; but the magistrate neither commandeth abstinence from killing , from an inward spirituall principle , nor forbiddeth he the contrary : he commandeth not abstinence from false doctrine out of the love that the messenger ows to him who purchased the flock with his bloud ; nor forbiddeth he such abstinence , but onely he commandeth abstinence from speaking lies to the people of god. . if we distinguish obedience , there is first a necessary and good , and lawfull obedience . . there is an obedience compleat and intire , and full , and sincere . outward obedience , which the magistrate commandeth , is good and lawfull , and necessary obedience , and is , in the kinde of externall and necessary obedience ( i mean ) necessary for its end , the safety of the society , not hypocriticall , unlawfull or sinfull . in this notion onely , it is commanded by the magistrate , and the omission of it unlawfull , and punishable , by the sword of the deputy , and minister of god ; but if we speake of an obedience compleat , full , and sincere ; which is required from the whole man , in order to the law of god. then the outward obedience that the magistrate demandeth is not compleat , intire , nor sincere , but in relation to the law of god , which requireth intire obedience from the whole man , soule and body , it is not full , not intire , not sincere obedience , but an outside of obedience but in this sense the magistrate doth not demand obedience to the law of god , for he hath to doe with the outward man onely , and as a magistrate hath nothing to doe with , the soule , and conscience : so than , though the magistrate command to preach sound doctrine , forbid to preach lies in the name of the lord , yet he commandeth not hypocrisie and sin ; for this argument may as well prove the magistrate should neither forbid nor punish murther , nor command abstinence from murther to an unrenewed man , for an unrenewed man cannot but abstaine from murther in a sinfull way , and his abstinence from murther in order to the spirituall law of god , is no better then the oblation of swines bloud , and the cutting off of a dogs head to god , esa . . , . as is all externall obedience of either tables of the law , first , or second , without faith , and spirituall inward morall principles , and heart-obedience , and mr. williams cannot answer this argument , but by the principles of anabaptists , familists , and enthysiasts , who say all outward ordinances , ministery , preaching sacraments , yea preachers and magistrates , who command outward obedience to god are unlawfull , now under the new testament . so mr. dell denies all reformation , but heart-reformation . other reformation beside this in the heart , i know none , and gospel-reformation onely mindeth the reformation of the heart ; then away with preaching , laws , the sword , synods . gospel-reformation ( saith he ) is inward , layes hold upon the heart , soule , and inner man , and changes and renewes that , doth not much busie it selfe about outward formes , or externall conformity , but onely mindes the conformity of the heart ; for when the heart is right with god , the outward formes cannot be amisse . christ saith touching the worship of the new testament , god is a spirit , and they that worship him , must worship him in spirit and truth ; he speakes not one word of any outward formes , so that , god in the gospel-reformation aimes at nothing but the heart . so the father of the familists , impure h. nicholas . if i could give all my goods to the poor , &c. if i have not love , it is not any thing to me ; that is , whosoever hath not christ , he is without god , and without righteousnesse in this world , i mean the being like christ , which is conceived through the power of the holy ghost , and not any ceremoniall christ , which one man speaketh to another , or promiseth to another , through his ceremoniall service ; which he , out of his prudency , according to his fleshly minde setteth up : o no , the worke or begetting of god commeth not so ●lenderly to passe as men now at this time teach each other out of their unregenerate spirit ; he meaneth by men now at this time , protestants who conjoyne pauls planting , and the watering of apollos , with the working of the spirit , whereas this impostor taketh him to the latter , and railes against the former , as a ceremoniall and fleshly christ . see more of this in del , theologia germanica , rise and reigne of antinomians , bullinger , calvin , towne , the antino●ian sal●marsh . upon this ground , samuel gortyn , right down , denies all magistracy , learning , books , libraries , lawes , and he hath reason so to do , for magistracy , because it is a carnall ordinance , cannot produce inward and spirituall repentance , therefore magistrates upon the same ground cannot coerce nor punish hereticks , since heresie is a spirituall evill , which cannot be remedied by a sword of steal , for god onely can enlighten the minde . . if therefore this argument be good , neither can the externall preaching of the word be a lawfull ordinance , for god onely gives repentance ; the preaching of the word without the spirit , can but produce a carnall repentance , and the bounder may cry downe all preaching of the word , if he but change the word magistrate , into the word preacher , or ambassadour , for this course of preaching by men , may lay a stumbling ( i speake in his words ) in every mans way , to prophane the things of god , by doing them out of obedience to men , ( that are but earthen vessels ) not to god. if he say , that is by accident , because men , look to men , as men , and not to god , whose word men carry . so say i , mens abstaining from doing violence and murther , which the magistrate forbids , may infer god , hath given no power to the magistrate to forbid murther and adultery ; for men may so prophane the sixt command , and abstaine from murther because the magistrate forbids it , not because god forbids it in the sixt commandement . and the preaching of the word may be art downe errours , so long as a man sound in the faith preacher● but when there ariseth a corrupt teacher , a ●●ara●h , that knew not joseph , errours shall walke on every side , and that not by permission , but by ▪ commandement . now this is the reasonlesse reason of the 〈◊〉 , against the coercive power of magistrates , these men argue ever , from the abused power of a magistrate , and from persecution , to prov● hereticks ought not to be punished , as if punishing of false teachers were persecution , which they can never prove . but to goe on , that cannot be the way of god which necessarily inferreth the darkeness , inevidence , and inextricable difficultie of understanding the scriptures . but such is the way of libertie of conscience ; ergo. the proposition is clear , for if god hath not sufficiently cleared the way to heaven , but left a testament that men may expound to be the pathway to life eternall , and the just contrary a pathway to life eternall , then shall men know certainly no safe way to life eternall , and the scriptures shall not make men inexcusable , contrary to hos . . . and . . psal . . , , , . ezek. . , . luke . , , . joh. . . and . . tim. . , . psal . . . prov. . , , . deut. . , . matth. . , , . . . papists shall be in better case then we , for though they say that the scriptures are darke and obscure , and admit of themselves divers and contrary senses , so that we cannot bottome our faith on them , yet the juridical interpretation of the church is to men a ground of faith , and that is the ground of faith which the church giveth , as the only true sense of scripture . the assumption is clear , because libertines suppose that the sense of scripture can be undeniably known to none : what is to one saint a ground of faith , the just contradicent to another is a ground of faith , and what sense to one saint is an article of saving faith , to another is a damnable heresie ; and both are to be tolerated , neither corrected nor punished , for since neither are infallible , neither can deserve rebukes or rods , nor punishment civill or ecclesiasticall ; because knowing of the word of god in scripture is not in our freewill , but natural , and whatsoever sense the word offers to the understanding true or false , the man cannot be guilty in receiving the false sense , because he is not punishable therefore , as libertines argue ; and what then should hinder but jewes may be saved in their sense of the old testament , who yet deny christ to be come in the flesh ? nor are they to bee rebuked , far lesse to be punished by god or man therefore , because cor. . in reading of the old testament a vaile is over their heart , and if it be injustice in the magistrate to punish men for errors which they cannot eschew ; can the righteous judge of the world punish them therefore ? ergo , in such errors they are innocent and sin not , and if this bee said , what should hinder others to be saved by beleeving the contrary sense of the old testament ? and the like may be said of the new testament ; and so all hereticks and sectaries receiving the scriptures , as pharisees , sadduces , herodians , papists , socinians , &c. shall be saved every man in his own religion , and the sense of this , eschew an heretick , to a saint must be , eschew the company of an heretick ; to another saint it is , adhere to , and converse with the same saint , for he is no heretick but sound in the saith , and it falsely supposed to be an heretick , and the scripture upon this ground hath two contradictorie senses , which being beleeved and practised , must save , and revealeth two contradictorie wills of god , and every man may take scripture as his minde apprehends it ; and whereas the scripture makes it self the judge and determiner of all questions and controversies in religion : this way leaves all questions to every mans conscience , to the conscience of a jew , of a turk , of an american , of a papist , the old testament as expounded by a jew is his conscience , the old and new testament as the popish church expound it , is their rule of faith , and the scripture lifting up christ , and casting down christ , and speaking with a hundred divers and contrary tongues , is every mans obliging rule ; and because there is no man infallible in taking up the right sense of the scripture , if yee controll the jew , or put him off his sense of the old testament , which yeelds him this faith , maries son is a false lying prophet , the apostles and all the martyrs are but cousening impostors , yea domineer over the conscience and force his faith , because yee are not infallible , ye may not condemn the way of any , for yee know not but they be the wheat , and you the t●res , for ought that scripture saith on either side : never man in this life is sure of his faith and salvation from scripture , and since the jew may be wheat , if ye would go to raze his faith , you go to pluck up the wheat before the harvest , and suppose we and all the jewes were converted to the christian faith , and if we conceive pauls prophecie concerning them rom. ● to be fulfilled , they shall be converted , yet . we are not infallible , but live upon our fancies and conjectures , touching the meaning of rom. . say libertines . . suppose the fulness of the gentiles be converted to christ , and we among them , and all the jewes , and that in our daies the earth be filled with the knowledge of the lord , and that all the sons of zion be taught of god , and that the wildernesse blossome as a rose , and the light of the moon be as the light of the sun , and the light of the sun be seven-fold , as the light of seven daies , and that all the glorious prophecies in isaiah , zechariah , and the rest be fulfilled in our daies , yet by the doctrine of libertines , all these are but to us , for any certaintie we have , night fancies and dreames of crazie and feaver-sick heads : for master john goodwin , undeniably the learnedst and most godly man of that way , hath said in a marginall note , of men for piety and learning , i cannot admire enough . the vindicators call the denying of scriptures to be the word of god a damnable heresie , and we have no certainty that the scriptures of the old and new testament which we now have , either the english translation , or the originall of hebrew and greek copies are the word of god. so then holding the scriptures to be the word of god in either of these two senses , or significations of the words ( either translations , or originall ) can with no tolerable pretext or colour be called a foundation of christian religion , unlesse their foundations be made of the credit , learning and authoritie of men . because there is need to wonder , by the way , at this , let the reader observe , that libertines resolve all our faith , and so the certaintie of our salvation on paper and inke ; and mr. john goodwin will allow us no foundation of faith , but such as is made of grammers and characters , and if the scripture be wrong pointed , or the printer drunke , or if the translation slip , then our faith is go●e : whereas the meanes of conveying the things beleeved may be fallible , as writing , printing , translating , speaking , are all fallible meanes of conveying the truth of old and new testament to us , and yet the word of god in that which is delivered to us is infallible , . for let the printer be fallible , . the translation fallible . . the grammer fallible . . the man that readeth the word or publisheth it fallible , yet this hindreth not but the truth it self contained in the written word of god is infallible ; i suppose four men who shall shew to a wife her husband among ten thousands , all four fallible and may mistake , yet when they have brought the husband to the wife , it cannot follow that the wife doth not certainly and as infallibly know her own husband by his tongue , voice , countenance , proportion of body and statute , as one can know another without any danger of mistake : so it comes to the eares of a man born blind , joh. . there is a prophet called iesus the son of marie , who will infallibly and indeclinably restore sight to this blind man , yet the fame and report by which this is carried to the mans notice and knowledge is fallible , all men standing truly , that which the lord reporteth of them , liars , and such as can be deceived , yet it is no consequence that iesus doth restore the man to his sight in a way subject to miscarrying , and declinably , and upon a fallible hazard , so as he may goe as blind from iesus as he came to him : now in the carrying of the doctrine of the prophets and apostles to our knowledge , through printers , translators , grammer , pens , and tongues of men from so many ages , all which are fallible , we are to look to an unerring and undeclinable providence , conveying the testament of christ , which in it self is infallible and begs no truth , no authoritie either from the church as papists dreame , or from grammer , characters , printer , or translator , all these being adventitious , and yesterday accidents to the nature of the word of god , and when mr. goodwin resolves all our faith into a foundation of christian religion ( if i may call it religon ) made of the credit , learning and authority of men , he would have mens learning and authoritie either the word of god , or the essence and nature thereof , which is as good as to include the garments and cloathes of man , in the nature and definition of a man , and build our faith upon a paper foundation , but our faith is not bottomed or resolved upon these fallible meanes . but what arguments have bellarmine , stapleton , gr●●serus , becam●s , 〈◊〉 , valentia , the councel of tr●nt , and other papists to make good that the church of sound catholikes ( who if they could fill their chaire ) are of more authoritie then printers or particular men , translators of the scripture ? for they lead us from the written word as mr. goodwin doth , and say the church giveth authoritie to the word of god , and resolve our faith upon the testimonie of the church ( saith tann●rus ) as the infallible rule of faith , on the authority of the church ( saith bellarmine ) quoad explicationem & quoad nos , in regard of our beleeving on god , not simply revealing , but so and so revealing ( saith stapleton ) by his church &c. so as we know not that god hath revealed his truth , but by , and for the infallible proposal of the church saith gregorius de valentia ) on the authoritie of the first veritie , god revealing himselfe as the principle and first cause of faith ( saith ioan. de lugo ) and malderus ) and on the authoritie of the church as they are men eminent for miracles , as in that which is first beleeved ut in primo creditum , and the only infallible rule of faith , say suarez , aegid , connick , lod. maeratius , and. duvallius , fr. silvius , lod. caspensis ? all which speak fairer for the credit of faith in words , then mr. iohn goodwin , who raiseth our faith no higher then the english grammer , the printer , the learning and authoritie of men . . we beleive that christ is god man , not for the authoritie of men , and so of the rest of the articles of our faith , because christ saith iohn . . ye sent unto iohn , and he bare witness to the truth . v. . but i receive not testimony from men , on which word chrysostome saith . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i need not ( saith our saviour ) the testimonie of men , 〈◊〉 i am god , but because ye give more heed unto iohn , and beleeve him to be most worthy of all of credit , and ye come to him as a prophet , i speak this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who will then receive mr goodwins testimonie , who gives us nothing for faith but fluctuation of opinion , and some topick grounds from mens credit , learning and authoritie , that the scripture is the word of god , and turnes all our faith into fancie . . the scripture resolves our faith on , thus saith the lord , the only authoritie that all the prophets alledge , and paul , thes . . . for this cause also thanke we god without ceasing because when yea received the word of god which ye heard of us , ye received it not as the word of man ( made of mens credit and learning ( as mr. goodwin saith ) but ( as it is in truth ) the word of god. . weak , dry , and saplesse should be our faith , all our patience and consolations of the scriptures , rom. . . all our hope on the word of god , ps . , , , , . all our certainty of faith , if it were so as mr. goodwin averreth . but we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a more sure word of prophesie , surer then that which was heard on the mount for our direction , and the establishing of our faith , pet. . . joh. . . search the scriptures , for they bear witnesse of me ; let them be judge between the jews and me , whether i be the son of god or no , for they beare witnesse of me : now if we have no better warrant , that the books of the old and new testament , that we now have , to wit , the originall of hebrew and greek and translations are the word of god , then that which is made of the credit of the authority and learning of men , then must all our comfort of beleeving be grounded upon this mans , and this mans grammar and skill , in hebrew , greek , latine , english , a●d he is not infallible in any of these . and must our lively hope be bottomed on mens credit and learning ? then for any thing we know on the contrary , we have but dreams , opinions , and at best , mans word , for the word of god , and how is the word of prophesie a more sure word ; for these were written and translated prophesies , of which peter speaketh ; mr. goodwin and libertines , who put heaven and christ , and the lively hope of our inheritance , to the conjectures of doubting scepticks could well reply to peter , the word of prophesie cannot be sure ; for we have no certainty that the scriptures of the prophets , of the old and new testament , which we have either hebrew or greek copies of , are the word of god , but undoubtedly christ appealeth to the scriptures as to the onely judge of that controversie , between him and the jewes , whether the son of mary was the eternall son of god , and the saviour of the world , he supposed the written scriptures which came through the hands of fallible printers and translatours , and were copies at the second , if not at the twentieth hand from the first copy of moses and the prophets , and so were written by sinfull men , who might have miswritten and corrupted the scripture , yet to be a judge and a rule of faith , and fit to determine that controversie and all others , and a judge de facto , and actually preserved by a divine hand from errours , mistakes and corruptions , else christ might , in that , appealed to a lying judge , and a corrupt and uncertaine witnesse ; and though there be errours of number , genealogies , &c. of writing in the scripture , as written or printed , yet we hold providence watcheth so over it , that in the body of articles of faith , and necessary truths , we are certaine with the certainty of faith , it is that same very word of god , having the same speciall operations of enlightning the eyes , converting the soule , making wise the simple , as being lively , sharper then a two-edged sword , full of divinity , life , majesty , power , simplicity , wisdome , certainty , &c. which the prophets of old , and the writings of the evangelists , and apostles had . m. goodwins argument makes as much against christ , and the apostles , as against us , for they could never in all their sermons and writings so frequently , bottome and found the faith on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is written in the prophets , as david saith , as isaiah saith , and hosea , as daniel saith , as moses and samuel , and all the prophets beare witnesse , if they had had no other certainty , that the writings of the prophets , that came to their hands , was the very word of god , but the credit , learning and authority of men , as mr. goodwin saith , for sure christ and the apostles , and evangel●sts , had not the authentick and first copies of moses and the prophets , but only copies written by men , who might mistake , printers and translators not being then , more then now , immediately inspired prophets , but fallibly men , and obnoxious to failings , mistakes and ignorance of ancient hebraismes , and force of words ; and if ye remove an un●rring providence , who doubts but men might adde a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or substract , and so vitiate the fountaine sense ? and omit points , change consonants , which in the hebrew and greek , both might quite alter the sense : nor can any say , christ and the apostles being infallible , could well cite the prophets , without a mistake , though the copies might have been vitiate and corrupt . . because the very citing of these testimonies by christ and his apostles , made them scripture , and so of infallible authority ; but our citing of them , ( since both , printers and translatours are not immediately inspired , and we also might erre ) cannot adopt them into canonicall and authentick scripture , such as was first written by the immediately inspired prophets . i shall answer , that first , this objection presumeth , that christ and the apostles might , and did finde errours , and mis-printings even in written scripture , which might reduce the church in after ages to an invincible ignorance in matters of faith , and yet they gave no notice to the church thereof ; or if there was no errour , de facto , then for so many hundred yeares , yet there are now substantiall errours , and so soule , that it may be , we have no word of god , at all , amongst us , and god hath no church , no beleever on earth , but we must all take the word of printers and translatours , which is meerly the word of man : and what is become of all the martyrs , that suffered by the bloudy woman babel ? they dyed for meer conjectures and opinions , for they had not the first originall copies of moses , and the prophets , yea stephen the first martyr , who according to all our copies act. . addeth five to moses his soules , that went downe to egypt , in that glorious sermon that he hath before his death , when he sealed the truth with his bloud , and dyed gloriously , and said , lord jesus receive my spirit , dyed but upon the faith of mens fallible skill in grammer , printing and writing , for he citeth the writings of moses to his enemies that stoned him , according to the copies that they then had ; who would quickly have controlled him , if he had cited false copies , and stephens owne testimony was contraverted , and therefore except we say , that stephen and christ , and the apostles , cited the testimonies of the prophets as they were then obvious to the eyes and reading of both the people of god , and the enemies , and that not simply , as their owne words which they spake as immediately inspired , but as the testimony of the prophets , according to the then written copies , we must say they spake not ingeniously the truth of god , for it was against truth , candour , ingenuity , to christ and the apostles to say , as it is written in your law , jo. . . and so often it is written , if they would not have the hearers to receive , with certainty of faith . and full assurance free from all doubting , and feare of humaue fallibility , that what they cited as written , was undoubtedly the same very truth of god , and no other , which moses and the prophets spoke and wrote ; and if they would not have them to read , search , and beleeve these same scriptures , and to conceive that they drew arguments in the new testament to prove and confirme their doctrine , from that which was written by moses and the prophets in the old testament , and would not have them to beleeve them , onely because new testament writers immediately inspired , had so said . . if god will have us to try and examine all spirits , all doctrines , by the scriptures written , then are we certainly assured , that the books we now have , of the old and new testament , are the very word of god , though we cannot , by any possibility , have the first and originall authentick copies of moses and the prophets and apostles ; because . god would not bid us try , and then leave us no rule to try withall , but our owne naturall light , which must lead us into darknesse . . the visible church should not be guilty of unbeleefe , if the written word were not among us , or then christ and his apostles speaking to us , as is cleare , joh. . . rom. . , . matth. . , . the assumption is cleare by the commended practise of the bereans , who tryed pauls doctrine , by the scriptures , act. . see rivetus , whitaker , calvin . . by the command of god , thess . . . joh. . . try all things , try the spirits . . john would not call those blessed who read and hear , rev. . . nor would paul recommend reading to timothy , and continuance in the doctrine of the scriptures , and so extoll the necessity and utility of the scripture , and the indwelling of the word of god in us , as he doth , tim. . . tim. , , . col. . . nor could the things written by john c. . . by moses and the prophets , luke . , , . be holden forth as sufficient to bring soules to heaven , and to cause them eschew hell , if it were true , that we have no certainty that the scriptures of the old and new testament are the very word of god , but such as is made of mens credit and learning . . yea and so , what god spake immediately to abraham , moses , and the prophets , could not be infallibly and by certainty of faith to them the word of god ; for if god spake to them in a language intelligible , they had no certainty of faith , that the words that came from god , did signifie thus and thus ; for sure , god , by immediate inspiration , taught them not grammar , and significations of words , and those that read the law written by gods finger on two tables of stone , those who heard moses and the prophets preach in their mother-tongue even the jewes , who read the originall first hebrew copy of moses and the prophets , must have had no warrant , that , that was the word of god , but the authority of father , mother , and nurses , who first taught them their mother-tongue , for sure the prophets were not school-masters to teach them hebrew ; so by this learning there was never since the world was , any certainty of faith , but such conjecturall humane and fallible opinions in all the matters of god , as is resolved ultimately ( saith mr. goodwin ) into mens fallible and topicke authority and skill of grammar , and all divine faith is perished out of the earth : nay there never could be any divine faith on earth , except god by a supernaturall power taught men first grammar , and then to beleeve , for which we have no warrant , so all our faith must bee dreams . and since mr. goodwin acknowledgeth a supernaturall power of the spirit of grace to beleeve ; what else doth this spirit cause us beleeve , but lyes ? or at best phancies resolved into humane credit ? which may be false for any certainty of knowledge that libertines allow us ? yea confident i am ( saith mr. goodwin ) that the wisest and most learned of them , are not able clearly or demonstratively , to informe the magistrate and judge , what blasphamy , and what idolatry it was , which was , by god , sentenced to death under the law. but so mr. goodwin in accusing our darknesse , and in freeing the magistrate of a duty he ow● to god and the church , layeth obscurity on the scripture , as papists doe , though for another end : and i am as confident there was some soro●●y , some wilfull murther , some incest , some plea 〈…〉 and bloud , stroak and stroak , some adultery sentenced by god to be punished by the sword , that mr. jo. goodwin is not able clearly and demonstratively to informe the magistrate of . and by this argument , murther , sorcery , incest , and adultery , ought not to be punished by the sword . can mr. jo. goodwin demonstratively informe us , what be the false prophets , matth. . the grievous wolves , act. . the heretick , tit. . . that we are not to beleeve , but to avoid ? and by this argument we must not beware of them , nor avoid them , since they are unknowable . dr. jer. taylor layeth downe the same ground for tolerating papists , socinians , familists , and all the dreaming prophets on earth , because of the difficulty there is of expounding scripture , and all the means and wayes of comming to the true sense thereof , are fallible . there is variety of reading , various interpunction , a parenthesis , a letter , an acce●● may much alter the sense . answ . may not reading , interpunction , a parenthesis , a letter , an acc●m , alter the sense of all fundamentalls in the decalogue ? of the principles of the gospel ? and turne the scripture in all points ( which mr. doctour restricts to some few darker places , whose senses are off the way to heaven , and lesse necessary ) in a field of problemes , and turne all beleeving into digladiations of wits ? all ou● comforts of the scriptures into the reelings of a wind-mill , and pha●cies of seven moons at once in the firmament ? this is to put our faith and the first fruits of the spirit , and heaven and hell to the presse . but though printers and pens of men may erre , it followeth not that heresies should be tolerated , except we say , that our faith is ultimately resolved upon characters , and the faith of printers . we must say , we have not the cleare and infallible word of god , because the scripture comes to our hand , by fallible means , which is a great inconsequence , for though scribes , trans●atours , grammarians , ●rimers , may all erre , it followeth not that an erring providence of him that hath seven eyes , hath not delivered to the church , the scriptures containing the infallible truth of god. say that baruth might erre in writing the prophesie of jeremiah , it followeth not that the prophesie of jeremiah , which we have , is not the infallible word of god ; if all translatours and printers did their alone watch o●er the church , it were something , and if there were not one with seven eyes to care for the scripture . but for tradition , councells , popes , fathers , they are all fallible means , and so far forth to be beleeved , as they bring scripture with them . dr. taylor tells us of many inculpable causes of errour ; the variety of humane understanding , what is plaine to one , is ●bscure to another . grego●ies and ambroses missall were both laid upon the altar a whole night , to try which of them god would miraculously approve . by the morrow m●●tins , the missall of greg●ry was found t●rne in peeces , and throwne upon the church , and ambroses found open in a posture to be read . the miracle was expounded , that ambroses missall was to be received . dr. taylor saith , that he would expound it , that gregories missall was to be preferred , and to be spread through the world . answ . i have read of no faultlesse causes of errour , nor of any invincible errour in things that we are to beleeve and know by vertue of a divine commandement ; for this is a speciall false principle , that to know god , as he hath revealed himselfe in his word , is not commanded of god in his word . because to this david exhorteth solom●n , and shall solom●n my son know the lord , chron. . . and when the apostle bids as be renewed in the spirits of our mind , ephes . . . rom. . . and growing in knowledge is recommended , pet. . . cor. . . prov. . . and is set downe as a blessing , esa . . . exod. . . prov. . . hos . . . it s sure to know god , and his revealed will in his word must oblige us . the end of the revealed will is to know god , deut. . . . prov. . . . the first command injoyneth all worship internall , and externall , as to know god , hosea . . jer. . . jer. . . kings . . chron. . . and reason , the mind be under the law of god , as will and affections 〈◊〉 . . there is a connexion between the minde and other faculties , or affections , a corrupt minde is often conjoyned with a guilty conscience , and faith and a pure conscience go together , tim. . . tim. . ● . pet. ● . , . keep the one , and you shall the more easily keep the other , make shipwrack of faith , and a good conscience cannot swim safe to land , and the will , and rebellious affections , and lusts have influence upon the actuall and habituall blinding of the minde , in that men walking after their lusts are quickly blinded in their minde , and the judgement depraved , . pet. . . they are willingly ignorant , and so refuse to know god. . turne away their ear from the law , refuse the means of the knowing of god , and dig not for wisdome , as for silver , hate knowledge , prov. . . c. . , , , , . . blinde their owne minds and shut their eyes , esa . . . matth. . , . ezek. . . deut. . , . object . all these places do well prove that to be unwilling to know god is a sinne , but not that the simply minde-ignorance of god is sinne . answ . and why is it sin to be unwilling to know god , which the word commandeth , if not to know god be not sinfull as to be willing not to fear , not to love , not to hope in god , not to obey god , not to love our neighbour is sin , as well as not to fear , not to love god , are sins ? therefore what is truth in it selfe , and revealed to bee truth in the scripture , if it appeare an untruth to another , the cause of that is not inculpable ( as d. taylor saith ) as if the letter of the scripture tendred it selfe darke and un●●plicable to us without our fault . but the wisdome of god ( we beleeve ) in the scripture , is plaine , to those that open their eyes , otherwise heresie should not onely be no sinne , contrary to the word of god , tit. . . tim. . . . tim. . , . tim. . , , , . but an innocent apprehension of apparent truth , as there is no guiltinesse in an eye vitiated with humours mis-apprehending colours that are white ; and seeing them to be red when they are not so . and for that way of trying the two missalls , they are but doting fools , that would chuse either of them ; for the word of god may judge them both to be corrupt and superstitious , and their trying which of the two was best , by a miracle , was a foolish and phantasticall tempting of god , much like chilingsworths decyding of controversies of religion , by lotry , because scripture , reason , councells , fathers , doctors , tradition , are all insufficient , which sure is d●rogatory to the worth and perfection of scripture , which maketh the simple wise , ps . . and must shew the man that erreth , his errour , if he shut not his eyes at light . dr. taylor saith , covetousnesse is often is cause of heresie . thebulis , quia rejectus ab episcopatu ●ierosolymitano , turbare capit ecclesiam , saith egesippus in eusebius , tertullian turned montanist for missing the bishopricke of garthage , after aggrippinus , and so did montanus , for the same discontent , saith nicephorus , novatu● would have been bishop of rome ; donatus of car●●age , arri●s of alexandria , aerius of sebastia ; socrates said asterius did frequent the conventicles of the arrians , nam episcopatum nliquem ambiebat . let the errour be never so great , if it be not against an ar●●cle of the creed , if it be simple , and have no confederation with the personall iniquity of the man , the opinion is as innocent as the person ; though perhaps as false as he is ignorant , and therefore shall burne , though he himselfe escape . the man cannot by humane judgement be counted an heretick , unlesse his opinion be an open recession , from plaine demonstrative authority ( which must needs be notorious , voluntary , vincible , and criminall ) or that there be a palpable serving of an end accidentall and extrinsecall to the opi●ion , but these ends spirituall are hard to be discerned . the opinion of purgatory though false , being neither fundamentally false , nor practically impious , is no heresie . ans . . i am not so uncharitable of tertullian , as dr. taylor , for aerius he maintained no heresie , i hope , episcopacy is no article of faith . . i know no errour in the matters of god speculative , but the lord forbids it in his word . if every thing written be written for our instruction , fundamentall , or non-fundamentall as all the scripture 〈◊〉 , we are under a commandement of god , we ( i say ) who live in the visible church , are to know all , and beleeve all things written , be they fundamentall or no , for god hath written them all for us ; ergo , the ignorance of any thing written is a sin , and a breach of a command , and so 〈…〉 errour , happy are these that know and do . now under doing , i comprehend the faith of the trinity , and the most of articles , touching christ , which do practically concern me , because i sin , if i doe not both know and beleeve them , else they are written as aristotles acroamaticks the ignorance of which in an unlette●ed man ( i suppose ) is no breach of a divine command , and i conceive the ignorance of the stories in the old and new testament , of pauls leaving his cloak at troas is a sin , in all within the visible church , for that the holy ghost hath written these not for the instruction of one ; but of all who heare or may heare of them , within the visible church . . no error , except of the article of the creed is arraigned as heresie by the doctor , but he meaneth by error ignorance and mis-beleif both ; for i hope the doctors charitis will not send all to hell , many godlie there may be who have much ignorance of god , who know not , or are simply ignorant of some of the twelve articles of the creed , and of some of the ten commandements , if therefore error here doth include not beleeving , as heresie must necessarily doe , the pertinacious mis-beleeving and denying of many stories in the bible , as of the deluge , dividing of the red sea , preserving of ionah alive in the whales belly , raising of lazarus , ( if obstinacie be added ) must be no lesse heresie and an open belying of the god of truth , then the denying of an article of the creed , for the authoritie of god who commands us to know the one as well as the other , is in both despised , when we are ignorant of either . . it is to beg the question , to say that any error in the matters written to us in our lords testament , which so much concerneth both our knowledge and practise , can be simple errors and have no confederation with personall iniquity , for it is as much as if not to read our husbands love-letter from end to end , or to cause to read it , if it comes to the wives hard , were not our sin against our husband christ , whereas to be ignorant of any thing in it , and mis-beleeve , it is sinfull ignorance , and naturall blindness , so the doctor makes sin so innocent as to have no consideration with sin . . to say the opinion shall burne though himself ●●cape , is to expound the place cor. . , , , . most corruptly in a n●w glosse of the doctors own , as if hay and stubb●● that is , vaine and unprofitable opinions , that are builded upon the foundation christ , were not sinful opinions in the matters of god , when as they are hay and stubble to be b●ent . . because they are against a commandment , that every man is to take heed , how , or what he is to build on the foundation , v. . but he that builds hay and stubble obeyes not that commandement , but let every one take heed how hee buildeth thereupon . . building hay and stubble , that is , vain and fruitless opinions upon the foundation , is privatively opposed to building of gold , silver , and precious stones , vers . . but that is a work of faith , and such a work as shall abide , and have a reward , v. . . the work that shall be brought to judgement , and made manifest so , as it shall be burnt with fire , and shall be judged to bee a fruitlesse work , must be sin . but the building of 〈◊〉 and stubble upon the 〈◊〉 christ is such a work , v. , , . and that the man himself shall be saved , because that by faith he is builded upon the foundation christ , but the work burnt with fire , will no more prove that the building of hay is not sin , then that peters j●daizing , and davids adul●●ry and murther were not fins , because peter and david are saved , for the apostle there compares the apostles to builders , ( as before he compared them to 〈◊〉 , v. , , . ) and the preaching of doctrine to a building , and he makes christ the foundation of the building , and two sorts of super-structures ; good doctrine , and that is gold and silver , and vain and unedifying toyes added to the doctrine of christ , 〈◊〉 hay and stubble ; now he makes the judgement that trieth all doctrine to be fire , ( whether it be the last judgement , or fierie afflictions , it is no great matter ) our good doctrine will bide the tryall of the fire and not be consumed , and the man rewarded for his so building , and bad doctrine will be burns , and not abide the lords fire when it is tryed , for false doctrine will vanish in the day of tryall , and yeeld the sower of such doctrine no comfort , yet he himself keeping the foundation christ shall be saved , but he shall be ●eded and 〈◊〉 afflicted for his fruitlesse building , so the day seems to be the day of tryal and fiery persecution coming on all the preachers of the gospel , to try the● and their doctrine , as rev. . . the place smels nothing of p●●gato●ie fire , and the most judicious interpreters , even es●ins 〈◊〉 papist , ●●pounds i● well of the lords trying of the sons of levi , mal. . . i will not say amen to dr. taylor , that to count a man an heretick , his opinion must be a plaine upon recession from demonstrative authority , which must needs be voluntary vincible , and criminall , for the sadduces were wilfull , obstinate hereticks in denying the resurrection of the dead , a principall article of faith ; yet it is not clear that their opinion was an open recession from : demonstrative authority . the doctor will not call christs arg●ing : god is the god of dead abraham . ergo , the dead must live againe , matth. . demonstrative . we may have as much naturall blindnesse , as we can hardly see the truth of christs ascention to heaven , and comming againe to judge the quicke and dead , by demonstrative authority from scripture , yet those in the visible church , denying these articles of faith , are hereticks , though there may be degrees of voluntarinesse and obstinacy in hereticks . . that there must be vinciblenesse in all heresie is anobiguous , in the doctors sense , for by vinciblenesse , i take , he means , such vinciblenesse whereby none , by their owne industry and strength of freewill may , if they be not wanting to that grace which is denyed to none , ( as arminians say ) attaine to the light of such consequences , as hereticks wilfully deny . if this be his meaning , he is a friend to pelagius . . if he take vincible , as opposed to invincible ignorance , he popishly then saith , that the scripture offereth to us many things whereof we may be invincibly ignorant . now invincible ignorance , protestants acknowledge onely , in matters of fact , or of gospel-truths never so much as in the letter revealed , as heathens may be invincibly ignorant of christ , and their ignorance not be sinfull , as joh. . . and jacob was invincibly ignorant , in lying with leah , instead of rachel . there can be no such vinciblenesse , or invinciblenesse , in an heretick that hears the gospel , for who ever heare the gospel , and yet remaine ignorant , their ignorance is not invincible , nulla est invincibilis ignorantia juris . . the opinion of purgatory , though it were no heresie ( as the doctor saith , and bringeth no argument to prove it ) yet is not simply , a finlesse errour in such as know , or ought to know ( since the scripture is before their eyes ) that . there is no word of god to warrant it . . since the word , in the parable of lazarus , and the rich glutton , sheweth us , what abideth all men , immediately after they dye , that the bodies of all goe to the earth , and one way or other are buried , and the souls either to heaven or hell , and this he saith of all mankinde . . because all receive either their good things , or their evill , of suffering in this life . . all men are such , as if they beleeve not moses and the prophets , will not beleeve though one rise from the dead . . christ should be unperfect in this place , and in all other places , who should not tell us of a third doom , befalling some after they are dead and buried : where their bodies that were instruments of sin , as the rich gluttons tongue was of gluttony , should be tormented , for their veniall sinnes ; yea and purgatory dwells door-neighbour with covetousnesse , if the doctor remembers that soul-masses to romish masse-mongers , as well as durges , requiems , m●sses , are not a little gainfull . . nor is there any errour of things revealed by the wise lawgiver in scripture , which is meerly speculative , in order to gods end , his glory . it is no lesse derogatory to the lawgivers glory not to beleeve , a virgin shall conceive and bear a son , and , there is one god in three persons , then to kill our brother , though the former be more speculative , farther from the experiments of humane affairs ( as he speaketh ) and more difficult and remoter from humane observation , then the other . object . . errours are then ( saith he ) made sins , when they are contrary to charity , or inconsistent with a good life , or the honour of god. answ . not to beleeve what god saith , is inconsistent with his honour : for nothing intrinsecally is inconsistent with the honour of god , not the eating of the tree of knowledge , no simple act of loving , fearing , beleeving , all are inconsistent with , or agreeable to the honour of god , because he commands , or forbids them . object . . no mans person is to be charged with the odious consequences of his opinion , though the doctrine may be therefore charged , because if he did see the consequences , and then avow them , his person is chargeable with them . answ . the very opinion it selfe may be a blasphemy , by consequence , though the man see it not to be blasphemy : will the doctor say , hymeneus , and alexander , did make shipwrack of faith and blaspheme , because they said the resurrection was past ? yet paul tim. . , . chargeth the persons with blasphemy ; and can the doctor deny that hymeneus , and philetus , increased unto more ungodlinesse , and that their word did eat as a canker , in saying , that the resurrection was past ? which yet paul chargeth on them , tim. . , , . and those that taught circumcision are charged as perverters of soules , act. . yet they but perverted soules , by consequence . the like may be said of such , as paul said tell from christ , and lost all benefit in christ , if they were circumcised , gal. . . it may be they would retract the heresie , if they saw the blasphemies to follow by strong consequence , and it may be not , since they are selfe-condemned . but , sure , the lord chargeth the persons of men as making god a lyar , who beleeve not his truth , and he chargeth epicurisme , let us eat and drinke , for to morrow we shall dye , cor. . on the persons that deny the resurrection : and if the doctrine be a lye , i wonder , how these that lye of god ( since god commandeth to know , and beleeve whatever he saith in his word ) can be innocent . object . if no simple errour condemne us before the throne of god , since god is so pitifull to our crimes , that he pardons many de toto , & de integro , he will far lesse demand an account of our weaknesse ; the strongest understanding cannot pretend immunity from being deceived . answ . then though christ said , joh. . except ye beleeve , that i am b● , ye shall dye in your sins , and he that beleeveth not is condemned already : he chargeth no man guilty of unbeleefe , that heareth the gospel for simple not beleeving but then we are commanded to beleeve no truth that god speaketh , to know no truth , but onely to know it with an inclination of heart , love , and will , toward the commander , and so the minde , and understanding faculty , the noblest , and most excellent peece in the soule must be left lawlesse and free in its operations , from all hazard of guilt or sinne . . if this argument be good , sinnes of infirmities , and of weaknesse , must be no sin . idle words cannot come in reckoning in the last day , contrary to matth. . . for god forgives crimes ; ergo , he will not call us to an account for our venialls . if this conclude any thing , the strongest understanding cannot pretend immunity from being deceived ; ergo , simple ignorance of the things of god is no sin . i may argue no man can pretend to be free of sin in the inclination of the heart and originall guiltinesse , job . . ps . . . gen . . prov. . . joh. . . . eccles . . . ergo , sin is no sin , originall sin , sins of infirmities are no sins . object . no christian is to be put to death for his opinion , which doth not teach impiety or blasphemy . if it plainly and apparently brings in a crime , and himselfe doth act it , or incourage it , then the matter of fact , is punishable , according to its proportion and malignancy ; as if be preach treason , and sedition , his opinion cannot excuse , because it brings in a crime , a man is never the lesse traytor , because he beleeves it lawfull to commit treason , and a man is a murtherer , if he kill his brother unjustly , although he thinke to doe god good service in it ; matters of fact are equally judicable , whether the principle of them he from within or without ; and if a man could pretend to innocency in being seditious , blasphemous or perjured , by perswading himselfe it is lawfull , a gate were opened for all iniquity . — i deny not but certaine and knowne idolatry , or any other sort of practicall impiety , with its principiant doctrine ought to be punished , because it is no other but matter of fact , but no matter of meer opinion ; no errours that of themselves are not sins are to be persecuted by death or corporall inflictions . answ . . the doctor mocketh when he saith , no meer opinions are to be persecuted . that was never in question , a meer opinion , is a meer act of the minde within the walls of the soule , and can be knowne to no man ; for neither magistrate , nor church can judge of invisible and hidden acts of the soule , so he sayes nothing . . the simple apprehension of god to be a fourfooted beast , is by the apostle , rom. . esteemed idolatry , and a mentall changing of the glory of the incorruptible god into the glory of a corruptible creature ; and the profession thereof must then be the profession of manifest idolatry , and so punishable , yet it is a profession of a meer opinion ; but i confesse of a most idolatrous opinion , not of a fact , otherwise by this learning of libertines there can be no sin in simple apprehensions of god , though most prodigious , and monstrous , what is blasphemy , is as controverted and as unjudicable as simple errour . servetus his naming the blessed trinity a cerberus , or three-headed dog , blasphemed , say we , i thinke doctour taylor will not say so , then by his way , blasphemy must be as unjudicable as heresie , and to him the formall of it is within , in the heart . . if matters of fact be punishable according to their proportion and malignancy , then speaking lyes in the name of the lord , and teaching and professing malignant doctrine contrary to the doctrine of godlinesse , that christ thought it no robbery to be equall and consubstantiall to god , that god is one in three persons , and to teach any thing contrary to what god hath said in his word , as that there were not eight persons in the arke with neah , must be punishable , the contrary whereof the doctor saith here : for every breach of a commandement is malignancy and punishable , when it hurteth humane society especially . . can a man be the lesse hereticall , and his society the lesse detestable then , that he thinks his heresie is sound doctrine ? for thoughts cannot change the nature of actions . . to kill a man is indifferent of it self , it may be done in justice , it may be done in injustice , but if a man kill his son , and offer him to god , neither hating , nor envying , nor grudging at the safety of his son , only upon this meer opinion that he expresseth an act of love to god , above that he beareth to his son , as abraham did , then by this way he sinneth not , this son-slaughter is not murther , nor punishable , but a simple errour . for . it may be said by libertines , the act of killing is indifferent of it selfe . . if he hate not his son , and lye not in wait for him , it is no murther , deut. . . deut. . . he is not worthy of death , for as much as he hated him not in times past . nor can killing be called a vertuall hating , or essentially an hatred of our brother , for then it were impossible for a judge to kill a man , and not to hate him : as every breach of the law of god is essentially an hatred of god , and a vertuall hatred of god : for simple killing of our neighbour is not murther by gods reasoning , but killing of him in hatred , rage , anger , or desire of revenge . nor can it be said , that hating , forbidden in murther , by the law of god , includes a loving of him , and a saving of his life ; when it is in our power to save it , as it is in the fathers power , who sacrificeth his innocent son to god , to save his life . answer , i deny not but it is murther , for they teach , that a man may publish that which by consequence , destroyeth the faith of fundamentals , and so subvert the faith of others , which to do is a sin , but because the man followeth the dictment of his erroneous conscience it is no sin to the man that so teacheth , yea , he may innocently suffer persecution for his conscience , thus erroneous , yea , and dye a martyr for it . ergo , if the following of an erroneous conscience , shall make a lesse sin to be no sin but innocency , it shall make a greater sin , to wit , killing of his son to his heavenly father , no sin , and so he may lawfully do it . nor wil it suffice to say , to offer a man to god and kill him , is against the light of nature , and vincibly a sin ; what then ? if the man beleeve he is commanded to kill him , his erroneous conscience must bind , as the offering of whole burnt offerings to god , to us is a sin , against the light of nature , in regard the law of nature can no more warrant it , then it can warrant christ to offer up himself to god. but upon the supposition of libertines , it 's no murther , nor is it punishable at al , because the father may , yea , & lawfully ought to worship god according to the indictment of his conscience , whither the conscience be right , or bloody and erroneous , and yet he is not punishable for blood-shed , by their way for meerly , and simply , without any malignancy or hatred to the child ; he beleeves , he ought to preferre his maker , to his dearest childs life as well as abraham , and the conscience doth naturally , and as under no law , simply beleeve it is the like service , and worship that abraham would have gratefully performed unto god , if god in reward of that love , had not forbidden him againe to kill his sonne . and this answer presupposes also , that it is impossible for a father to have such a conscience , as may stimulate , and command to kill his son , and that in the authority , and name of god , as he erroneously , yea , and as he invincibly holdeth , as socinians , familists , papists , beleeve purgatory , merits , justification by workes , who yet are not to be punished for their conscience , according to libertines . again , there is no intrinsecall malignancy in the act of naticide ▪ or son-sacrificing , but what it hath from the lords law forbiding to kill , now those that killed their sons to molech , yea , to god , as they thought , strongly , yea , invincibly beleeved god commanded them , to do him such bodily service , as is clear from jer. . . jer. . . and that this is invincible ignorance , ( i take the word invincible in the libertines sense ) libertines grant , for in our condemning son-sacrificing , they wil say we are not infallible . yea , the understanding , being spirituall , cannot be restrained , saith dr. taylor sect. . n. . and no man can change his opinion when he will , saith he , ibid n. . and so should not be punished for it , and n. . there is nothing under god almighty , that hath power over the soule of man , so as to command a persuasion . if hee be then perswaded , that he ought to kill his son , he ought unpunishably so to do . lastly , doctor taylor yeelds the cause , when he saith that certaine known idolaters may be punished with death or corporall inflictions . for there is no idolatry so grosse , that strongly deluded consciences may not be carried invincibly ( i speake in the libertine sense ) out of meer conscience , to act . ergo , some are justly punishable for their meer conscience , and yet are not persecuted for conscience . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if a man preach treason ( saith he ) his opinion doth not excuse . if a man preach murther , and preach that christ was an impostor , that the scripture is a fable , how can his opinion excuse in a great sin , and not all sins ? chap. xxviii . divers other arguments for pretended toleration , answered . doctor taylor objects from the arminians , he that persecutes a disagreeing person , doth arm all the world to persecu●● himself , if he say he is no heretick , he is as confidently beleeved to be an heretick , as he beleeves his adversarie to be an heretick ▪ if it be said , every side must take their venture , this is to make the christian world a shambles . ans . . because sound and orthodoxe magistrates punish hereticks , they doe no more arm hereticks against them to punish them , then they arme murtherers to punish them , because no law of conscience teacheth , that a seducer is obliged to publish to others his erroneous opinion , touching mansacrificing , the unlawfulness of magistracie under the new testament , libertie of conscience , familisme , and the 〈◊〉 ▪ for then the law of nature must teach , men are obliged in conscience to sin , and pervert others . . they are obliged to beleeve that their conscience must be a rule to others ; which two the law of nature cannot teach , since it is the just law of god. if yee argue what hereticks doe unjustly , they persecute the sound in the faith , and there is reciprocation of persecution amongst false religions ; its true , the christian world is a shambles , through the corruption of mens nature . but if yee argue what christian orthodox magistrates ought to doe , they ought to punish only hereticks and seducers , but they do not justly 〈◊〉 hereticks , and those of false religions reciprocally against themselves , for by this argument those that are just magistrates , and take away the life of pirates , robbers , 〈◊〉 of other nations , doe they therefore justly arme all pirates and robbers to take away their lives ? i thinke not . obj. . where the christ or his messengers charge the magistrate to establish by his arme of flesh , and 〈…〉 worship of god , the beast indeed gets the power of the earth , rev. . bloodie tenent . answ . kisse the son o rulers psal . . the kings of the earth shall lick the dust before christ , psal . . the kings shall bring their glory to the new ierusalem ; ergo , they shall guard the law of god from violence . . the beast gets the power of kings to bear down truth , but this power of kings shall burn the whore , rev. . . and act for christ and his ordinances . . where reads ▪ mr. williams that christ and his messengers are to charge the magistrate to give libertie to wolves , boares , lions , foxes ? serve your consciences o beasts in wasting the mountain of the lords house , and in not sparing the flock , the nurse-father grants you libertie to waste the mountain of the lord. obj. . artaxerxes knew not the law of god , which he confirmed , how then could be judge it ? . in such fits and pangs of a terrifying conscience , what lawes have nebuchadnezzar , cyrus , darius , arta●erxes , put forth for the israel of god , yet were they not charged with the spirituall crowne of governing the worship of god. answ . that was their error , they knew not the law of god , but it was their dutie , that they ratified it . . those princes did their dutie as magistrates in those laws , no matter what conscience , renewed , or not renewed put them on to act , the duties in the substance of the act were lawfull , the corruption of nature ( they being unrenewed ) might vitiate the work , and put them a working to act lawfully , in the duties . saul as king did fight the battels of the lord , and led his people , and that lawfully according to the substance of the work , but god knowes his motives and end . . this ignorant man never heares of a magistraticall act to promote the worship of god in a civill way , but he dreames of a spirituall tribunall given to the magistrate , which we abhorre as much as he ; for the materiall object of the magistrates power though spirituall , rendreth not his power spirituall , as the magistrate punisheth spirituall confederacie with satan , in magitians , and sorcerers , a witch should not be suffered to live , and sodomie flowing from gods judiciall delivering men up to a reprobate mind , rom. i. . and yet the mastrates power is not spirituall , nor terminated upon the consciences of men . not is this argument of strength , that men cannot be perswaded to cast off opinions of god for feare : for . some must be saved through feare , and pulled out of the fire , jude v. . . augustine answered this argument of donatists , feare of princes laws , . compelleth men to come in and hear truth , and truth perswadeth , epist . . ad vincent . ali● dicant nos fals●s rumor●●● terribam●r 〈◊〉 , qu●● false● esse nesciremus , si non intraremus , nec intrarimus , nisi cogere●●er , gratias domino qui trepidationem nostram flagello abstulit . . fear of civill laws may draw men out of the societie of bewitching seducers , where they are ●ettered with chaines of lies , epist . . ad 〈◊〉 . quid de 〈…〉 confitentur , quod iam olim volebant esse cath●● , 〈…〉 eos habitabant , inter quos id quod v●●ebant esse non pote●●●t per infirmitatem timoris , ubi si unum verb●m pro catholica fide di●●rent , & ipsi , & domus corum funditus ever●●●entur . qu●● est tam ●●ens qui neget , istie 〈◊〉 per ●●ssa 〈…〉 tanto ●uerentur 〈◊〉 , &c. . feare of laws , as augustine saith to the donatist vincentius epist . . hath daunted wild hereticks , qui tamen ad hanc sanitatem non 〈◊〉 , nisi legum istarum , quae tibi displicent , vinculis tanquam ●●netici ligarentur . obj. . artaxerxes gave the people libertie to return to 〈◊〉 own land , assisted them with other favours , and enabled 〈◊〉 to execute laws according to their nationall state : but did god put it in the kings heart to restrain nations from their idolatrie , to constrain them to ferme the worship , build the temple , 〈◊〉 an altar ? answ . ezra . . cyrus 〈◊〉 decree , let the house of the lord be built , &c. ezra . . artaxerxes in his decree faith , whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , let it be diligently done for the god of heaven , &c. he restrained men from idolatry , and all disobedience to the law of god. ● . 〈…〉 whosoever will not doe the law of thy god 〈…〉 law of the king , let judgement be executed speedily upon him , whether it be unto death , or unto banishment , or unto confiscation of 〈◊〉 , or to imprisonment : ergo , this heathen king by the ●ight of nature , by a civill law established the law of god against idolaters and false prophets , which is all we crave of christian magistrates , and for this cause said ezra , blessed ●e the lord god of our fathers , who hath put such a thing in the heart of the king to beautifie the house of the lord which is at jerusalem . he interposeth the kings law to the law of god , though the law of god borrow no obligatory power or dignitie from the king , and the lord need not the sword of flesh , yet that it may get externall obedience before men , and with the externall man , it is the dutie of artaxerxes and of all kings , to adde their law of death , banishment or confiscation , &c. to the law of god , that such as refuse to doe the law of god , and seduce the people of god with lies and false doctrine may be punished , it was the defect of dutie in these kings that they compelled not the people to return . obj. . for jewes and nations that blaspheme christ must be put to the sword according to the scriptures , exod. . . levit . . . deut. . answ . it followes no way , two things hinder any to execute these laws . . they are not so under us as we have a magistratical power over them , as magistrates have the sword over ill-doers , that are subjected by divine providence to the power . . they are not convicted of blasphemie , nor instructed in the doctrine of the gospel , as they are convicted by the law of nature , that murther , and adulterie deserve punishment . obj. . in all the new testament we find not a prison appointed by jesus christ for an heretick blasphemer . answ . where are the ten commandements set down in the new testament in expresse words of scripture order ? or where speaketh christ or his apostles of prison , sword , gallows , faggot to witches , murtherers , parricides , yea or of so much as rebuking or excommunicating such by their specified sins in particular , more than of blasphemers ? yet doth he rom. . appoint prison and sword for all ill doers , and the same socinians and anabaptists object against all magistracie . obj. . the state and nationall church of the jewes sware a covenant , chron. . that whosoever would not seek the lord god of israel should be put to death whether small or great , whether man or woman . but may whole nations or kingdomes now , ( according to any title expressed by jesus christ to that purpose ( follow that patterne of israel ; and put to death all both men and women , great , and small , that according to the rules of the gospel are not born again , penitent , humble , heavenly , patient , &c. what . hypocrisie brings this ? what a prophanation of the holy name of god bringeth this ? . what masacring of people by civill wars ? answ . . i confesse the swearing of the covenant in israel , and in national churches , may hence be proved to differ . . as touching the externall worship , for their seeking of god , and ours differed , they sought god in circumcision , passeover , sacrifices , feasts , divine ceremonies , but we doe not so , . they sware the covenant , 〈◊〉 . . with blowing of trumpets , cornets , &c. we do not so . . a whole city that maintained a false prophet against the sword of justice , deut. . was destroyed , sacked , their very cattell and every thing in it accursed . wee are not obliged to deaths and punishments , every way thus ceremoniall as they : but as for the substance of the service ; the swearing of an oath , and religious covenants , being of the law of nature , and the punishing of apostates from the doctrine of the gospell , to which they have sworne ( though the gospel it selfe be farre above natures law ) must be from the law of nature lying on us ; we must by the same law be tyed , as they , not to kill all not borne again , i hope the antitipe is here of mr. williams foregoing , not of god , no word of christ , saith that christ chargeth to inflict bodily punishment on men by the sword of the magistrate , because not borne againe . nor do we thinke that by small and great , here are meant sucking children who could not sweare a covenant , for the text restricteth the covenant-breach to such as swear the covenant , and where infants are to be put to the sword by the magistrate in the old testament , as it is like , deut. . , , . and . sam. . . 〈◊〉 they are morally culpable before god , but not that wee should mistake that sort of justice ; no● to kill infants under the new testament for the sin of their parents . we thinke mr. williams arguments weake and anabaptisticall , we should not swear such a covenant 〈◊〉 why ? it were hipocrisie , and a prophaining of gods name : how doth this follow , but that wee must put none to an oath , but such as are regenerate , and wee know wil swear sincerely , and not prophaine the name of god ? none then can bee witnesses under the new testament to sweare , but such as are regenerate , where is this divinity warranted ? or if it be , because the substance of the oath is sin , in that we sweare to put to death the innocent and unrenewed ? we crave a ground for it in the word . but we know no such covenant or oath , but here if toleration of all religions stand , the parliaments of both kingdoms , grievously sin , in that they proclaime not an open liberty to the masse , to jesuits , priests , to set up altars , temples , the whole body of popish worship , and they ought to proclaime liberty to all jewes to come and dwell in britaine , erect synagogues , blaspheme christ , for this is the liberty wherewith christ hath set us free , by libertines way . obj. papists would cut our throats , jewes would destroy us and blaspheme christ . answ . no doubt they would , but libertines do ill that good may come of it , in not acting lawfull liberty for christ , though the firmament should fall , we are not to oppresse consciences , force religion ; abandon the gospell liberty and meeknesse in gaining all to christ in finding truth , &c. obj. henry the leaves england papists . henry brings all to halfe papists , halfe protestants . edward the stirres about the wheele to absolute protestanisme . mary turnes about all againe to popery . elizabeth againe sounds the trumpet , all are protestants , are not we even now making unregenerate men the subject of these nationall changes , by a nationall covenant ? answ . does not this man lay upon the national church of the jewes , a church framed by the wisdome of god , the like revolutions from jehovah to baal , and the golden calves , from baal and the golden calves backe againe to iebovah , according as david , achab , ieroboam , ie●u , afa , hezekiah , manasseh , iosiah , ammon , godly or ungodly kings came to the throne ? and god must so institute and procreat hypocrisie , prophaining of the name of god , domineering over , and compelling consciences then at now , onely subject to the lord of spirits , and his word , by a sword of steele ? whereas now , as then , hypocrits change from religion true or false , and backe againe in a circle , as times blow faire or foule , through the corruption of nature , and this is not to be fathered upon that lawfull punitive power , that god hath given to the christian ruler , to coerce wolves , and seducing teachers , which power , kings whose breasts the church should sucke , often doe abuse , to establish popery , and tyrannize over the conscience of the godly , and undo religion , but both now , and then , sophists may bring a caption , ab accidente , against any lawfull power . what if murtherers , sorcerers , drunkards , abound under unjust and loose princes , and when a just and watchfull prince comes to the throne , men out of hypocrisie return from these sins ? and again , when another unjust king reignes , they return to their vomit , is this against nationall righteousnesse and magistracy ? under all those revolutions christ had a church professing the protestant faith , under gracious kings , and sealing the same faith with their blood under persecuting tirants , so that change was never in the true invisible church , but onely in the scum and outside of the church , and the change came never from the p●●itive lawful power rightly used , but from the hollownes of the hearts of time servers , or some weake men , that denied their master in an hour of temptation , and repented again . by this argument mr. williams wil give us no visible church , but the church of anabaptists , consisting of sinlesse , regenerated , and justified men , who are beyond the courtesie of the law , free grace , and a redeemer , or pardon of 〈◊〉 ▪ obj. an arme of flesh , and 〈◊〉 of steel cannot reach to cut off the darknesse of the mind , the hardnesse and unbeleife of the heart , ( saith mr. williams ) . a woolfe ( saith dr. taylor ) may as well give lawes to the understanding , as bee whose dictates are only propounded in violence , and written in blood , and a dugge in 〈◊〉 capable of a law as a man , if there be no christ in his obedience , no● discourse in his choice , nor reason to satisfie his discourse . aman cannot ( saith the bounder ) beleeve at his own will , how much lesse at anothers ? who can reveale and infuse supernaturall nation and truth but the spirit ? answ . this strongly concludes that the understanding and wil cannot bee forced by the sword , but must move a connatural way , by the indictment of reason , and nothing followes but that the internal and elicite acts of the understanding and will , cannot be produced by external violence which we yeeld , ye say that it involves a contradiction that the elicite acts of the understanding and will , can be produced by external force , but if masters of logicke infer , ergo the magistrate cannot punish a seducer , a false prophet for teaching , what his erroneous conscience dictates to him : then we say this argument is against the holy ghost , not against us ; and blaspheming celsius , lucianus doe &c. object , the like against moses lawes as unjust and bloody , and scripture : for whatever involves a contradiction in the old testament , involves a contradiction in the new , and contra , then gods lawes in deut. . levit. . are contradictions to reason . then god forced the understanding and will in their elicit acts in the old testament as if a wolfe had given lawes , to the conscience of the false prophet , yea , so a dog was as capable of a law as the false prophet , being forced by stoning , both under the old testament , and under the new , ( stons were as hard weapons as steel swords ) to the jewes , as to us . stones were as unable to cut off the darknesse of the mind , and unbeleefe , and hardnesse of heart , of iewes , as a steele sword can prevaile with our hearts . none but the spirit of god could infuse supernaturall notions and truths into the mind , and will of a seducing prophet , among the jewes , more then of an heretick among christians , except libertines think the iewes had no need of the spirit of grace , free will was stronger of old than now . they must say a iew might have beleeved at his will , or not beleeved , and could have commanded his conscience , which we cannot doe . the law of god compelling conscience made hypocrites then , or then forced men to beleeve against their mind , and will , as well as now . carnal weapons then could have produced spirituall repentance , saith , and obedience , but steele hath lost its spirituall vertue now ; but sure though the jews administration was rough , servile , and harder , and ours under christ , milder , sweeter , and easier , gal. . . yet were these laws of moses righteous , but are not made milder , as socinians say , the will and understanding were not then compelled to obedience , but now led with perswasions , and reasons ; but since the creation of the world to this day , the understanding and will , keep ever their naturall way of working . . and that which our saviour calleth the law and the prophets , mat. . . all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them ; was the law of nature , and the morall law , and the doctrine of the prophets in the time of moses , and in the kingdome of the messiah , though libertines put a false glosse on it , for i would not that others should punish me , if i murther , steal , speake lyes in the name of the lord , though if i had authority , i should will to punish others , that are guilty of these crimes , for so they expound it ; now if wee should not will to punish others , for their conscience under the new testament ; neither should the godly magistrate in moses and davids dayes will to punish others for their conscience ; and if we should not will to rebuke and excommunicate hereticks now : neither ought the godly jewes to will to doe the same to others , because of old , men did not will to be punished with the sword , rebuked , or excommunicated for their conscience . . it was no lesse unlawfull for a judge in israel , to domineere and tyrannize over the conscience of a false prophet , a priest of baal , dagon , and to answer the arguments subverting the doctrine of moses law so shining with divinity , majesty , and the wisdome of god , with the bloody sword , and throwing of stones , then it is for the christian magistrate to labour to convert , the false prophet now , by a sword , or an axe domineering over his conscience , so rendring him a lambe , disputing and trembling under the paw of the lion. and whatever arguments libertines draw , for pretended toleration from the law of nature , making punishing for conscience contradictory to the light of nature , must inferre that the judiciall law of moses for punishing false prophets , was not onely beside , but contradictory to the law of nature , which were a wronging of the wisdome of god , and of the perfection of all his laws . nor shall it helpe the matter to say , the law of punishing the false prophet , deut. . &c. was onely to be executed on such a man ; as , . sinned against his conscience , shewing him that to say other gods , beside the god that made the heaven and the earth , were to be adored and worshipped , was repugnant to the light of nature . . and on such as the infallible oracle of god fell and blacked as a heartblasphemer , and to punish such a seducer , was not to compell understanding and will , nor to force the conscience , nor to make stoning , and the sword of steel , the carnall weapons that produce spirituall repentance , because there was foregoing conviction from the light of nature perswading the man , or which might have perswaded him that his blasphemy was against nature ; whereas ye will have the godly punished meerly by the magistrate , because he cannot command his minde and conscience , to be of the magistrates religion , which he judgeth in his conscience , to be a false , superstitious , and idolatrous way ; for this containes many uncertainties and lyes : for death was to be inflicted , not on those onely that sinned against the law of nature , but chron. . . whosoever would not seeke the lord god of israel , was put to death , small or great , man or woman ; now the seeking of the lord god of israel , was to serve him , according to the rule revealed , in the supernaturall , spirituall and holy law of god contained in moses his books . this i judge was some higher , then the law of nature . . let us put libertines to make this good , that those who said , the golden calves , were the gods that brought them out of egypt , and adored them , and were therefore put to death , exod. . ( since our divines prove from the place , that they made those calves memorative objects of jehovah onely ) did that against the light of their conscience , and the manifest law of nature . what if god had made calves and bullocks to represent god , as there were bullocks in the temple , and the sacrificed bullocks were all types of christ , who through the eternall spirit offered himselfe to god ? and what if the lord should command to adore himselfe before those bullocks , as he commanded to pray to him before the arke , and the face toward the temple ? i conceive libertines shall have to doe with the bottome of their wits , to bring arguments from the law of nature , to prove , that every false instituted worship , punished by the sword of old , was against the law of nature , and that the seducers , were convinced in their conscience it was so . . if there was an infallible oracle to backe the false prophet , why was he judged deut. . by the law then ? why must witnesses two or three , depose against him ? why must the people that stone him , or concurre to execute the sentence of death , against a city that will welcome and defend false prophets , know it by report and hear-say● deut. . . and enquire and make search , and aske diligently if the thing be truth and certaine ? v. . what need of exposition of the written law ? deut. . . what need of witnesses ? deut. . . here is shorter worke , and we must be wiser then god , libertines save all the travell , an immediate oracle from heaven is both the judge , witnesse , party , and all , and infallibly saith , this man hath prophesied falsely in the name of the lord , good people rise and stone him , judge , you need no witnesse 〈◊〉 a witnesse from heaven : what needed the priests and pharisees , trouble themselves to seek witnesses against christ ? mr. goodwin and others are of the minde , caiaphas , priest and prophet , could have given a word from heaven , whether he was a blasphemer or not . but a prophet of god being infallible , might have infallibly informed them , if the man were a false prophet . yea but what shall be done when the priest and prophet of god himselfe is called in question ? shall he aske the oracle , whether he himselfe be the false prophet or no ? . this answer layes ground , that the jewes might know the false prophet , and punish him , but under the new testament we cannot know him . but i have proved under the 〈◊〉 testament , we may sufficiently know 〈◊〉 , so as we may try him , not beleeve him , not bid him god 〈…〉 and avoid him , and rebuke and excomm●nicate him , as many libertines grant . . as the jewish judge did not domineere over the conscience , nor compell understanding , and will , because conviction , by a cleare law of god went before ; so say we upon the same ground , we hold none under the new testament to be punished by the sword for false doctrine , but he that is admonished , convicted , and selfe-condemned , tit. . . but your arguments for presbytery , and against toleration , cannot convert us ( say they . ) i answer , nor could pauls arguments that convicted sergius , convict elymas actu secundo , god must doe that , who onely hath the key of the heart ; nor could gospel-arguments that convinced many , that the resurrection was not passed , convince hymeneus , phyletus , alexander , actu secundo . therefore paul might not deliver them to sathan ? nor is excommunication , being a meer punishment , an argument to prove that the resurrection is not passed , any other way their the sword or banishment , both of them are compelling and penall arguments , the one spirituall , the other corporall , but both work co-actively as evills of punishment , and privations of comfort , neither of them give light to this conclusion . the resurrection is not past ; for these two have both alike inconsequences logicall . the church will excommunicate you ; ergo , beleeve not that the resurrection is past . and the christian magistrate will punish you ; ergo , beleeve not that the resurrection is past . there must either be other arguments to sway the conscience to the faith of this , that the resurrection is not past , then either sword or excommunication ; or these cannot worke nor settle the conscience . as christ is risen , in his body , from the dead ; ergo , his members that are sleeping in the dust must rise . god is the god of abraham , who is dead and buried ; ergo , abraham and the dead must rise againe . this i observe , to prove that those arguments of libertines , at least , for the most part , that they bring against punishing of false prophets , with the sword , doe also conclude against all church-censures , and excommunication ; and the truth is , we are not warranted to gaine the jewes , the indians , the papists over-sea to the truth , either by the sword , or by excommunicating and delivering them to sathan , for we cannot judge those that are without . but to returne to all those kinde of argumentations that libertines bring against opinions , from the nature of opinion , faith , perswasion , which are all internall acts of the minde , which neither church nor magistrate can punish ; they are nothing against our conclusion who maintain , that publishing and teaching , and professing of erroneous and false doctrines are punishable by the magistrate , for externall acts that come from meer conscience , as the sacrificing of innocent children to god , by all the arguments we hear are not punishable by the magistrate , for sure the magistrates punishing of unlawful practises coming from meer conscience , do no lesse force the conscience and domineer over it , then when he punisheth erroneous opinions , and therefore the bounder draweth the question to acts , and facts externall , as he saith , the magistrate 〈◊〉 punish polythesme , and atheists , worshipping of images , and of the breaden god , blasphemie , for these ( saith he fight against the light of nature , but if you judge only professed opinions against the light of nature , not against the gospel punishable , because we may by freewill master professed opinions against nature , but we cannot master opinions against the supernaturall truths of the gospel , these require supernaturall grace , then , good masters , why doe you rebuke 〈◊〉 against the gospel , more then you can punish them 〈◊〉 what is of its own nature unrebukeable is unpunishable 〈◊〉 , what is unpunishable , as being above our nature is unrebukeable , and falleth not under exhortation , as we cannot exhort , rebuke , or punish a stone because it descendeth , or fire because it ascendeth . but the papist saith , nay , but they fight not against the light of nature , for to adore christ under the accidents of bread is my conscience ; and indeed doctor taylor saith , you must beleeve it is his conscience , and reallities and pretences are 〈…〉 here , though he contradict himself and in another place say 〈◊〉 some blasphemies are punishable by the magistrate : but libertines are 〈◊〉 of babel , and almost as many heads , so many sundry opinions . mr. willams goes one way , mr. goodwin another , the bounder a third way . john baptist a fourth way , doctor taylor a fift way . the belgick arminians a sixt way . none of them please mr. jeresiah burroughes , nor mr. philip nye , yea and mr. sadr . simpson is as grosse as any of them , so socinians have a way of their own , anabaptists another way , seekers and familists , as saltmarsh a far different way . mr. oliver cromwell calls all religions things of the mind , vaticanus tells us , si deum negent , si blasphemant , si palam de sanct à christianorum doctrinâ maledicunt , ( quo crimine reus est ipse castalio ) si sanctam piorum vitam detestantur , eos ego relinquo magistratibus puniendos , non propter religionem , quam nullam habent , se● propter irreligionem . but the bounder and castalio must be bloodie persecuters by this . for . what the magistrate calleth truth , and godly doctrine , that these men , whom the bounder and castalio call atheists , judge in their conscience to be idolatrie and blasphimie ? and if yee kill a man because he speakes as he thinketh , yee kill him for the truth , for it is truth to speak what ●●● think for the . psalm pronounceth him blessed who speakes 〈◊〉 what is in his heart . but castalio may read righter if he please , and he is blessed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who speaketh truth not falsely from his heart , nor doth the psalmist speak of the doctrine of truth , so as he should blesse mattan and pashur or any false prophet , or the king of assyria , because he saith , no god can deliver out of the hand of that tyrant , but the god of the assyrians , for so i conceive he thinketh , when he relates what false experiences he had of that bastard god ; but he speaks of truth of facts between man and man , psal . . in speaking whereof there may be invincible and so excusable error , whereas men sin grievously in false apprehensions of gods truth , when as god reveals himself sufficiently to us in his works and word ; but thus do libertines leave the first simple apprehensions of the mind because they are naturall , not under the stroak of free-will , free from all law and guiltinesse ; so as the egyptians sin not in apprehending the godhead to be a cow , the persians to be fire , or the sun , israel to be a calfe , the philistines to be a fish ; for certain it is all idolaters who worship the god that made the heavens and the earth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignorantly , acts . in the creature , or in the works of mens hands , should have by this way no sinfull , nor unlawfull apprehensions of god , when shamefully they apprehend the creator of the world to be a beast . . they must be blessed then and speak truth from their heart , by the exposition that vaticanus putteth upon psal . . who say that god is a cow , a calf , a fish , why ? because their erroneous conscience dictateth so to them . but why should they be punished then who blaspheme , commit idolatry ? for it is the conscience , and the meer conscience of baals priests to speake of god , and worship him as they doe , they had rather dye as not doe that which you call blasphemy ; and . it is not in their will to think what they will. . will yee compell their consciences with the sword , &c. answer your owne arguments libertines . . object . is not this babels confusion to punish corporall or civill offences , with spirituall or church censures , or spirituall offences , with corporall or temporall weapons ? bloody tenet . answ . to inflict bodily punishment for sorcery , makes not the magistrate a church-officer , as he fondly phansieth , all sinnes against god , who is a spirit , or spirituall : and by this reason the church of thyatira , should not censure the fornication of jezabel and her followers ; nor the corinthians the incestuous man with excommunication , which is a corporall offence to speake so , contrary to cor. . whereas all publicke sinnes as sinnes against god , are punished by him , with bodily and spirituall plagues , as it pleaseth him . . these same sinnes as they are scandalls , that offend the church , are punished with church-censures , . these same as they disturbe the peace of the state , doe also deserve to be punished by the sword ; though i take not on me to determine curiously whether the magistrate punisheth sins formally , under the reduplication , as they trouble the peace of the state , or as they dishonour god the highest judge , it may be there is something of both in this reduplication . . these same sinnes are rebuked by private professours , as they are stumbling blocks to them , hos . . . plead with your mother ; neither is it against the nature of perswasion to bee drawne to means of sound beleeving by mens laws , as i observed before from augustine , for feare of punishment may cause men to hear the word of truth which otherwise they would never have heard , epis . ad vincen. . alii dicant , nesciebamus sit esse veritatem , nec eam discere volebamus , sed nos ad eam eognoscendam metus fecit intentos , quo timuimus ne fortè sine ullis rerum aeternarum lucris , damno rerum eternarum feriremur , gratias domino qui negligentiam nostram stimulo terroris , excussit ut saltem soliciti quaereremus , quod securi nunquam nosse curavimus . . object . what if the magistrate in punishing heresie , differ from the church , and strike with the sword , for that which the church thinkes no heresie ? what shall the church doe then ? and what if the church judge that to be heresie , and exhort the magistrate to punish that as heresie , which the magistrate in his conscience , judgeth to be no heresie ? what shall then the magistrate doe ? answ . though there be reciprocation of subordinations , that the magistrate in an ecclesiasticke way be subject to the church power , yet not to an abused church power , and the church in a civill way be subject to the magistrates power , yet not to the magistrates power tyrannically used , but to the power that is from god , and as used for god , and common justice in the one court , and the word of god in the other , is supreme empire & judge that either must follow . . object . did not the people of israel suffer the gentiles to stay in their land , and enjoy their own religion without troubling of them ? answ . it is like they did , but if they did right in tolerating idolatry , for which the land spewed out the inhabitants , is a question . . they might . suffer them till they were first instructed , and then convinced , that religion might not be forced on them . . they could not suffer them in that land to blaspheme the god of israel , lest a common guilt should fall upon all , jos . . , , , , . . since the people were never to partake of other mens sins , they were to argue against them , and rebuke them , and endeavour the gaining of their soules . . ob. the elect cannot finally and totally fall away from grace , and perish , as the scripture saith , joh. . . &c. why then should we be so fondly jealous , lest the people of god should be carried away with every winde of doctrine , as to suppresse each opinion supposed to be erroneous , so as to run the hazard of sileucing the most saving truths , of putting to death gods dearest saints , reducing soules to such a posture , as if we be in ignorance and errour , we must be uncapable of ever comming out of either . answ . a foolish argument without head or foot . . we are to be afraid of every sinne , our lord hath bidden us beware of , though the elect cannot perish , since he that chooseth to the end , chooseth to the meanes , and to both immutably and irrevocably without shadow or change , else this argument will prove , we need not be afraid to whore , murther , oppresse , or the most hainous transgressions , for these sinnes cannot more prejudge the chosen of their state of grace , and certainty of glory , then being carried about with every wind of doctrine , and unsound opinions continued in and published to pervert others , doe argue that we are of the number of those , that are ever learning , and never come to the knowledge of the truth , tim. . . and are unstable and unlearned , perverting the scriptures to our own destruction , pet. . . given over to strong 〈◊〉 to beleeve a lye , thess . . and damned for not beleeving the truth , v. , . the heart not being stablished by grace , heb. . . like children tossed too and fro , and carried about with every wind of doctrine by the slight of men , whereby they lye in wait to deceive , not speaking , and not professing the truth in love , that so we may grow up in christ , even in him , in all things , which is 〈…〉 , eph. . , . all which prove that to be finally seduced , is a certaine marke of reprobation , as matth. . , ● . ● tim. . , , . , . and the spirit that teacheth us 〈◊〉 are not to be afraid of falling from the state of grace 〈◊〉 salvation , though we fall in such sins as the spirit of antichrist , and of curst familists , who turne the grace of god into wantonnesse , who abuse the doctrine of election of grace . . he makes god to bring us into an inevitable necessity of either being carried about with every wind of doctrine to beleeve lyes ; or then run the hazard of losing most saving truths , and of putting to death gods most dearest saints . but what warrant hath he , thus to make god the author of sinne ? or to teach that divine providence doth lead us into an inextricable perplexity and necessity of sinning , so that whether we do this , or not doe it , we must sin . . what scripture maketh the beleeving of lyes , a certain hazard of losing most saving truths ? is there no way of comming to the knowledge of the truth , and the sparing of the lives of gods most deare saints , but by beleeving truths which may be lyes , and corrupt doctrine , a word that eateth like a canker ? is there no way to come to gods harbour , but by sayling in the devills boat ? sure this is no way of gods devising , but of sathans forging . . is then cursed toleration a way to spare the bloud of the saints , and not resisting the blessed spirit in them , then we cannot punish hereticks and men of corrupt mindes , but we are in hazard to resist the saints , and kill the spirit in them ; then when the holy ghost forbids us to beleeve false christs , matth. . which is a resisting of their spirit , we know not , but he bids us beleeve the word of truth in gods dearest saints , since for any knowledge we can have , not to beleeve these false christs , it may be they are gods dearest saints , whose words we refuse to beleeve , then in one and the same commandement of christ , which is beleeve them not , he bids us beleeve their word , and resist not the spirit of truth in gods dearest saints , and when tit. . . he forbids us to keep company with an heretick , but avoid him , and joh. . receive not an impostour into your house , he bids us run the hazard of avoyding a saint , and of refusing to lodge in your house gods deare childe . . what if gods dearest saints beleeve and publish an heresie , and the doctrine of familisme , then they are to be pardoned , because they are dear saints . but let libertines answer the query , why should indulgence and toleration be yeelded to a saint that speaks lyes in the name of the lord , more then to a wicked man who also doth prophesie lyes ? if both may fall in the same heresie with the like pertinacy for a time , if we be not respecters of persons , they no lesse deserve both to be punished , then when both commit adultery and murther . . why lying of god and speaking words that eat like a gangrene , and beleeving a lye deserveth rather an indulgence in a saint , then murthering , whoring , oppressing . and why , but we may tolerate all the saints , because they are saints , as well as some sinne no lesse , yea more dangerous , then these that are not to be tolerated , for to infect the flocke with lying doctrine is more hurtfull to the church , then the example of adultery or murther in a saint , if toleration of all wayes , and liberty of professing or publishing whatever tenets or doctrines seem good to a man in his owne eyes , though to the perverting of the faith of many , be a means of finding out many precious truths , as libertines say , then hath god commanded all men to speake all kind of lies , against god , his son christ , heaven , hell , the resurrection , the last judgement , the immortalitie of the soul , though most pernicious to soules ; for god commandeth all meanes of finding out truth , for it cannot be said he commands all lawfull meanes , for libertines hold that to professe and publish what the most erroneous conscience dictates to be the truth of god , though it be black heresie , is to speak the truth as an indweller in the lords holy hill , psal . . so saith vaticanus and all the libertines who make the conscience right or erroneous , the rule of the christian mans walking , not the word of god , and in so doing the lord must by the libertines doctrine command men to speak lies in the name of the lord , and must command hereticks and saints to pervert the soules and the faith of one another , and make one another children of perdition , and not spare the flock , but devour and hunt soules , and so shall the lord command sinne . . how doth non-toleration and libertie of beleeving every spirit seeming to us to be of god , bring men in a posture of uncapabilitie of being delivered from error and ignorance ? the word never maketh a libertie to beleeve lies , a way to be delivered from error . the way to be delivered from error is to be humble and fear god and he shall teach us his waies , psal . . . . joh. . . thes . . , . baptist ibid. god will have the meanes used by every man according to his own light and knowledge that he may be fully perswaded in his own conscience , and no man knowes gods cabinet counsell . ergo , we cannot be competent judges of other mens consciences who are hereticks who not . answ . god will have the meanes used by every man according to his own light . i distinguish according to his own light and conscience , as a necessarie condition that must be in all right judging , it is most true , for he sins grievously who in judging goeth contrary to the inditement of his own conscience , and so god will have the meanes used by every man according to his own light and conscience , as his obliging rule which layeth a law and a tie upon him to beleeve and professe that is most false , for the word of god not every mans conscienceis the obliging rule of his actions as is proved . . the conclusion is most false , for though we are not to judge who are elect and who reprobate , because we are not upon gods cabinet counsell , yet do we not intrude upon gods secrets to judge who is an heretick or a false teacher , or who sound in the faith by his doctrine examined by the law and the testimonie , for how can god say , beware of the false prophet , matth. . . if it were arrogancie and an intruding upon gods cabinet counsel to judge a false prophet by his doctrine to be a false prophet ? how can we avoid an heretick more then a saint , if we may not lawfully judge an heretick to be an heretick ? obj. the holy ghost not only foresaw there would , but determines there must be heresies , and its expedient for the exercise of love , and the discoverie of truth , and the professors thereof ; are not errors as well as afflictions a part of christs discipline ? then let it have its perfect work till it be cured by its proper remedie the sword of the spirit ; it s not said there must be murtherers , as it is said there must be heresies . some seem so to be in love with new opinions as they extoll them , one , a very worthy preacher saith , variety of faces is not an affliction , but matter of much admiration to behold . so varietie of judgements simplie considered is not a grief , but a glorie to me to behold , when one spirit of grace and heavenlinesse is in them all , for i count it a glasse of gods own making wherein to behold his manifold wisedome ? answ . . there is no question but god hath wise and noble ends why he permits heresies , but we no more can orthodoxly say , that god determines heresies , then that god determines that sin must be , for heresies are sins ; now wee say not soundlie , that god determines or decrees sins shall be sine adjecto , he determines to permit sin . . god determines heresies must be , so he determines that murthers , adulteries , oppressions must be : it then shall follow the christian magistrate by this argument does tolerate murthers , oppressions , as he tolerates heresies , but the conclusion is grosse , because heresies are the churches affliction ( and so are bloods and oppressions of the saints ) shall then christian magistrates tolerate all the bloods and oppressions that the saints suffer ? . the apostle saith , heresies must bee , our saviour saith more of offences and sins in generall , matth. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and luke saith more , chap. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it s needfull scandalls shall come , and its impossible but scandals must fall out , then all the murthers , parricides , sorceries , rapines , for the which christ saith , there is a woe befalling the world , fall out by necessity of a divine working decree , yea the crucifying of the lord of glory came to passe , acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the determinate counsell and foreknowledge of god , acts . . but yet the magistrate is not to tolerate the shedding of innocent blood , and all the offences that fall out in the common-wealth though never so bloodie and atrocious . . varietie of judgements , was no question a grief to paul , when he so pathetically exhorteth the philippians to fulfill his joy , and remove his grief , and to be of one accord , and one mind , phil. . . cor. . . be of one mind , cor. . . i beseech you be joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judgement , heresies no question and errors in matters of god are not free , nor can there be one spirit of grace and heavenlinesse in arrius , apollinaris , nestorius , eutiches , no more then there can be one spirit of grace in sin , nor see we a glasse of gods manifold wisedome in many sundry phantastick opinions teaching god and his son christ , it is a spotted and broken glasse ; and he might say variety of sins are the expressions of gods infinite wisdome , for the scripture calls heresies works of the flesh , doctrines of devils , gangrenes , lies delusions , corruptions of the mind , perverse disputing , deceits , perverse things , dreams of their own heads , false dreams , vain and foolish things , false burdens which cannot be spoken of opinions in philosophy , and so these windmills and midnight fancies being the brats and the dunghill conceptions of mens corrupt head and heart , must be contrary to that wisedome exprest in the word , cor. . . deut. . : psal . . . and they may bee for the declaration of the wisedome of god as for the finall cause , but nothing from the wisedome of god formally , being themselves meer fooles . object . . if the magistrate be above the church and head thereof , and to judge their matters , and if he have his power from the people ( to govern the church ) will it not follow that the people as the people have originally , as men , a power to govern the church to see her doe her dutie , to reform and correct her ? answ . though the magistrate punish false teachers by the sword , he is not for that a church governour , far lesse the head of the church , no more then hee is the head of the church , because he defends them against their persecuting enemies , and by his sword procureth civill peace and protection to their assemblies , persons and estates ; for doing any thing in favour of the church doth not make cyrus , artaxerxes , darius , spiritual officers , and give them a headship over the church . . the christian magistrate having power from the peoples free election to imploy his sword for the external peace of the church , hath not therefore power of governing the church from the people . . because the civill using of the sword for the outward peace of the church , is not a governing of the church , but the civil external and corporal sheilding of them . . it no more followeth that the people as men have the ruling of the church , because they chose a godly magistrate to watch over their external peace ▪ then the people as christians can be said to have a power to preach the word and administer the sacraments or seals of the covenant , because the people as christian men choose ministers who have power from christ to preach & administer the seals , for to chuse a governor to rule over them is no act of government , no more then the wives chusing of the husband to be her head , and govern the family is an act of the headship and governing of the family ; nor doe the people in chusing a king , exercise an act of royall and kingly power over themselves by such an act of chusing ; nor doth an armie in chusing a captain general over themselves , in so doing exercise any act of a captain gerall over themselves . . neither doe the people as men , but as christian men walking by the rule of the word ( which is a catholike directorie to all men and all societies in all morall duties , psal . , , , , . ps . . , ) choose such and such christian rulers who may procure the good of the church and keepe and guard both tables of the law , for the word of god giveth direction to the people , that they should not as men or as heathens choose any sort of rulers , but godly men fearing god , and such kings as read in the book of the law when they sit upon the throne , deut. . c. . , , , , , . exod. . . nor is it true , which vaticanus replyeth to calvin , thefts , rapines , and adulteri●e are punished by the magistrate , not to make up the kingdome of christ , and to justifie men and make them godly as we say , and calvin saith , the magistrate punisheth hereticks . for where doth augustine say that the magistrate punisheth seducers to convert them to god , as if the intrinsecall end of the magistrate were to conquer a spirituall kingdom to christ ? calvin saith the just contrary in that same place , verum quidem esse fateor utque vi armatâ erectum ab initi suisse regnum christi , neque armorum praesidio stare , evangelii enim pradicatione regnare christum oportet . itaque dominus quo illustrior esset vocis sua efficacia , nudes & inormes misit apostolos , nec modo destitui veluit terrenâ potantiâ , sed totum faere mundum habere infestum , ut calestem esse evangelii victoriam omnibus constaret . obj. . but the apostles sought not laws from the emperors , by which hereticks might be compelled to imbrace the sound faith ? answ . gaudentius a donatist bishop objected the same to augustine , and augustine answers , because emperors were enemies to christian religion , therefore christians sought not their helpe . obj. . but the particulars of your directorie of worship are not in scripture , how then can the magistrate punish for not following the directorie ? answ . that there should be prayers , preaching , reading . praising of god , s●craments in the publike worship , is evident by the scripture , but for the ordering of these worships secundum prius & posterius the words of prayer ( so they bee according to the pattern of sound doctrine ) the preface of the directorie is clear , that no man is therein to be compelled , though to transgresse the holy ghosts expresse order in the celebration of the lords supper , and to break bread and eate first , and that before any of the words of institution bee mentioned , or any blessing of the elements , must be a manifest breach of the directory of jesus christ which sure holdeth forth to us a twofold ordering of acts of worship , one divine , which we must p●remptorily follow , another prudential and humane in circumstances which concern both the worship of god and civill assemblies , as time , place , persons , &c. and in the latter we are no further to be commanded in point of uniformitie then the generall rules of the word lead us ; and compulsion , where god hath no compelling commandment going before in an exact uniformitie , we utterly disclaim , nor can men , or church , or all the assemblies on earth make laws in matters of gods worship , where the supream lawgiver hath made none , and the preface of the directorie is so clear in this , that we trust we shall quickly agree with the godly and sound in judgement in this . obj. . but whether were it not better that a patent were granted to monopolize all the corn and cloath , and to have it measured out to us at mens price and pleasure ( which yet were intollerable ) as some men , and synods doe appoint and measure out to us what , and how much we shall beleeve and practice in matters of religion , and whether there be not the same reason that presbyterians and the assembly of divines at westminster , should bee appointed by us ( sectaries ) what they shall beleeve and practise in religion , as for them to do so to us , seeing we can give as good grounds , for what we beleeve and practice , as they can doe for what they would have , if not better ? answ . it were indeed better that all the corn and cloath were monopolized to be measured out at the pleasure of men , then that truth should be monopolized and measured out at the pleasure of men , speaking what pleases them without all warrant of the word of god , and alledge only mens meer authoritie or rather lust , and commanding men without trying the spirits and doctrines by the scriptures , as the bereans tryed pauls doctrine , acts . peremptorily to beleeve and practise , what they appoint under pain of the sword , this sort of monopolizing either corn or truth , our witnesse is in heaven , we detest and refuse ; but of monopolizing and appointing what truth men should beleeve , by an authoritative , ministeriall and officiall holding out of truth in the name of christ , and from the word of truth , in a way of leading the consciences by perswading from strength of light , by the law and the testimonie , and exhorting all men in the lord to try the spirits ; examine by the word , not what men , but the embassadors of christ say and teach , not from themselves , but from the will and commandment of him that sent them , then must they give an account to god , who call this monopolizing of the truth , and measuring it out at the pleasure of men , when as the preaching of the word , being instant in season , & out of season , reproving , rebuking , exhorting with all long-suffering and doctrine , tim. . . should so be a monopolizing of the truth , and a measuring of it out at the pleasure of men , in regard that christ saith matth. . . he that receiveth you , receiveth me , joh. . . and luke . . he that heareth you heareth me , and he that despiseth you , despiseth me , and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me . and matth. . . whosoever shall not receive you , nor hear your words , when ye depart out of the house or citie , shake off the dust off your feet . verily i say unto you , it shall be easier for the land of sodom and gemorrah in the day of judgement then for that citie : which words are spoken of all the faithfull ministers of christ to the end of the world , matth. . , . so they speak according to the commission given them by the lord speaking in his word , whether they declare the mind of christ in a pulpit or synod . this way ministers who hear the word at gods mouth , ezek . . . and deliver the whole councell of god , acts . . and keep nothing back as faithful ambassadors and stewards ought ministerially to declare and appoint what , and how much , we shall beleeve and practise in matters of religion , but not as monopolizers . . suppose sectaries could teach the ministers of the assemblie , as well as the ministers can teach them , yet is there more reason that ministers should synodically teach then they ; for a teaching ministery is an ordinance of christ in the new testament , as is clear by these places which hold forth that christ is present with his faithfull ministers to the end of the world , joh. . , . matth. . . eph. . , , . and tim. . . . compared with matth. . . . eph. . , , , matth. . . v. . luke . . joh. . . tim. . , , , , . rom. . , , . hebr. . . and . . tit. . , . thes . . , . rev. . , . &c. and . , , &c. and howbeit the word of god as the word doth equally tye the conscience in regard of that objective obligation that it hath from god , not from men , who ever spake it , whether ministers or private christians , yet it layeth two bands on the conscience when ministers declare the will of god to people , the one is officiall , for by the fift commandement , the messengers of the lord of hosts are to be heard , reverenced , and received in their calling , otherwise we despise christ : the other is an objective obligation and a band which it layeth on the conscience , by the second commandment in regard it is the word of god not of men , thes . . . but when private christians speak the word of the lord in their station , the word from them layeth on only the latter obligation , not the former ; and it is false , that private men have as good grounds to appoint what ministers should beleeve and practise , as ministers have to appoint what they should beleeve and practice ; for private christians want the ministeriall grounds which ministers called of god have , to teach and exhort in the name of the lord. it may be private men may see more truth then ministers , when night and darknesse , in stead of vision , covereth the prophets , but hence it followeth not , that seeing and called watchmen should not ministerially appoint and hold forth by their office , what private christians should beleeve and pr●ctice in matters of religion . . libertines aim at this , the truth is monopolized to no one man , nor certain kind of men , ministers or others . what then ? ergo , it is truth what every man in his conscience beleeveth to be truth , and he that beleeveth & practiseth what in conscience he beleeveth to be truth , he beleeveth and practiseth according to the word of god , and is not to be controlled nor contradicted , nor compelled by sword or censures , for let it be most false in it self , yet it is to him truth , and if you persecute him , he suffereth for the truth , for the gospel , for righteousnes sake , and the ministers have no more to doe to labour to recall and gain him from his opinions to the truth , then he hath to labour to gain ministers from their opinion . hence i argue , what ever opinion maketh every man● dictate of his conscience the true word of god , and as many bibles , divers and contrary gospels and words of god , and contrary rules of faith and practises , as there be divers opinions , fancies , dictates , and apprehensions of conscience , is a godlesse and atheisticall way . but such is this opinion of libertie of conscience and toleration , ergo , &c. the proposition is undoubtedly true , there being but one gospel , one faith , one truth , as there is but one christ , and one lord , ephes . ▪ . and the scripture hath but one sense , that is true , and the ground of faith , otherwise this ( there is but one god to us ) should have one sense to the treit●ites , to wit , there be three gods , because three persons , it should have a contrary sense to another : to us there is but one god in nature and essence , and yet both should be the same truth to each man , as he apprehends . the ass●mption is manifest to those that will see , by the grounds of libertines , because to every man , that is the word of god which he phansieth to be the word of god ; for otherwise , the truth should be monopolized to ●ut , or some few persons , and this is the sense of the word of god , and so the very gospel and truth which this man beleeveth , and of you punish him for it , the man suffers for the 〈◊〉 for the word of god ; and if his neighbour beleeve the contrary , that is to him the word of god , and if you punish him for it , the man suffers for the word of god also , and there bee two contrary gospels , and sundry truths , and if there be two , there may be two and twentie bibles , and contrary truths , and so we have not the old , and new testament , but the letters of it , and as many senses , by this , there be of scriptures , as many bibles , and as many sundry heads and various opinions of men . hence libertie of prophecying is lawfull , and so libertie of faiths , of contrary bibles ; and from this it is , that which tendeth to unitie of faith , as one confession of faith , or uniformitie of beleef is mocked by these men , and every one that suffereth for his supposed truth , is persecuted for the word of god , and so blessed , because persecuted for the truth , and if blessed , as our saviour meaneth , matth. ● . v. , . they have a great reward in heaven , for so they expound the place , matth. . , . all men then , are saved in their own religion , and to be rooted and grounded in the truth , is common to all sect● and hereticks , and i● is to bee rooted and grounded in op●●ions such as every man shall fansie to be truth , and not to be moved from the truth , is not to bee moved from opinions , and not to be carried about with every winde of doctrine , is to adhere with pertinacie to opinions were it arrianisme , manichisme , and if so , all religions are alike safe , and all sects , saints , and all hereticks because they follow their erronious consciences are innocent , godly , grounded on truth . neither needeth mr. williams to prove that the place rom. . is meant of the duties , not of the first , but of the second table of the law , which we grant with calvin and beza ; but it followeth not , that the magistrates punishing of ill-doers , and so of seducing teachers , is excluded , for that punishing is a dutie of the second table of the law , though the object be spirituall , as sorcerie is against the first commandment , and punished as ill doing , rom. . though sorcerie be a sinne formally against the first table of the law , and why should the magistrate punish one sin against the first table , and not all , in so far , as they are against the peace , and safetie of humane societies ? finis . errata . page . line . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . l. . them r. these . p. . l. . but of all these r. but all these . p. . l. . r. elicite acts . p. . l. . and it is false that we are to beleeve , that what synods determine according to the word of god must be fallible , lyable to error and an untruth , because they so determine . p. . in margin r. thus , the magistrate may with the sword coerce . ibid. five impediments that keep men from embracing the truth according to augustine . l. . for guidentum r. gaudentium . p. . l. . cyrillus . p. . l. penult . for worships r. vorstius . p. . for elect r. elicite . p. . l. . for or r. are . p. . l. . for this not r. this is not . p. . l. . for now r. not . p. . in margin , for i●dicari r. judicare . p. . r. religio . p. . l. . for is r. are . p. . l. . for thou r. that . p. . l. . for is r. it s . for●●ssed ●●ssed r. professe . p. . l. . for abolish r. oblige . p. . l. . for and father r. and the father . p. . in margin r. confuta●unt p. . l. for quod nou in r. quod non est . p. . marg . for no case r. in case p. ● . l. penult . r. impletionem . p. . l. . r. redarguit . p. . l. . r. protesta●ts , f●●ilists , arminians , seekers , &c. hold and beleeve must be the dictates . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e gal. . . notes for div a -e the name , con●●●ence . conscience the practical knowledge . conscience a power , not an act or habit . 〈…〉 thomas . ● . a●t . . casetan . ibid. richard . . ● . . ar . . grego . de valent. . q. . punct . . vasqu . z. . disp . c. . tannet . tom . di●p . . q. dub● . what sort of knowledge is ascribed to the conscience . of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of conscience in relation to the major assumption and conclusion of a practicall syllogisme . the object of conscience . hamond of conscience . pag. . sect. . conscience to be revere●ced . 〈…〉 of cons●●●nce , and the acts 〈…〉 . of witnessing of conscience and selfe-reflection . the knowledge of our own state of grace may be had by the fruits of the spirit of sanctification . ●olion . serm. an pag. . . &c. acts of conscience in relation to the conclusion . a conscience good or ill . a good conscience . conscience the ●arest peece that god made . a tender conscience . amesius de consci . l. . c. ● . n. . conscientiae huic malae , vel cordi diero opponit●● conscientia tenera , quae facilè afficitur verbe dei. reg. . . ut in josia . who ingrosse the name of tender consciences to themselves . of a scrupulous conscience . the causes of a scrupulous conscience . notes for div a -e how a synod compelleth . ● . remons● . apo. c. . sect . . the conditions that libertines require to be in a synod . liberty to question every thing is lycence . remonst . apo. c. . fol. . the church though not infallible may determine infallible points . apol. in pref. et in declar . in pref. a confession , covenant or synodicall de 〈◊〉 a secondarie rule of faith . remonstr . in vindic . l. . c. . fol. . note . ibid . a ministeriall and publike , and a christian and private judgment and faith , and how they differ remov . . 〈…〉 〈…〉 that confessions ought to be onely in expresse scriture words is another false principle of libertines . roman . vindi . l. . c. . . . 〈◊〉 post quam acceptavit decretum , 〈◊〉 illo ●●●tius quam ea lege , quatenis & quamdia 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 indicat ill deff●●●rum . ancient bonds of liberty of conscience . 〈◊〉 apol c. . . the end of synods is not to remove heresie , by any means good or bad 〈◊〉 to ciuil heresie so effectually as these heresies shall never be heard of in the world againe . remon . c. . apol. . the necessitie of synods . pastors subject the disobedient to wrath yet are not lords over the conscience , ergo neither are synods lords over the conscience for that . fol. ● . error of conscience 〈◊〉 from ●●igation of obedience . apo. . f. . the subject of a synod not a sceptick conjecturall truth as libertines suppose . the sense of scripture from synods beleived truly to be infallible , though synods consist of men who are not infallible , as an earthen pitcher doth contain gold and precious rubies and saphires in it , though there be no gold in the matter of the pitcher but onely clay . . cor. . . how a true decision of a synod is ever the same and not retractable . remon . though all truths be peremptorily decyded in the word , yet is there need of a ministeriall and declarative decision of men , because teachers may deceive , and these that are taught are ignorant and dull . anabaptist : dim●ed interpretation of scriptures as 〈…〉 〈…〉 . anabaptist . l . c. . da●●aut anabaptistis scripturiram ●●terpretati●rem , recitari evangelium debere 〈◊〉 , verbi a 〈◊〉 , ut cuique liberium sit prosuo spritu hoc est prosua voluntate & ●●●dine interpreta●i . 〈◊〉 non esse verbum dei. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 . men are to come to synods not as nullifidians but as ingaged for truth . synods may impose upon others and how . ancient bonds or libertie of conscience stated . c. . sect. . p. . . the conditional imposing of synods consisteth well with trying of all things what libertines say on the contrary is nought . 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 notes for div a -e . . pastors are are not out of their calling nor apparitours nor tale-bearers if they complaine to the magistrate of hereticks and all ev●●-doers . notes for div a -e opinions cannot be compelled not the 〈◊〉 or will in the 〈…〉 ●he question is whether the 〈…〉 . shame and fear of reb●kes by pastors and church censures have the same compulsorie in 〈…〉 false teachers that the feare of publick punishment by the synod hath . church censures are as compuls●rie on the conscience , as coercing by the sword . some externall actions of unjustice s●●wing from meere conscience , are punished justly without any note of persecution , by grant of libertines , and why not all others also ? 〈…〉 bonds pag. lactan. inst . l. . c quid 〈…〉 quod 〈…〉 fieri 〈◊〉 libido 〈…〉 . tertullian ad scapul●● . humani juris & natural●s potestatis est , un●cuique quod putavertis coler● : n●● alii prodost●nt o●est alterius religio sed : nec religionis est cogere religionem , quae s●ont● 〈◊〉 debe● , non 〈◊〉 how religion may be compelled , how not . one mans religion remaining in the minde and will may hurt or benefit the man himself , not any others : but true religion as it comes forth i● to acts of teaching may coine and winne the souls of others , and false religion may subvert the faith of others . the magistrate does not command religion , acts as service to god , but rather forbids their contra●●●● as disser●●●● to christian societies . how ●ertull . and la●●ant●●s are to be expounded of forcing to heathen religion . though we can compell none to religion it follows not that the magistrate may not punish there that 〈◊〉 others to a false religion . lactan●● . . c. . non est opus vt & 〈…〉 cogi non potest , 〈◊〉 potius quam verberibu● res agenda 〈…〉 distringant ( hostes religionis christianae ) aci●m ingeniorum suert●● , si ratio corum vera est offeratur : parati sumus audire , si docea●● . tacentibus certè nihil credimus , sicut ne saevientibus quidem cedimus , imitentur nos , aut rationem rei totius exponant nos enim non illicimus ( ut ipsi objectant ) sed docemus , probamus ostendimus : itaque nemo a nobis retinetur invitus : imutilis est enim deo qui devotione ac side caret , & tamen nemo discedit ipsa veritate retinante . lactan 〈◊〉 . longè diversa sunt carnificina & pictas , nes potest aut veritas eum vi , aut justitia eum crudelitate conjungi . ibid. sed ut in ipsa religione sic defensionis genere falluntur . defendenda e●im religio est non occidendo , sed monen lo ; alij codices moriendo , non sevitia , sed patientia , non scelere , sed fide . lactant. speaks of compulsion without all teaching . these that are without the church are not to be compelled . 〈…〉 〈…〉 punish he●●●ides , so . so he should not punish murtherers . the magistrate may by the sword curb five impediments that keep men from embracing the truth , according to augustine . answer to doctour adam stewart . impotencie of free will objected by mr. john goodwine no reason why the magistrate ought not to punish seducing teachers , as of old the donatists objected . state of the question more strictly proposed . it may as wel he said , because there be no expresse laws against murtherers , parricids , sorcerers . sodomites in the new testament more then against false teachers , that therefore socerers are no lesse then hereticks to be tollerated . notes for div a -e de vivendis christianorian animus in fide illibata . tom . l. . c. . the number of fundamentals . an saving disposition of faith to beleeve all truths revealed , though the man be ignorant of many may consist with the state of saving grace . calv. epist . ad martinum shallingium an . . three things among these that are to be believed , things simply necessarie . . simply profitable . . by consequence necessary : how the papist , erre in these . joan. durens in consulta . theologica p. , . some consequences necessary . builders of hay and stubble on the foundation may be saved , and these that fall in murther and adultery out of infirmity may be also saved , yet there is no consequence ; ergo the magistrate should tollerate both . notes for div a -e obstinacie in ceremonies after full information deserveth punishment . these that err in non-fundamentals may deserve to be punished . to teach the necessity of circumcision not an error formally and primarily ; but by consequence fundamentall and the contrary truth not necessarie necessitate medij . the tolleration of all who err in non fundamentals examined . m. iohn goodwin hag●omastix sect . . pag. . queries proposed to mr. joh. goodwin , who asserteth a catholicke toleration of all religions , upon the ground of weaknesse , of free-will , and want of grace . 〈…〉 augus . 〈◊〉 dicu , relinqu●s liber● orbatrio , cur enim non in homicidiis & in stupris , & in quibuscunque 〈◊〉 facinorib●● & flagiciis libere arbitrio dimittendum to esse proclamas ? quae tamen omnia justis leg ib●● comprim● utilissimuma ●●ahiberrimu● est , dedit quidem de●● homini liberani 〈◊〉 sed nec bonam infruct : ●osam , nec malam voluit esse impunitam , li. . con. gaudenti c. . secundum est as fallatissimas vanissim●sque rationes , haberis laxatis atque dimissis , humana licentia impu●●sta pe●cata omnia relinquentur , 〈…〉 most arguments of libertines infer a catholicke toleration in non-fundamentals , as wel as 〈◊〉 fundamentals . what deductions the spirit makes in the soule of an elect , knowing but a few f●●dam , and going out of this life , thou knoweth ? to know revealed truths of god , is a commanded worship of god. one generall confession of faith , without a particular sense containing the true and orthodox meaning of the word , not sufficient . divers pious conferences betweene us and lutherans . they hate god , and love blasphemies in the consequence , who obstinately hold them in the antecedent they may bee false teachers , and so punishable , who erre not in fundamentals . divine right of church-government . tim. . . tim. . , . tim. . , , . job . , tim. . , . cor. . act. . act. . , , , . &c. divers things not fundamentally believed with certainty of faith . rom. in a 〈◊〉 . f. fides millinaria potest esse omnium pessima . beleeving of truths revealed of god with a reserve blasphemous , and concerning beleevers in scepticks and 〈◊〉 , beleev●ng w●th a reserve ●gainst the motion of the holy ghost beleeving with a reserve against the stability of faith . against the trying of all things , and spirits , injoyned by the holy ghost . faith with a reserve against our prayers for knowledge , and growing therein . the holy ghost bids us not beleeve with a reserve . to beleeve with a reserve contrary to our doing and suffering for truth in faith . two distinctions necessary touching controverted points . some things of their own nature not controversall , yet the deductions from them to our blinde nature , are controversall . fundamentalls of faith most controversall to our blinde nature . notes for div a -e some far off errors may bee tollerated . schisme and actuall gathering of churches out of churches cannot be tollerated . the place ro. . willing us to receive the weake , no plea for tolleration . the place philip. . . let us walke according to the same rule , &c. nothing 〈◊〉 tolleration . notes for div a -e remonstrant i● apologia p. . p. . 〈◊〉 & tu●a heresis 〈…〉 ●rr●r qui in merte errantis ta●●um l●cum habet ●rrer nec objectum nec causa punitionis est , error enim merus erra●tem non egreditur , ergo 〈◊〉 necoer●●ri quidem potest ▪ animus hominis imprio humano non 〈…〉 humane 〈…〉 apo. ● ● . ● liberti●es m●ke heresie a meere innocent and unpunishable error of the minde . heresie is a sin as well as idolatry , though we could neither desine heresie nor idolatry . heresie proved to be an hainous sin . remonstrance apol. . f. remon . apol. . f. . min●s celsus 〈◊〉 heretic . coer . se● . ● . f. , , , . the holy ghost contrary to libertines , supposeth unden●●●bly that hereticks are knowne , and so they are not knowne to god only , when 〈◊〉 b●ds us beware of them , avoid them , bid them not god sp●●d . pertinacie may be , & is known to men . libertines openly contradict the holy ghost in that they forbid to judge false teachers to bee grievous wolves . remonst . apol. c. . de ma●i●ioso volu●tatis actu 〈◊〉 pertina●ia que est formalis ratione h●resees 〈◊〉 nisi so●us ●o●e judicari potest humana omni● judicia de mente animoque alterius incerta sunt , conjectura fallaces nisi cum quis quod malum esse novit , facere vult nemo dedita opera erras , aut errare se sibi p●rswadet cum de ●terna salute agitur , quare fas non est invito alicui tribuere malitiam : caritas aliud swades . heresie a wicked resisting of the truth , and yet not the blasphemy against the holy ghost . liberti●es say that an hereticke dying for his heresie , hath no evill conscience , but a spirituall and heavenly end . tundite , tundita an●x●rchi follem anax●rchum enim non tundit . celsus ibid. the vain glory and malice of the devills martyrs who dye for heresie . fol. . spirituall stupidity and malice both together in hereticks and sathans martyrs . some ignorance consists with the sinne against the holy ghost . notes for div a -e re●●●n , apol . c. . , . ve lelius de ar●●n . ar●ini . p . l. . c. . n. , who is an to arminians titus . . nevi te esse primo genitum satauae . none to libertines are hereticks , but such as professe a religion which they with perswasion beleeve to be false . liberty of prophesying taken in a threefold sense the words quench not the spirit , vindicated from speaking for liberty of prophesying any thing remon . apol. c. . fo. , spiritum ne extinguite , id est , spirituales verbi dei sensus quos quis se habere a spiritu dei , id est , vel per inspirationem & suggestionem spiritus vel anxiliante spiritu dei sibi persuadet , quo sensu vocem spiritus videntur ipsi apostoli aliquando accipere , thes . . . . ioh. . . qua quam alio sensu accipi potest . r●mon ap to desire false prophets to cease out of the land , is no quenching of the spirit . remon . apo. . notes for div a -e remon . . how the arminian libertines do define an heretick . heretickes to libertines only such as deny things knowable by the light of nature diversity of opinions among them . the punishing of men forpublishing of fundamental errors and the indulgence of a toleration yeelded to them though they teach all errors in non-fundamentals a vain distinction and hath no ground in scripture . some murthers non-fundamentall ●n david , which yet are consistent with the state , salvation should as wel be tolerated as some errours in non-fundamentals , by the distinction of libertines . some non-fundamentals clearely in the 〈◊〉 revealed not to be beleeved with a reserve , and others non-fundamentals with 〈◊〉 . queries propounded to libertines . why may not the magistrate lawfully spare the life of him who out of a libertine conscience meerly sacrificeth his childe to god● or why should ●e punish with the sword some acts not destructive to peace in the con●cience of the punished , and not a● acts of the same ki●d . to compell men to do against their conscience , that is to sin neither in old or new test-lawfull . deut . deut. . ●pan● 〈◊〉 . apo c. . f. . there is the same obligation , the same formall reason ( so saith the lord ) of beleeving non-fundamentals revealed , and fundamentals , and the same necessity of divine command not the same necessity of means called , necessitas med●● . notes for div a -e bloody tenet c p. . r●monst . apo c. . nam v●rbu● dei etiamsi vin obligandi ex se & p●rse habeat , actu t●●en non obligat quenquam nisi intellectum & sic pr●ut adhibi●a omni possibili diligentia & prudentia ●●nclligendum esse creditur , re●no enim obligatur , ad verum v●rbi divini sensu ● sequ●dum contra conscientiam suam erro●●am . the state of the question touching the obligation that conscience layeth on us . tanner . jesuit● to . in . disp . . q . dub . . n. . lib. de paradiso opinio nostra nobis legem in ponit . ph● . gammacheu . in . q. . de act● . hum . c. . sect . . malderus q. . a●t , ● . dis . . ancient bonds of liberty of conscience , se . . c. . p. . though the magistrate punish false teachers it followeth not that he compels them to sinne against their conscience . augustin contr . gau●e●ti● n , l. ● c. . et si ficti aliq ●i persever●●● , non utique ●●op er ipsos 〈◊〉 fucra●t colligendi quos viden●●s ver●●e● . gods way and manner of calling , is no ground why the magistrate should not punish false teachers . ancient bonds of liberty of conscience , s . c. . p. . who is the self condemned heretick , tit. . . 〈…〉 sect . ● . . . r●monst . vi . di . l. . c. . ut heresis naturae potius quam vitium vo untatis sit . l. . c. . err●ces istos sola parit natura per nullam ipsoram culpam destituta gratia , non voluntas auxilium gratia aspernata seducuntur non sponte sua sed naturae necessitate seducunt enim non quia seducere volunt , sed quia non possunt non seducere . notes for div a -e toleration hath no warrant in the word . toleration infer●eth scepticisme . want of infallibility in the new testament , no reason for the toleration in the testament . apolo . n●trar . p. . toleration is against faith , 〈…〉 in the scriptures . toleration is against the ministery of the word . rulers by the fourth command are to see all under them worship god. proposals of the army under sir tho. fairfax . p notes for div a -e rulers , as rulers , not as tipicall rulers punished false teachers with the sword . typicalnesse did not priviledge all the kings of judah and israel to compell the conscience , and punish false teachers , as libertines say . how typicalnesse priviledgeth men to such and such actions , how not . seducers punished by bodily death . punishing of idolators and blasphemers of the law of nature . how wars that are extraordinary in the manner , and in some particular acts may be and are in the substance of the acts ordinary rules oblieg●ng us . the law of god warranted by the law teacheth that false teachers and hereticks are to be punished with the sword . the law deut. . , . for punishing of idolaters . there was no consulting with the or●cle who should be put to death for his conscience in the old testament , but an ordinary way of trying such evill do●rs by judicial proceeding and hearing of witnesses . the end of punishing of false teachers with the sword is not their conversion to god ( ministeis of the gospell onely labour in that field ) but the not perverting of soules and disturbing the safety of humain societies . sacrificing of children to molech punished with death by god● law , not as murther but as spiritual whordome . notes for div a -e laws punishing false teachers were morall , not temporary and pedagogicall ▪ power of fathers and masters in the ●ourth command coercive . compelling to hypocrisie for feare of shame and reproaches , as guilty as compelling men w●●h the sword not to publish heresies , nor seduce others . 〈…〉 . blasphemers and idolaters never were judged to dye , by consulting with the immediate oracle of god , as joh. goodwin imagineth hagiomast●x . sect. , , , . we have as 〈◊〉 a wo●● , the scripture , as immediate consulting with the oracle of god. want of infallibility should exclude all judges to judg , ●ast●rs to preach on write , synods to advise because we cannot doe these with propheticall infallibility . a twofold typicalnesse in the old testament ; one meerly ceremoniall , unreducible ; another typicall , but of civill and naturall use , the use of the latter ceaseth not , because it was sometime typicall , so is punishing of seducers . answ . . seducers of old denied no otherwise god then our false prophets now ●●ayes doe now deny h●m not only those who ●ffend against the principles of nature but those that publish and hold errors against the supernaturall principles of the gospell , are to be punished by the sword . such as slew their children to molech , denied no more the word of god then our hereticks now doe . there be false prophets now under the new testament as there were under the old testament . notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 not expresse rebukin● , of the magistrates , tolerating of heresies makes not for christs ap●●oing of toleration of heresies more then of tolerating , the absolving of a murtherer at the time of the feast , or other crimes against the second table . answ . . the lawes , deut. ● . three in number explicated , the first two were morall , the third ceremoniall for the most part . the wars in the old testament warrant wars in the new , according to the naturall equity in them , but they binde not according to the ceremoniall & temporary typicalnesse annexed to them . notes for div a -e the prophesies in the old testament , especially that zach. . , , , , , ▪ prove that false teachers under the new testament , ought to be punished with the sword so john goodwin answereth in his appendix to hagimastix . the prophecie zach. . & the house of david noteth not the iewes only excluding the gentiles . master goodwins answer to zach. . answer of mr. goodwin . it is not metaphoricall thrusting through that is spoken of zach. . but really inflicted death an●bod●ly punishment . chytaeus in zach . . 〈◊〉 doctores 〈…〉 ut asa propr●●m ma●re● removit a cu●●u ad●●orum . ●ead , propter 〈◊〉 idolorum * esa . . . esa . . . ps . . . ps . . . . ps . . . es . . . pro. . . rev. . . 〈…〉 notes for div a -e so 〈◊〉 . goodwin , hagiomastick . the ignorance of the christian magistrate in matters of religion , no ground why by his office hee ought not to know so farre truth and falshood as to punish heresies , published and spread . ordinary professors may know who are hereticks and false teachers . magistrates as magistrates cannot judge all evill do●●s , for heathen magistrates who never heard the gospel cannot judge gospel-hereticks . how christ taketh service of a christian magistrate . mr . ●o . goodwin . how m. goodwin would elude the place , rom. . to prove that false teachers are not evill doers paul rom. . speakes of magistrats in general what they ought to be not of roman magistrates as they were then . roman well-doing , and ill-doing , not meant in this text . notes for div a -e the pla●● tim. . , . explained . we are to pray that magistrates as magistrates , may not only permit , but procure to us that we may live in godlinesse . rev. the ten kings as kings punish the where , and burne her flesh for her idolatry . extraordinary punishing of hereticks , no case of the magistrates neglect , argueth that the magistrate ought to punish them . notes for div a -e this liberty of conscience is not christian liberty . a speculative conscience no more freed from the magistrate then a practicall conscience . ecclesiasticall censures as compulsory as the sword . notes for div a -e remonstrantes apo. . fol. . no● d●●●●teor parabolam hanc ( de zizani●s ) de beretici , non directe agere . the scope of the pa●●ble of the tares , and the vindication thereof . the danger of punishing the innocent in due of the guilty through mistak is no argument that hereticks should not be punished by the magistrate . the tares are not meant of hereticks but of al the wicked who shall be burnt with unquenchable fire calvinus in math. . non quemlibet rig●rem cessare sub●● christus , sed 〈…〉 . the parable of the tares , and of the sower most distinct parables in matter , and scope . let them grow not exponed by christ and what it mean●●h . what is understood by tares . heresie may be knowne . what is meant by plucking up what is meant by the field , what by the wheat . all the tithes of the parable must be not expounded , nor the time exactly searched into , when the tares were first sowne . how sins are more hainous under the new testament , & how god 〈◊〉 now no lesse s●v● 〈◊〉 under the ●aw , and a city that will defend and protect a false prophet against justice , is to be dealt with , the same wayes as under the old testament , except that the typ●calnesse is removed . what ( let them grow ) imports . how we are to beare permissive providences wherein evills of sin fall out . christ must mean by tares and wheat , persons , not doctrines , good and ill minus celsus . whether false teachers if they repent must be spared , or because they may repent . minus celsus ●o . . zizania , tr●●ico non nocent sed prosunt . augustin , omnis 〈◊〉 , au●dco 〈◊〉 ut corrigatur , aut , ut per eum bonus ex●erceatur . notes for div a -e min●● celsus de hereticcus ●ocrecudis . remonstrantes be●g●ci . apol. c. . p. . the not burning of the samaritans doth prove nothing for the immunity of hereticks from the sword . how s●re wee may compell other nations or ●eathen to imbrace the true faith . of the covenants obliging of us to the religious observance thereof . ancient bonds c. . sect . . p. . . the word of god as it is in every mans conscience no rule of reformation in the covenant . the ●quivocation of sectaries in swearing the covenant . ancient bonds p. . the author of the antient bonds an ignorant prevoricator in the covenant . al moral compel●ing of hereticks , and refuting of false●teachers by the wo●d , 〈◊〉 as unlawfull as c●●p●l●ion ●y the sw●rd , according to the principles of libertines . p. ● . . the magistrate is the magistrate cannot send ministers but 〈◊〉 a compl●sory way . p. 〈…〉 how independents were insnared by presbyterians to take the covenant as the lying author saith . pag. , . how independents sware to defend the presbyterian government , & with tong●● , pen , sword , cry out at it , as tyrannicall , antichristian , and popish . libertines make conscience , not the word of god their rule . so remo●strantes in vindici●s apol. l. . c. . , . nominem , post quam acceptavit decretum , ( this author , post quam accepta●it ●uramentum ) ten●ri illo diutius ▪ quam ea ●●ge qua●enus & qu●ndin ipse i● co 〈◊〉 sua judica illud esse ●erum . how appearing to the conscience makes not the word of god to be the obliging rule , but onely as touching the right and due manner of being obliged thereby . notes for div a -e returne to the commiss . of the gen. assemb . of scotland , an . . p. . returne of the parliament of england to the com. p. ● . anno . the pretended liberty is contrary to the nationall covenant petition to the king , inviting him to returne to his parliam . d●●laration from the paul. 〈◊〉 to the state of scotland by mr . ●ickri● . petition to the king , . 〈◊〉 . . declaration of the kingdome of scotland when they came into england in their second expedition to joyne in the cause for religion and the covenant . treaty betweene england and scotland . ordinance of both houses . die lunae . septem . appoved by the assembly of divines at westmin . ▪ septem . . mr. phillip nye his exhortation before he read the covenant which was taken by the parliament of england , and assembly a●no . dec● . . at margarets church . mr . nye p. . returne from the parliament of england to the commission . of the generall assembly anno . ordinance of lords and commons an . . feb. . ordinance of parlam . . feb. . the declaration of both kingdomes an no. . p. . p. , , , declaration to the gen. assembly aug. . letters of the assembly of divines and commissioners of the church of scotland , to the belgik , french , helvetian and other reformed churches , an . . we indeavour ( making the word our rule ) the nearest conformity to the best reformed churches and u●iformity in all the churches of the three kingdomes . decla . after the battle of kenton . remon . of the parl. decla . of the parliament of scotland , ● . nov parliaments decla . given by their commissio ▪ aug. . commission . papers to the convention of states in scotland . ord. of parl. , j●n . sal●m . spark of glory p. . . , . del ser . before the house of commons , p. , . . . ordin . octo. . ordina . march . . and an ord. aug. . ordinance of parl. march , . ordinance of parl. . nov. . propositions of peace sent to the king to newcastle an . july . and now again sep. ordinan . feb . . ordinance . feb. . ordinance . ma● . declaration of the house of commons . april . declaration of both kingdoms . returne to the commiss . of the gen. assem p. . declaration after the battle at kenton . declaration of both kingdomes an . returne from the parl. to the privy councel of scotland , . confession of faith , c. . s . . c. . s . . notes for div a -e mr. goodwins unsound glosse touching the counsell of gamaliel , acts . calvin censures both gamaliel and iohn goodwin commen . in acts . . caeterum si quis omnino rite expendat , indigna est homine prudente sententia ( gamalielis ) scio q●●dem a multis haberi pro oraculo sc . eos ( anabaptistas ) perp●ram judicare vel hinc satis clarè pate● , quod hoc modo abstinendum esse ab omnibus paenis nec amplius ullum maleficium corrigendum , verè quidem dicitur non posse ullis consilus dissolvi quod ex deo est ; quod autem ex hominibus minus fi●mum esse quam ut consistat , sed hinc perperam colligitur , cessandum , potius videndum quid deus nobis mandet . vult autem maleficia a nobis coerceri , in hunc finem instituit magistratus eosque gl●dio armavit , rom. . piscator , nam 〈…〉 ●●ones humano consilio & audacia 〈…〉 d●sso●v untur ●●men 〈◊〉 magistratus est operum dare ut alas conpescant , & prohibean , & hujusmodi novatores pro merito puniant . * gualther dubius & ambigus in sermone apparet , longe igitur alia illorum magistratuum ratio est qui v●ritates vera cognitione illuminati , illam ex officio tueri , & errores extirpare debent . vaticanus , citeth bullinger , a contrary to calvin in gamaliels arguing , but both commend the moderation of gamaliel . ●ut bullinger saith , adversus , anab. lib. . c. . nil adeo iniquum & injustum de quo dici non potest si ex deo , perficietur , si non ex deo sponte cessabit . gamaliels argument proves as strongly that murtherers and adulterers should not be punished , as that men ought not to bee punished for their conscience . the argument of gamaliel owned by adversaries readers all the fundamentalls of the gospell uncertain , and topick sc●pticisme to all the most well settled beleev●rs . gamaliels argument doth co●clu●● that w● are not to oppose ●y arguments and scriptur● , a●y blasphemous way agai●●t the gospe● . imme●iate 〈…〉 is 〈◊〉 the rule of our actions . notes for div a -e the 〈…〉 burning 〈…〉 from 〈…〉 . lu. . 〈…〉 ambro●●us 〈…〉 tibi clement●● ad 〈…〉 samaritani a quibus 〈…〉 crediderunt . hieronimus in locu . ut apostolicus sermo haberet efficientiam voluntatis est domini ; nisi enim ille jussetit frustra dicunt apostoli , ut ignis discenda● . the case of elias calling for fire from heaven , and of the apostles , luk. . much different . swarez com . de virt . theo. disp . . sect . ● . nu . . iohn baptist , or a necessity for liberty of conscience , c. ● . p. . n. . bloody tenet , c. . p. , . m. s. on iohn goodwin to . p. . antient bounds . p. . the meeknesse of christ being extended to publicans , extortioners , and harlots , doth as well conclude , such ought not to be punished by the magistrate , as that false teachers ought not to be punished by him . by places from the meeknesse of christ socinians labour to prove the magistrate is to shed ●o blood under the new testament , s●cinius defens . verae sent . de magist . polit . adver . jac. pal. bar . . so . . . sed negant ( raccovienses ) cum qui christianus effe velit , humanum sanguinem fundere posse , sive privatus sit , sive magistratum gerat par . . fo . . christianus judex in sententia ferenda , christianae aequitatis & clementiae non est obliturus . ostorodi●s inst . rol. c. . praecepta christi ( elementissimi ) non permittunt ulli homini ad amore vitam . ●malcius contra frantz dis . de ●on-oper . nec christus praecepit homicidas morte plectere , disp . de reb . c v. semper ( magistratus ) habenda est ratio legum chri●ti . catech raccoviensis de proph . mun. chi. c. fo . som● . defen . vet . sent . de magist . poht. li. . fo . . smaltius disp : dereb : eiv d. stewart his part in answ . to m. goodwin p. . censur . professores leidenst . . sec . ult . p. . christs not breaking the bruised reed , would prove that hereticks are gracious persons , though weak in saving grace , and lovingly ch ●rrished by christ , if the place is . mat. . , . helpe the adversaries . christs meeknes● not ince●sistent with his ju●tice . rash judgement condemned , cor. . . is nothing for pretended tollera●●on . that many through the corruption of their own heart render hipocriticall obedience , because of the sword , proveth nothing against the use of the sword , to coerce false teachers . antient bounds c. . p. . matters of religion ought to be inacted by the law of princes and christian rulers , that such as contravene may be punished . lawes of rulers in matters of religion , do only finde the outward man. c. &c. . & p. ● , . the false teacher is to be sent to the church and pastors thereof , that he may be convinced before he be punished . notes for div a -e how iudiciall lawes oblige to puni●●ment . profess . l●id . in syn●p . pair . theo. disp . . gamachaeus in . q. . c. . iudiciall lawes were deduced from the morall law. thomas , . q. . art . . swarez de legib . p. . c. . n. . epiphanius de heres . augustinus de haeres . . irenaeus , l . c. . augus . de her . . soto de insi●t . & jurae l. c. . aquinas ▪ q. . ar . . medina . q. . ar . . q . ar . . valentia . dis . . q punc . . gamacheus . . c. . conink de acti supe●n dis . . dub . . no. . true causes of war with other nations . m●sius cornelius a lapide . abulensis in josh . cajeta●us in josh . c. v. ● . swarez de v●r . theo. disp . . sect . . n. . gam●chaeus in , q. ●o de infid . q. . augustinus q ● . in num & in john q two kingdoms , becom●ing 〈…〉 a re●igious co●●nant if it be 〈◊〉 , the one part may ave●ge the quarrell of the 〈◊〉 on the oth●r in case of br●●ch the new altar 〈◊〉 by the tribes ●●● the halfe 〈◊〉 jordan josh . . how 〈…〉 cause of war. calvin comment . in josh . non dubium quin sancto zelo excanduerint , non omnibus quidam da●as gl●dius in manum sed pro su● quisque vocatione & officio viriliter & constanter asserere studet purum religionis statum contra omnes corruptelas . calvin ratiocinantur a minore ad majus . piscator in cor. english divines annot . on josh . . diodatie on ios . . genev● notes . dutch annotations . vat●b●us an . in josh . . cajetan com . in josh . . cornelius a lapide com . in josh . . venerunt ut dimicarent contra ●os quasi . apostatas & schismaticos . vide hic z●●um omnes enim duodecem . tribus faciebant unam rempublicam unamque ecclesiam . tostatus com . . in josh . c. . q. . necessitas autem pugnandi contra duas tribus incumbebat . lex deut. . id jubebat . consilium autem est de contingentibus de modo . hugo cardinal . com . in josh . . masius in iosh . in loc . se●rar . in loc . nicho. de lyra . menochius anno● ▪ in iosh . . v. . fer●s in declama . in iosh . c. ●● . utinam talis zelus in nobis esset & quidem non unum altare erectum videmus sed innumera . swarez de vir . the dis . . sect . . augus . epist . . ad donatistas . constantinus prior contra partem donati severissimam legem dedit , hanc imitati filii ejus talia praeceperunt quibus succedens iulianus deser●or christi & inimicus supplicantibus vestris rogatiano & pontio libertatem perditionis partis donati permisit , denique ●eddidit basilicas hereticis , quando templum daemoniis eo modo putans christianum nomen posse perire de terris , si unitati ecclesiae , de qua lapsus fuerat , invideret , & sacrilegas diffensiones liberas esse permittere● : deinde valentinianus , legite quae contra vos jufferit ▪ inde gratianus , & theodosius legite quando vultis quae de vobis constituerint , quid ergo de filiis theodosi● miramini , quasi allud de hac causa sequi debuerint quam constantini judicium per tot christianos imperatores ●●●issi●● custoditum . christian princes lawes against errors and ●●resies . eusebius in vita co●stan . c. , . & l. c. . ruffinus hist●r . p. . c. . iovian . l. . c. . nicephor . l. . c. . ruffinus , c. . , . nicephor , l. . c. . socrates , l. . ● . . theodo●us anagnostes collect . l. . the unconstancy of timotheus coton bishop of constantinople , of petr. mongus bishop of alexandria . evagr●●l . . c . pic●s mirandula in apoloq . q. . nemo sanae mentis ita opinatur . vt alio modo opinari posset , quia ita vult opinare . edictum valentiniani & martiani lex . quicunque cod. de heret . ultimo supplicio coerecantur qui illicita docere tentaverin● . pametius c. . de diversis religionibus non admittendis . augustinus , epis . . ad boni●●● occidunt animas affligantur in tempore , senipeternas mortes faciunt , & temporales se perpeti conqueruntur . august . contra epist . parmen●ani . c. . m ▪ actinius de domin●s de r●p . eccles . l. . c. . augustin . con . crescom . gra. l. . c. . desid & operib . . epist . ad marc●●●●a . epist . . as constantine g●ve out severe l●ws against d●natists , so did iulianus the apostate restore temples to heretickes , and granted liberty of conscience to them , that so he might destroy the name and religion of christians , as is before observed . so augustin . ep● . ad donatistas . god only determineth punishments for sinne . the punishing of a seducing prophet is moral . to punish the seducing teacher is an act of justice morally obliging men ever , and every where . false teachers in seducing others , apprehend th●● hand of divine vengeance pursuing them ; as other ill doers do ; and so it must be naturall iustice in the magistrate to punish them . the punishing of false prophets , is of the law of nature . idolatry is to be punished by the judge , and that by the testimony of job c. . who was obliged to observe no judicial law but only the law morall and the law of nature . english divines ●n . on job . ver . . pagninus in verbo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mercerus ibid. lxx . chaldaica paraphras . hieronimus h●eron . transl . iob . v. . hieron . trans . exod . . biblia parisien● . & complutens . lxx . syraica versio samaritan . vatab. iob . iunius iob . piscator ibid. pineda com . in iob . . sanctius in iob . v. ● . ier. taylor libertie of prophecying sect . p. , spalato de rep. f●cles . l . c. . which booke is wanting in the ordinary coppies . tay●ors liberty of prophecying sect . p. . how the fathers deny the sword is to bee used against men for their conscience . taylor liberty of prophecying sect . . p. . church cens●res and rebukes for conscience inferi●● most of all the absurdities that libertines imp●e to us . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spernere conten●●●re . that there was an immediate response of gods oracle telling who was the false teacher , is an unwarranted forgery of libertines . if heresie bee innocency , seducing hereticks ought to be praised and rewarded . liberty of prophecying . the magistrate as a magistrate according to prophecies in the old testament is to punish seducers . bloody tenet c. . p. . what master williams giveth to the magistrate in religion is not sufficient . christian kings are no more nurse-fathers isai . . . to the true churches of christ , then to the synagogue of antichrist according to the way of libertines . the mind of divers famous authors touching the parable of the tares . mr. williams mis-interpreteth the parable of the tares . guli●l . paris●ensts on the parable of the tares . let them grow till harvest , because tares may become wheat , but that is uncertain , but it is certain that wheat may become tares , then let them grow till harvest to destroy the people of god , is as if one should say , let a few wolves continually eat and devoure the flock , because god happily shall make these wolves sheep and lambs , and let some few● burning torches devour and consume the wood , because god may make these fruitfull trees , and let some few lepers , who continually infect most contagiously remain among whole people , because god may save them . calvin advers . servetum if the words of the parable be precisely pressed , all magistrates must be interdicted of the use of the sword , ch●ker in parenes . the par●ble speaketh not of ●udges . ●eza nor none of the fathers ever said that hereticks should not be judged till the last day , chrysos● . hom . . on matth. d●ssipate the assemblies of hereticks but kill them not . jaco . acontius by the wheat are meant the godly , by the tares the ungodly , if both godly and ungodly must be ●●●ered to grow , all magistracie and authoritie of discipline should be abolished . jacobus simanca . tares are all wicked men , then no wicked men must be punished , most absurd . ga●acheus . if reall danger be imminent , the church and the christian magistrate must abstain from discipline , and the parable saith 〈…〉 so suarez . tannerus , least ye pluck up & c. ●ee gives a just and adequate reason of the permitting of evill . azorius , by tares hereticks are not understood acco●ding to the mind of chrysost . augustine , hierom● euthymius , theophylact . the parable of the tares considered . mr. williams holdeth that the prince oweth protection to all idolatrous and bloodie churches , if they be his subjects . how the magistrate is to judge of heresie . a magistrate and a christian magistrate are to be d●fferenced , nor can or ought all magistrates to judge of , or punish all hereticks . bloody tenet , cap. . p. , . whether peace of civill societies be sure , where there is toleration of all religions , and what peace christians can have in toleration . peace is commanded in the new testament , no word of toleration of divers religions , which are the seminaries of discords between the seed of the woman and the serpents seed , in all the new testament , is to be found by precept , promise , or practice , nor any ground of repealing judiciall lawes , for puni●hing seducing teachers . libertines give us heathenish , not christians peace under many religions . notes for div a -e remonst . apo. c. . p. remonst . apo. c. . p. ● . bullinge● adver . anabap. l. . c. bloudy tenet . c. . p. , . ancient bounds scripturall persecution is only for truth . asser . there is a tongue persecuting by rebukes , which is condemned by libertines in matters of religion , as well as handpersecution . opeatus mel. vitan . l. . episcopos gladio linguae jugulastis , fundentes sanguinen non corporis , sed honoris . bullinger adver anabap. l. . ● . augus . epist . magis ancilla p●rsequebitur satam superbi●n●o , qu●m ●llam sa●a co●●cendo , illa enim dominae faciebat injuriam , ista imponeb●t superb●ae discipli●m . augus . petitiano , l. . c. . noli diccre absit , absit ●conscientia nostra , ut ad nostram fidē aliq●em compellamus , facitis enim , ubi potestis , ubi autem non facitis , non p●●testis , sive legum sive 〈◊〉 timore , sive res●entium mu●●t●d ne . so were marcis presbyter victoriensis , and mareitius urgensis , per●ecuted by donatists , augus . epist . 〈◊〉 . carwright joh . on tit. . . amesius de conscien . l. . c. . an haeretici ●nt ● civil● magistratu puniendi . q. . re. r●primendos esse haereticos abomnibus plit . 〈◊〉 rom . . tim. . . n. . si vero etiam manifeste blasphemisint , & in illis blasphemus pertinaces ac praefracti , p●ssint etiam affici supplicio capitali , lex enim illa , levit. . . . quamvis non obligit christianos quatenus est lex , quatenus tamen est doctrina a deop ofecta pertinet ad christianorum directionem in ejusdem generis causis ; joannes clopenbur●●● in gangrena anabaptis . tripa● . histor . l. . c. . bullinger . l. . c. . c. . petition of famil●●● to k james an . they commend king james in counselling pr. henry to punish putitan non-conformists , and plead for liberty to themselves see survey of the spirituall antichrist , pag. . apolog. remon . bloudy tenet . c. . p. . libertines ought no● to suffer death for any truth . mimus celsus sect. fo. . mimus celsus denieth the coercing of seducers upon socinian principles . citech racco v●d : proph . mu. . c. c. . socinus in praelec . c. . com , in joh. fo . . prae●er theol. c . f. . ostorodi●s inst . chris relig. c. . c. . c. . c &c. smalcius de divi● c c . f. . contra smig●●c c. f. . volkelius . episcopius dis . de●es●l c arm deleg & evan com . the. . ancient bonds of liberty , reas . , . the lords patience towards sinners in the old testament was no argument of not coercing false prophets in that o●d testament , as the author of ancient bonds &c. supposeth . acontius de steatagematis satanae , l. . p. . 〈…〉 . hope of gaining blasphemers no more ground of sparing their life , then hope of gaining murtherers can be pretended as a ground why they should not be punished . whether to be persecuted for conscience true or false , be a proper note of the tru● church as iob. baptist , saith , cap. . necessi●y of toleration , quar. . see osterodius iustit . rel . c. . f. . smalcius praefat . re●at , frant . soci● . praelect . theol. c. . smalcius refut . lib. de satisfact . christi c. & lib , de offic . christi . jesus christus est primus ac solus praeco hujus doctrinae ac multo perfectio is quam ea quae ante christum , in popul● d●i fuit . p●liander in concertat . socinian . disp . . thes . , , . peltiush●rmon . socin . & remonst . art . . art . . volke●ius in verbis christi illis testimoni●s ( inquit ) exod. ● . . lev. . . deut . ●am legis mon●em fuisse comprobatur , ut ultio ac vindicta fuisse permiss● sta●uatur , mod● per magistratum , non autem propti● authoritate fieret . cui quid em legi christus sua verba opponens , omnem non modo privatam , sed etiam publicam vindictam abrogat , suisque praecipit ut omnes perpessiones quae alterius maxi●●ae obversione significantur , omnemque bonorum jacturam , quae pallii dimissione innu●tur , omnem denique molestiam , quae coactione ad unum milliare designatur , ita ferant , ut similem denuo injuriam subeant , potius quam illat●m , ●ive per se , five per magistratum ulciscantur . there be no new commandements of christ to love our enemies in the new testament , which were not commanded in the old , as joh. baptist saith c. . they that suffer for heresie and killing their children to molech by baptists way , so they preserve conscience , suffer for well-doing , and according to the will of god in the apostle peters sense joh. baptist preface to the reader , and c. . necessity of toleration by samuel richardson , an . . quer. . q. . and pag. , . ancient bounds p. , , . we judge not that hereticks seeming to be hereticks should be punished , but those that are hereticks indeed ought onely to be punished . joh. baptist condemns . notes for div a -e joh. baptist ▪ c. . ancient bounds reas . . p. . storming of the antichrist . c . p. . joh. goodwin . h●giomas . baptist falsely chargeth on us that we teach a man should beleeve whether his conscience say so or not , and should doe and pray without the spirit of adoption , and that for these foregoing merits of congruity god will give us faith ▪ which doctine we detest . ancient bounds preaching of the word without the spirit is as unable to work faith as the sword , and the argument from our impotencle to beleeve , is as strong against the one as against the other . the sword hath strength against only the outward m●n to cause him to abstain from seducing of souls , not against the conscience . argument . it s a false principle of toleration , none are punishable for heresie because heresie is to god only knowable , and to no mortal man. goodwins sermon theomachia . acts . . saltmarsh sparkles of glory , preface . the heretick is knowable by the scriptures . impotency of beleeving , being naturall in the old testament , as in the new , it was to the jews as good a ple● against the lords law to punish seducers as to us . reasons against forced and unwilling obedience . against forced abstinence from murther , particide , at al times in the old and new testament , do contend against gods laws of punishing seducing teachers . bloudy tenet , c. . p. . the magistrate commandeth the outward man , and yet commandeth not sin and carnall repentance how the magistrate commandeth obedience to the law of god ; to wit , in reference onely to externall peace and the halfe and outside of obedience , and yet not hypocriticall in its kind . del sermon before the house of commons , p. , . epistle to the two daughters of warwick . s . ▪ . del serm p. . theol. germa . c. . , . rise & reign er . , . er . . bulli●ger adversus anab. l. . c. . & l. . c. . calv instruct . adversus liber . c. . p. . towns assert . of grace , p. , , . s a'm●rsh free grace , , . bam. gortyn . simplicities defence p. . . ancientbounds c. . reas . . because man may abstaine from heresie and seducing , upon false grounds to wi● , the magistrates commandment and not from conscience ; it follows no more that the magistrate hath no power so to command , then that the pastor hath no power so to preach . argument . the libertinisme of toleration is grounded upon the pretended obscurity of the scriptures . the main pillar and ground of toleration , makes the scripture a nose of waxe , and puts on it a hundred senses , and makes it a rule of faith to all the false religions , of jew , papist , indian , american , who receive the letters of it . mr iohn goodwin hagiomast . sect . . p , denieth that any now living on earth hath the scriptures , or any ground of faith , but that which is made of mens credit and learning . though the meanes of delivering to us scripture be fallible , yet it neither followeth that these meanes are the foundation , on which our faith is resolved , or that the scripture it self is not infallible . tannerus disp . . de fide , c. . as . bellarm. l. . de concil . c. . stapl●ton doctrin . princip . l. . c. . ultima resolutio fidei non est in deum revelantem simpliciter , sed in deum revelantem ut sic , id est per ecclesiam &c. val. dis . . de fide q. . p. . sect . p. . col . . card. de lugo de side , spe , dis . sect . . n. . malderus de object fidei q. . art . sect . . p. . suarez de fid . disp . . de object . forma fidei sect . pag. . dis . . dub . . concl . lod. maratius tom . . tract . de fide dis . iect . . n. . duvilliusde object fidei l. . q. . lit●e . d. fr. silvius professor , duace●sis m. q. . art . lod cas●ensis capucinus curis . theol. tom post tract . . dis . s . . reasons to prove that we have divine certaintie , that the books of the old and new testament that we now have , are the word of god , contrary to mr goodwins assertion , that we have no warrant so to say , but mans credit and authority . as matth. . . matth. . , , . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . . mark. . . mark. . . luke . . luke . . . . luke . . luke . . joh. . . . joh. . . act. . . act. . act. . . act. . . rom. . . rom. . . rom. . . . rom. . . rom. . . rom. . . rom. . . cor. . . ● cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . rom. . . rom. . . cor. . . gal. . . . gal. . . . heb. . . pet. . . luke . . rom. . . cor. . . cor . . luke . . joh. . . rivet to . . contra . tract . . whitaker to . . de authoritate scrip. l. . c. . calvin comment in act. . hagiomast . ser. . p. . dr. taylors liberty of prophesying , sect. . p. , , &c. liberty of prophesie , sect. . p. . the knowledge of god is commanded , and the minde is under a divine law , as well as the will and the affections . the trying of the two missals of gregory and ambrose by a miracle was meer folly . liber . of prophe . sect. . p. , . the causes of heresie . all ignorance of things revealed in the word though most speculatively , are sinfull errours . the place cor. . , , . expounded and vindicated from the glosses of adversaries . dr. taylors mistake of heresie . what vinciblenesse must be in heresie . dr. taylor maketh the opinion of purgatory no heresie , and groundlesly . of errours how they are sinfull in matters revealed in gods word . liber . of proph sect. . n. . liber . of proph n. . n. . simple errours of things revealed in gods word are condemning sins . ob. . sect. . how opinions are judicable and punishable . for the father to kill the son , upon a meer religious ground , is no murther , nor punishable by libertines way notes for div a -e sect. . n. . bloodie tenet , c. . p. , . the magistrates ministry is civill , not spirituall . bloodie tenet , . . the laws of artaxerxes cyrus , darius , nebuchadnezzar , ratifying the law of god by civil punishments were their magistraticall duties . how fear of civill lawes may work men to soundnesse in the faith . bloodie tenet , page . artaxerxes made lawes by the light of nature , to restrain men from idolatry . bloody tenet , c. . p. . from punishing of false teachers it followeth not that the jewes and all the idolatrous heathen should be killed . bloodie tenet , c. . p. . bloody tenet , cap. . the considerable differences between punishing such as rebell against the first tables of the law in the old testament , and now in the new , and their swearing of a covenant and ours . obj. . bloody ten. c. ● p . circular turnings from protestanisme to popery proves nothing against punishing of seducers . obj . bloody ten. c. . p. . dr. taylor liber . of pro. sect. n. . ancient bounds c. . . p. sect . . the objection of a carnall way by swords as no fit means to suppresse heresie answered . the objection from carnall weapons , and forcing of conscience , and contradictions involved , inforcing the elicit & ●n●ernall acts of will and understanding &c. as strong against laws in the old testament as in the new. the law deu. . lev. &c. was not executed upon such onely , is sinned against the light of his conscience , and the law of nature , and upon whom the immediate response of the oracle fell , as false prophets . no need of a law-processe , judge , witnesses accusers , or inquiring in the written law of god , if an immediate oracle from heaven , designed the false prophet in the old testament . ecclesiasticall and civill coaction , do both worke alike upon understanding and will. ancient bonds , c. . page . errors against supernaturall truth are not rebukeable , because not punishable , & contra . vatica●us contra libel . calvin ●n . . vaticanus co● . libel . calvi ad not . so si interficis qua sic loquitur ut sentit intersieis propter veritatem : ●am veritas est dicere quae senrits & psal . . beatum pronunciat eum , qui vere dicit quae habet in animo . libertines make all blasphemers , all seducing prophets of baa● . & priests of heathen gods , if they speak● what a conscience 〈◊〉 with a 〈◊〉 iron doth 〈◊〉 unto them , to be true prophets , and to dwell 〈◊〉 them 〈◊〉 of the lords house , 〈◊〉 . . bloudy tenco c. . p. . in four sundry considerations sins are censured . augus epis . ad vincen the magistrate is subject to the just power of the church and the church to the just power of the magistrate ; neither of them to abused power , and the word of god in point of conscience supreme to regulate both how the jews suffered heathen idolaters to dwell amongst them . baptist c. . p. ● . . joh. baptist would have us selfe selfe carefull of being carried 〈◊〉 with false and strange doctrines , because we are elected to glory , and the chosen cannot fall away , then of other abominable sins . joh. baptist and libertines teach that liberty of conscience is a way to finde out truth . when the holy ghost forbids us to beleeve false christs , and to receive antichristian teachers into our houses , he bids us also receive them as saints and beleeve them , by the way of libertines . libertines make the judging of hereticks , to be hereticks , a bold intruding into the lords ca●●net counsell . ancient bounds , cap. . sect . . reas . p. . bloodie tenet . mr. nicholas lo●k●er , ser . . col. . preface to the reader . liber●ines say , god hath de●●red heresies to be . varietie of judgements in gods mat●e●s is a grief to paul and the godly ministers . gal. . . tim. . , . tim. . . thes . . . tim. . . rev. . . acts . . ier. . . zach. . . lam. . . necessitie of toleration , . qu. . borrowed from bloodie tenet . the punishing of heresies investeth not the magistrate in a headship over the church . the intrinsecal end of the magistrate or of his office is not the conversion of souls . august . lib. . cont . perm . cap. to quis enim tune in christum crediderat imperator qui ei pro pietate contra impietatem leges ferendo servitet quando adhuc illud propheticum esset , quare fremue●un● gentes , &c. libertines make preaching and commanding to receive and beleeve , and professe the truth , a monopolizing of the truth . a twofold obligation the word spoken or preached lay on the hearers , one objective , another ministeriall . private men have not the like warrant to prescribe what ministers should beleeve and practice , as ministers have to prescribe to private men . argum . libertie of conscience maketh every mans conscience his bible and multiplies bibles and sundry words of god , and rules of faith . all hereticks are in a safe way of salvation , according to the way of libertines . the duke of buckingham his grace's letter to the unknown author of a paper, entituled, a short answer to his grace the duke of buckingham's paper concerning religion, toleration and liberty of conscience letter to the unknown author of a paper, entituled, a short answer to his grace the duke of buckingham's paper concerning religion, toleration, and liberty of conscience buckingham, george villiers, duke of, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the duke of buckingham his grace's letter to the unknown author of a paper, entituled, a short answer to his grace the duke of buckingham's paper concerning religion, toleration and liberty of conscience letter to the unknown author of a paper, entituled, a short answer to his grace the duke of buckingham's paper concerning religion, toleration, and liberty of conscience buckingham, george villiers, duke of, - . p. printed for j.l. for luke meredith ..., london : . caption title. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng short answer to his grace the d. of buckingham's paper concerning religion, toleration, and liberty of conscience. liberty of conscience -- early works to . freedom of religion -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the duke of buckingham his grace's letter , to the unknown author of a paper , entituled , a short answer to his grace the duke of buckingham 's paper , concerning religion , toleration , and liberty of conscience . my nameless , angry , harmless , humble servant ; i have twice read over , with a great deal of patience , a paper of yours which you call an answer to a discourse of mine ; and , to my confusion , must own , that i am not able to comprehend what part of my discourse it is you do answer ; nor in all yours , what it is you mean : but in this you are even with me ; for i perceive you do as little understand any part of what i have written , though i thought it had been in so plain a stile , that a child of six years old , might very well have done it . yet i do not take ill from you this art you have of misunderstanding plain things , since you have done the same in his majesty's promise to the church of england . the true meaning of which , ( without this misunderstanding art of yours ) would easily have appeared to be , that he would not suffer any body to injure the church of england , but he did not promise , that he would have the church of england persecute every body else . having confessed , that i cannot understand your writing ; you ought not to be offended at me , if i cannot remember it neither . and yet there is one passage in it which i shall never forget ; because it does in a most extraordinary manner delight me : it is this shrewd convincing argument of yours , which you say , had you been to treat with atheists , you would have urged to them ; that it is impossible , this world should be eternal , because then it must also be invisible . it is , i swear , a refined , quaint kind of notion ; which ( to do you justice ) i do verily believe , is entirely your own : yet for all this i cannot be absolutely convinced , that i am now the same george duke of buckingham , which i was forty years ago : and to shew you i am in earnest , i do here promise you , that if you will do for me a favor less difficult , which is , to make me the same george duke of buckingham i was but twenty years ago , i will ( as poor a man as i am ) give you a thousand guinneys for your pains ; and that is somewhat more , i am afraid , than you will ever get by your writing . you have done me the honour to call your self my humble servant , and therefore in gratitude , i shall offer you an advice , which i am confident , upon second thoughts , you will not find to be altogether unreasonable : that hereafter , before you take upon you to write french , you will be pleased to learn the language : for the word opinionatrê , which you are so infinitely charmed with in your paper , has the misfortune to be no french word : the true french word , which i suppose you would have used , is opiniatreté ; and yet i protest , i do not see how ( though you had written it right ) it would have much more graced your discourse , than if it had been expressed in english. stick therefore to your english metaphors , at which you are admirable ; and be always careful of not turning ( according to your own words ) the wine of hopes , into the vinegar of despair ; and then you cannot fail of being sufficiently applauded by every body , as you are by your grateful friend , buckingham . finis . london , printed by j. l. for luke meredith , at the king's head at the west end of st. paul's church-yard , . a disswasive from conformity to the world as also god's severity against impenitent sinners : with a farewel sermon lately preached to a congregation in london / by henry stubs. stubbes, henry, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a disswasive from conformity to the world as also god's severity against impenitent sinners : with a farewel sermon lately preached to a congregation in london / by henry stubs. stubbes, henry, ?- . [ ], p. printed and are to be sold by john hancock senior and junior, london : . reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -- england. liberty of conscience. god -- wrath. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - rachel losh sampled and proofread - rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a disswasive from conformity to the world. as also god's severity against impenitent sinners . with a farewel sermon lately preached to a congregation in london . by henry stubs minister of the gospel . psalm . . let the righteous smite me , it shall be a kindness ; and let him retrove me , it shall be an excellent oyl , which shall not break my head ; for yet my prayer also shall be in their calamity . london , printed and are to be sold by john hancock senior and junior , at the sign of the three bibles in popes-head alley , . to the professors of this age . do you not know that you ought to be followers of god , and christ , and the saints , ephes. . . matth. . . heb. . . and not the multitude , exod. . . not the world , rom. . . and dare you yet to set up them to be your patterns , and to follow their examples , who are not at all esteemed in the church ? i speak it to your shame , is there not a holy christ to be your pattern , and a holy word to be your rule ; but professors of religion must needs be as the irreligious of the world , taking example from them , who will take no example from christ ? now therefore there is utterly a fault amongst you , because you conform so much to this world , contrary to that express prohibition , rom. . . be not conformed to this world ; and because you have so much fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness ; contrary to that word , eph. . . why are ye not rather reprovers of the world , and condemners of it , as noah was , heb. . . by your walking as christ walked , john . . and according to rule ? gal. . . why do you not rather suffer your selves to be derided and despised ? know you not that the world you conform to lies in wickedness ? john . . and that the unrighteous world shall not inherit the kingdom of god ? cor. . . you know it . and you know also that eyes are upon you , observers you have many , god , angels , and men ; you had need look well to your wayes : you have a rule to talk and walk by . 't is not for you to say , we will be as the heathen , ezek. . . we will be as others , contrary to eph. . . which forbids you to walk as others , in the vanity of your minds : remember the words of christ to his disciples , luke . . ye shall not be so : you must walk as christ walked he has left you an example , pet. . . if you shall walk as others , you will by so doing give great occasion to the enemies of god to blaspheme , sam. . . and be stumbling blocks to the world : and if offences come by you unto the world , woe unto you , matth. . . remember david , and what god told him , the child that is born to thee shall surely dye ; verily the name of god is blasphemed among the prophane through you ; rom. . . you should adorn the doctrine of god our saviour in all things ; mark in all things , tit. . . and be very tender of the name of god and his doctrine , that it be not blasphemed through you , tim. . 〈◊〉 . if it be , be sure god will be as good as his word , amos . . you only have i known , therefore i will punish you christ has somewhat against you already , because you have left your first love . remember therefore from whence you are fallen , and repent , and do your first works , or else i will come unto you quickly , and will remove your candlestick out of its place , except you repent , rev. . , . would i could say of you as it follows , vers . . with a little alteration , but this you have , that you hate conformity to the world which christ also hateth . brethren , be ye followers of christ , and mark them which walk so , as that ye have christ for an ensample . for many walk , of whom i have told you often , and now tell you even weeping , that they are the enemies of the cross of christ : whose end is destruction , whose god is their back and belly , whose glory is in their shame , who mind earthly things , phil. . , , . but let your conversation be in heaven , as was pauls and the saints at phillippi , phil. . . seek you the things which are above , where christ sitteth at the right hand of god. set your affections on things above , and not on things on the earth ; for you profess your selves to be dead , and your life is hid with christ in god. when christ , who is your life , shall appear , then shall you appear with him in glory . mortifie therefore your members which are upon the earth ; col. . , , , . i beseech you by the mercies of god , the meekness of christ , and by your appearing before his judgment seat ; hear counsel and receive instruction , that you may be wise at length , prov. . . if you will not hear counsel and receive instruction , read jer. . . and consider and tremble . that you may is the prayer of one who wisheth above all things that your souls may prosper , and be adorned as your bodies do and are . non-conformity to this world . rom. . . and be not conformed to this world . in this and the foregoing verse we have an exhortation to holiness , branched out into three particulars . . that we present our bodies , a living sacrifice , holy , acceptable to god. . and not be conformed to this world . . but to be transformed by the renewing of our mind . i beseech you : though i might be bold in christ to enjoyn you , yet for love sake , i rather beseech you , pray and intreat you . therefore , seeing you have received so much mercy from god through christ. brethren , being all the children of god through faith in christ. gal. . . by the mercies of god , bestowed on you . gods mercy is one , but the effects and fruits of it are many ; election , redemption , justification . that you present your bodies ; not your souls onely , but your bodies also : god will have the body conformed to his will , and not to the world , as well as the soul ; for the body is for the lord , for the service of the lord , and the lord for the body , cor. . . our bodies being his , and bought with a price , cor. . , . our bodies being the members of christ , cor. . . and therefore also must we glorifie god with our bodies , cor. . . the apostle praying for the thessalonians , prayes that their bodies , as well as their souls , might be sanctified , thes. . . i note this the rather , because many think they may do what they will with , and make what use they will of their bodies ; but they are greatly deceived , for the body is not for fornication , cor. . . no not for ostentation , to make a shew with it . read , rom. . , . that you present them ; . that you offer and consecrate them to god as a sacrifice of thankfulness ; as heb. . . a living sacrifice , dead indeed unto sin , but alive to god , rom. . . being quickned by his spirit , that we might not live to our selves , but to him who died for us , cor. . . holy , not regarding , but hating iniquity in our hearts ; for if iniquity be regarded , we cannot be accepted : psalm . . acceptable to god , well pleasing to him through jesus christ , pet. . . through faith in him , without which we cannot please god , heb. . . which is your reasonable service . . your service of god , which consists not in the offering up of unreasonable beasts , as heretofore , but in the offering up of your reasonable selves . or , your service , which is agreeable to the rules of true reason . and be not conformed : . take not upon you the form or fashion of this wicked world , make not the manners and pleasures of worldly men your rule to walk by . but be ye transformed , changed , altered . . more and more . by the renewing of your mind , understanding , will and affections . that ye may prove . . discern , understand . . approve . . give proof by a godly life that you do understand and approve . that good , acceptable and perfect will of god. . good , which teacheth , and leadeth to that which is good , and makes good . . acceptable , nothing being acceptable to god but what is according to his will. . perfect , comprehending all things necessary to salvation , tim. . . these words , and be not conformed to this world , are a dehortation : wherein , . the persons dehorting , paul a servant of jesus christ , called to be an apostle , one that well understood the mind of his lord and master , and would give nothing in charge but what he had received , cor. . . . the persons dehorted , the believing romans , beloved of god , called to be saints , rom. . . yea , eminent saints , rom. . . such as had obeyed from the heart , rom. . . . the thing they are dehorted from , viz. conformity to this world , which you , who are saints , and called to the kingdom and glory of god , should look upon with contempt , and trample under foot . . the mode of the dehortation , t is in a beseeching way ; i beseech you . . the motive ; by the mercies of god. doct. 't is the will of the most holy god , that they who are called to be saints should not conform to sinners . they that are called out of the world must not be conformed to this world . i shall shew you , . what is meant by the world. . what meant by conformed . . what of the world must not be conformed unto . . that it is so . . why. . the use. first , what is meant by the world ? by the world understand the men of the world , psal. . . worldly minded men and women , who have their hearts , inheritance , and happiness here , their portion in this life . the wicked of the world , joh. . . these are called the world , . because they are ruled by the god of this world , cor. . . eph. . . . because they have received onely the spirit of the world , that spirit which teacheth worldly things , and placeth its happiness in worldly things , cor. . . . because they are satisfied and contented with the things of this world , psal. . . & . . phil. . . . because they are the major part of world . secondly , what meant by conformed ? by conforming to the world understand , fashioning our selves according to it ; resembling the world , and being like to it ; making the men of the world our pattern , our example , and copy to write after . when we approve , imitate and follow the sinful fashions and practices of this world , then we conform to it . now , not to be conformed to this world , is not to approve , not to imitate , not to follow the sinful , vain , foolish fashions and practices of this world . not to put on their form and shape in our behaviour . thirdly , what of the world it is wherein we must not be conformed unto it . . not in that wickedness the world lies in , joh. . . not in that unrighteousness it is filled with : a catalogue whereof is set down , rom. . , , . not in those works of darkness it delights in , rom. . , . not in those works of the flesh , set down gal. . , , . not in the walk of the gentiles , ephes. . , , . pet. . . not in its lustings , joh. . . we must not be conformed 〈…〉 in it s sinful customs , dispositions , practices . we must not be conformed to the practice of worldly men , in natural , civil , and religious actions . we must not eat and drink as they do , for they feed themselves without fear ; jude . we must not buy and sell as they do , for therein they walk not by that rule mat. . . we must not carry our selves in religious matters as they do . we must not hear as they do , for they hear without preparation before hearing , attention at hearing . affection at hearing . application at hearing . practice after hearing . see ezek. . . we must not pray as they do : for . they make light of prayer , job . . . they pray with the lip onely , and not with the heart , isa. . . mat. . . . they continue not in prayer , they grow weary . . they think to be heard for their much speaking , matth. . . . they turn away their ear from heari● 〈…〉 whom they pray , prov. . . . they aim amiss in prayer , jam. . . we must not come to the lords table as they do , for they come unpreparedly . nor observe sabbaths as they do , for they trifle them away . nor sing psalms as they do , for they sing not with the heart , but voice onely . nor fast as they do , for they abstain onely from food , not from sin . fourthly , that it is so , that saints must not conform to sinners . thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil , exod. . . after the doing of the land of egypt and canaan shall ye not do , neither shall ye walk in their ordinances : levit. . . thou shalt not learn to do after the abominations of the nations : deut. . . walk not in the way of sinners , refrain thy foot from their path : prov. . . enter not into the path of the wicked , go not in the way of evil men : avoid it , pass not by it , turn from it , and pass away : prov. . , . if sinners entice thee , consent thou not : prov. . . thus saith the lord , learn not the way of the heathen : jer. . . though israel play the harlot , yet let not judah offend : hos. . . this i say therefore , and testifie in the lord , that ye henceforth walk not as other gentiles walk , in the vanity of their mind : ephes. . . have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness , but rather reprove them : ephes. . . ye are children of the light , and of the day ; not of the night , nor of darkness : therefore let us not sleep , as do others ; but let us watch and be sober : thes. . , . the kings of the gentiles do so and so● but ye shall not be so : luke . , . st. peter speaks of some converts that would not run with the world in their sinful fashions and courses , though they were wonder'd at and evil spoken of therefore ; pet. . fifthly , why. . from the world. . from themselves . . from christ. . from the things themselves wherein conformity to the world is practiced . first , from this world. . because satan is the god and prince of it , cor. . . joh. . . & . . & . . . because 't is an evil world , gal. . . and lyes in wickedness , john . . see its description , psal. . , to . & rom. . , &c. & . . ephes. . , . . because this evil world must give account , even for those things wherein we are so prone to follow it , pet. . . . because the end of it is destruction , phil. . . you would not suffer with it , and will you sin with it ? secondly , from themselves , who by profession are saints , christians . . because they are not of the world , but are called out of it ; joh. . . god hath seperated you from others to be his own peculiar ; levit. . . exod. . . hence , for this cause , as well as others , 't was that god was displeased with his people of old , for desiring a king , that they might be like the nations , sam. . . viz. because god hath severed them from other people that they should be his : levit. . . . because they have better principles , then the world has , viz. tim. . . a pure heart , good conscience , faith unfeigned , they have christ in them , as a principle of their life , gal. . . and the spirit of god , john . . cor. . . the principles of the world are , an impure heart , a bad conscience , real unbelief . yea satan , ephes. . . pet. 〈◊〉 . and the spirit of the world , cor. . . now is not this a good reason why the people of god should not conform to this world ? for should they of better principles conform to them of worse ? should they that have a pure heart , good conscience , and faith unfeigned , conform to those that have an impure heart , a bad conscience , and real unbelief ? should they who have christ and the spirit of god in them , conform to them who have satan and the spirit of the world in them ? . because they have better patterns to conform to , then the world is , viz. . god , pet. . , . . christ , col. . . john . . . saints , heb. . . phil. . . mark them which walk so as ye have us for an ensample : so as ye have the servants of christ , not the world for your example . . angels and glorified saints . we must study so to do the will of god on earth , as 't is done in heaven : matth. . . now , judge in your own consciences , should they who have such excellent patterns , conform to the pattern of a base world ? . because they are bound by their baptism to the contrary , viz. to renounce the world , the pomps and vanities thereof , and not to follow , or to be led by it . now should we do that which is a breach of our baptismal covenant . . because you that are saints are born to great matters , even to an inheritance incorruptible and undefiled , &c. pet. . , . and should you , persons that are new born to so great an estate , should you please your selves in a conformity to the poor things of this world ? . because you are grown up to maturity , to years of discretion ; so that it is time for you to put away childish things : whilst you were children 't was more tollerable , but now that you are grown up to be men , to be so childish and foolish is intollerable . see cor. . . . because you are more excellent then your neighbour , prov. . . and therefore must not conform to them . for shall the more noble conform to the more ignoble ? ye are gods treasure , psal. . . and shall gods treasure conform to the refuse of this world ? you are priests of god , pet. . . and shall the priests of god conform to common people ? the priests of old were not to touch any unclean thing . . because you have not so learned christ , ephes. . . q. d. the doctrine of christ in which you are instructed , and which you have learned , requires another manner of life from you , then that which the gentiles lead , therefore you should not imitate them . christ hath taught you otherwise , the grace of god which bringeth salvation , teacheth you to deny ungodliness and worldly lusts , and to live righteously , soberly , and godly in this present world ; and not to conform to its unrighteous , intemperate and ungodly life , tit. . . . because you are now within sight of home , your fathers house ; and your salvation is nearer , and therefore must cast off the works of darkness , and walk honestly as in the day , not in rioting , drunkenness , not in chambering and wantonness , not in strife and envying : as the world does . rom. . , . your thoughts should now be so taken up and pleased with what you have in view , the great things which are to come , and so near to come , that all the toyes and trifles this world is so much pleased with , should be looked upon by you with disdain . . because you shall now very speedily be separated from this world , and distinguished from it , and delivered from that wrath which they shall suffer for ever and for ever ; and will you conform to them now , in those things for which they shall suffer the vengeance of eternal fire ? would you have your souls gathered hereafter with those you conform to here , and whose fashions you have learned here ? david would not , psal. . . thirdly , from christ. . because christ designedly gave himself to deliver us from this present evil world according to the will of god and our father , gal. . . to what he gave himself , see isa. . . & . . his back to smiters , his checks to them that plucked off the hair , his face to shame and spitting . consider this you proud men and women , whose backs , faces , heads , necks , brests , and armes , shew the pride of your hearts . did christ give himself to suffer all this , that he might separate and deliver you from conformity to this world ? and is not this a good reason why you should not conform unto it , in hair , habit , and nakedness . . because christ and his kingdom is not of this world . . christ is not of it , joh. . . . his kingdom is not of it , joh. . . not onely in respect of the subjects , but in opposition to worldly kingdoms , which come with external pomp and observation . but christ's kingdom is not so , luke . , . fourthly , from the things themselves wherein conformity to the world is practiced . . because these things are not of the father , but of the devil , and the world , joh. . . . because the love of these will not consist with the love of god , joh. . . . because these things pass away , cor. . . joh. . . sixthly , the use. . of information . then the best are prone to conformity to this world , so far as they are carnal ; what need else of this prohibition , be not conformed to this world . even joseph was found guilty of conformity to pharaohs courtiers in swearing by the life of pharaoh , gen. . , . . use of reproof , of such as profess themselves to be saints , and to be called to fellowship with christ , and yet have fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness ; who profess themselves to be called out of the world , and yet conform unto it ; who profess themselves to be saints , and yet live like sinners . god finds fault with this , and is much displeased that his people should learn the works of the heathen , psal. . . and think you it doth not displease him that we should learn the fashions of the world , and serve their idols , psal. . . do not they whose fashions you learn , make idols of their hair , skin , and habit ? and will you serve their idols ? pray god they prove not a snare unto you . read , king. . . king. . . chron. . . & . , . may we not well say to such as conform to this world , as jehu the prophet said to jehosaphat , chron. . . should you conform to the ungodly , and love and like the practices of them that hate the lord ! pray god wrath may not come upon you for this . hezekiah a good man was proud of his fine things , chron. . , . with king. . . but wrath came upon him for it . read , ezek. . . . use of examination . do not we conform to this world ? even we who in some things are non-conformists ? do not many , who in some things separate from the world , in other things conform unto it ? do not many that separate from their worship , conform to their works ? have not many fellowship with the world in the unfruitful works of darkness , that will have no fellowship with them in worship ? the world is for rioting , drunkenness , chambering and wantonness , strife and envying , rom. . . would professors were not so too ? the world is for lasciviousness , lusts , excess of wine , revellings , banquetings , pet. . . would professors were not so too ? all that is in the world , is the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eye , and the pride of life , joh. . . now i beseech you let 's deal truly with our selves , do not we conform to this world in these ? in lusting after pleasure , profit , and preferment ; are not ▪ these in too great account with us ? do not we love , desire , and seek after these ? would you that are professors could wash your hands from voluptuousness , covetousness , pride and vain glory . take a view of the world , and then take a view of your selves , and then judge whether you do not conform unto it . the world is , atheistical , without god in the world , psal. . . eph. . . are not we so too , or very near it ? see isa. . . & . . psal. . . blasphemous , psal. . . and are not we guilty of this too much ? see rom. . . covetous , pet. . . and are not professors so too ? judas a professor , and demas a professor were so ; tim. . . defrauding , rom. . . and do not professors the same ? see cor. . . envious , gal. . . and are not professors so too ? see cor. . . fearful of suffering for religion ; of these read , rev. . . and are not professors so too ? see matth. . . even peter was too fearful . god-distrusting , psal. . . jer. . . and are not professors so too ? see isa. . . haughty , rom. . . and are not professors so too ? see tim. ▪ , with . did not the disciples of christ affect superiority ? idle , sloathful , ezek. . . and are not professors so too ? thes. . . tim. . . matth. . . kain-like , brother hating ; joh. . . prov. . . joh. . , . and are not professors so too ? see jude . lukewarme , indifferent , king. . . and are not professors so too ? see rev. . . murmuring , king. . . rev. . , . isa. . . and are not professors so too ? see cor. . . negligent , neglects duty to god and man. . to god , psal. . . . to man , ezek. . . and are not professors so too ? offence-giving , matth. . . do not professors do so too ? they did in pauls time , rom. . passionate , froward , ●retful ; as nabal , sam. . . are not professors so too ? see jonah . . quarrelsom , contentious ; are not professors so too ? see cor. . . & . . revengeful ; are not professors so too ? see luke . . secure , like laish , judg. . . are not professors so too ? see jer. . , . hos. . . treacherous ; are not professors so too ? mic. . , . uncharitable ; mat. . , . are not professors so too ? see jam. . , . job . . wavering , unbelieving ; joh. . . & . . joh. . , . and are not professors so too ? see joh. . , , . yea , see luke . . joh. . . . use of dehortation . be not conformed to this world . that i may the better disswade you from conformity to this world , i shall shew you , . what they are called to whom you are beseeched not to conform . . what those things are called wherein you are desired not to conform . . what you your selves are called , who are disswaded from conformity to this world . . how god is affected and carries towards this world which you are beseeched not to conform to . . how the world is affected and carries towards you who are disswaded from this conformity . first , what they are called , to whom you are beseeched not to conform . they are called , . men of this world , psal. . whose portion is in this life . now shall those who have god to be their portion , psal. . . conform to these ? . the children of this world , luke . . who are well pleased with the rattles , toyes and trifles of this world . now shall those who are born of god , to an inheritance incorruptible , &c. pet. . . conform to these ? . the disputers of this world : the enquirers of this age , so the dutch , cor. . . now shall those who have the scriptures to search . joh. . . conform to these ? . the fornicators of this world , cor. . . now shall the chaste virgins of christ , cor. . . conform to these ? . the friends of this world , jam. . . who are the enemies of god. now shall the friends of god , joh. . , . conform to these ? . the rich in this world , who are apt to be high minded , tim. . . now shall the humble and contrite , with whom the high and lofty one vouchsafes to dwell , isa. . . conform to these ? secondly , what those things are called wherein you are desired not to conform to this world . . the darkness of this world , eph. . . now shall they that are light in the lord , eph. . . conform to the world in its darkness ? . the wisdom of this world , cor. . . & . . which descendeth not from above , but is earthly , sensual , devilish , james . . now shall a wise man endued with wisdom from above , jam. . , . conform to this earthly , sensual , devilish wisdom of the world ? . the cares of this world , mat. . . now shall they who have a father in heaven , who knoweth their needs , and careth for them , mat. . . pet. . . care as the world doth ? . the course of this world , eph. . . now shall they who are called out of the world , and now are not of the world , joh. . . and whom the world hates , run the course of this world ? . the fashion of this world which passeth away , cor. . . now shall they who have in heaven a better and more enduring substance , heb. . . fall in love with the fashions of this world ? . the lusts of men , pet. . . now shall they who have gods law written in their hearts , heb. . . live according to the lusts of men ? thirdly , what you your selves are called , who are diswaded from conformity to this world . . adopted sons , gal. . . sons and daughters , cor. . . others , the ungodly , men of the world are called bastards , heb. . . now shall the sons and daughters of god conform to the bastards of this world ? . alive to god , rom. . . others are dead in sin , ephes. . . luke . . now shall they who are a live to god , conform to those who are dead in sin ? i say as paul in a like case , cor. . . god forbid . . believers , act. . . the men of the world are called unbelievers , cor. . . now shall believers conform to , and yoke with unbelievers ? god forbid . . blessed of the lord , gen. . . psal. . . the wicked are the cursed of the lord , psal. . . now shall the blessed of the lord , conform to the curfed of the lord ? god forbid . . children of god , joh. . . the wicked are called children of the devil , joh. . . now shall the children of god conform to the children of the devil ? god forbid . . children of light , luk. . . thes. . . the men of the world are called children of darkness , thes. . . now shall the children of light conform to the children of darkness ? god forbid . . children of wisdom , matth. . . the wicked are called sottish children , that have no understanding , jer. . . now shall the children of wisdom conform to the sots of this world ? god forbid . . children of the free woman , gal. . , . the wicked are called the children of the bond woman , ibid. now shall the children of the free woman conform to the children of the bond ? god forbid . . children of sion , psal. . . babilon also has children , for she is the mother of harlots and abominations , rev. . . now shall the children of sion conform to the children of babilon ? god forbid . . children of the highest , luke . . who dwels in the high and holy place , isa. . . the wicked are called the children of this world , luke . . and inhabiters of the earth , rev. . . now shall the children of the highest conform to the children of this low world ? god forbid . . christians , act. . . some crucifie him afresh , heb. . . as they do who reckon of him and reject him , as the jews did who crucified him . now shall christians conform to the crucifiers of christ ? god forbid . . christs brother , sister , and mother , matth. . . the wicked are aliens from the church of christ , and strangers from the covenants of promise , ephes. . . now shall christs brother , sister , and mother , conform to strangers ? god forbid . . crown of glory , royal diadem , isa. . . the wicked are christs footstool , psal. . . now shall crowns of glory , and royal diadems conform to foot-stools ? god forbid . . devout , act. . . act. . the wicked are without god , eph. . . now shall the devout conform to those who are without god in the world ? god forbid . . discreet , who guide their affairs with discretion , psal. . . the wicked are void of counsel , deut. . . and oft-times their counsels , such as they are , are carried headlong , job . . now shall they who do or should guide their affairs with discretion , conform to those who are void of counsel , or whole counsel is carried headlong ? god forbid . . elect of god , col. . . the wicked are rejected of god , jer. . . now shall the elected of god , conform to the rejected of god ? god forbid . . espoused of christ , cor. . . hos. . . the wicked are called adulterers and adulteresses , jam. . . now shall the espoused of christ conform to the adulterers and adulteresses of this world ? god forbid . . friends of christ , joh. . , . the wicked are called his enemies , luke . . now shall the friends of christ , conform to the enemies of christ ? god forbid . . faithful servants , matth. . . & . . the wicked are called sloathful servants , matth. . . now shall faithful servants conform to sloathful servants ? god forbid . . good , matth. . . the wicked are called evil , ibid. and naught , prov. . . now shall the good conform to the evil ? god forbid . . godly , psal. . . the wicked are called ungodly , psal. . . now shall the godly conform to the ungodly ? god forbid . . gold , job . . the wicked are likened to dross , psal. . . now shall gods gold conform to the dross of this world ? god forbid . . happy , psal. . . the wicked are miserable , rev. . . now shall the happy conform to the miserable ? god forbid . . heavenly , having their conversation in heaven , phil. . . the wicked are earthly , minding earthly things , phil. . . men of the earth , psal. . . now shall the heavenly conform to the earthly ? god forbid . . houshold of god , eph. . . and houshold of faith , gal. . . the wicked are the houshold of satan , cor. . . the devils work-house , ephes. . . now shall the houshold of god conform to the houshold of satan ? god forbid . . jewels , gods jewels , mal. . . the wicked are worthless , prov. . . now shall jewels of great price , conform to the worthless things of this world ? god forbid . . innocent , job . . jer. . . the wicked are hurtful , bryars and thorns , isa. . . now shall the innocent conform to the hurtful ? god forbid . . kings and priests , rev. . . the wicked are called common and unclean , act. . . now shall kings and priests conform to the common and unclean ? god forbid . . lambs , joh. . . isa. . . the wicked are lions , wolves , mat. . . now shall sheep and lambs conform to lions and wolves ? god forbid . . lords freemen , cor. . . the wicked are satans bondmen , tim. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . meek of the earth , zeph. . . psal. . . the wicked are raging waves of the sea foaming out their own shame , jude . now shall , &c. god forbid . . members of christ , cor. . . eph. . . some wicked are members of an harlot , ibid. limbs of satan . now shall , &c. god forbid . . men of wisdom , micah . . the wicked are mad , eccles. . . act. . . not themselves , luke . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . merciful , matth. . . psal. . . the wicked are unmerciful and cruel , matth. . , . now shall , &c. god forbid . . mourners , matth. . . the wicked are all for mirth , carnal mirth , isa. . . amos . , . now shall , &c. god forbid . . new creatures , cor. . . the wicked are old in sin ; of some 't is said they were old in adulteries , ezek. . . corrupt nature in them is called the old man , ephes. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . old disciples , so some are called , act. . . and fathers , joh. . . some are young , raw , unexperienced professors . and shall old disciples conform to th●se ? god forbid . obed●ent , rom. . . the wicked are called disobedient , tit. . . tim. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . precious , jer. . . isa. . . excellent , psal. . . precious so●s of sion , lam. . . the wicked are vile , jer. . . the wicked are called vile persons , psal. . . dan. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . quiet , psal. . . according to the injunction given , thes. . . the wicked are unquiet like the troubled sea which cannot rest , isa. . . given to change , prov . . and busie bodies in other mens matters , . pet. . . thes. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . righteous , matth. . . isa. . . matth. . . the wicked are unrighteous , cor. . . enemies of righteousness , act. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . redeemed of the lord , isa. . . the wicked are forsaken , left in bondage , ibid. and reprobate silver , rejected of god , jer. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . sanctified in christ , cor. . . saints , saints of the most high , dan. . , . the holy people , isa. . . a holy nation , . pet. . . the wicked are unholy and profane , . tim. . . tim. . . bruit beasts , pet. . . swine , matth. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . ●ervants of the most high god , dan , . . act. . . the wicked are the servants of sin , rom. . . and of divers lusts , tit. . . and shall , &c. god forbid . . spiritual men , cor. . . the wicked , natural men , cor. . . and shall , &c. god forbid . springs , a fountain sealed , cant. . . the wicked are wells without water , pet. . and shall , &c. god forbid . . treasure , yea gods peculiar treasure , psal. . . the wicked are called dross , psal. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . trees planted by the water side which bring forth fruit , psal. . . the wicked are trees without fruit , twice dead , &c. iude . and shall , &c. god forbid . . temples of god , wherein god , christ , and his spirit dwels . . god , joh. . . , . . christ , ephes. . . . the spirit , rom. . . the wicked are the synagogue of satan , rev. . . & . . wherein the devil rules , eph. . . and shall , &c. god forbid . . vessels of gold and silver , tim. . . the wicked are called vessels of wood and earth , ibid. and shall , &c. god forbid . . vines , noble vines , jer. . . the wicked are called dege●erate plants , ibid. and shall , &c. god forbid . . undefiled , psal. . . pure in heart , matth. . the wicked are filthy , rev. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . wheat ▪ matth. . . the wicked are chaff , matth. . . zeph. . . and tares , matth. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . wise in heart , prov. . . the wicked are prating fools , prov. . . now shall , &c. god forbid . . wise virgins , matth. . , , . the wicked called foolish virgins , ibid. now shall , &c. god forbid . . workmanship of god , ephes. . . the wicked are the workmanship of the devil , john . . now shall , &c. god forbid . fourthly , how god is affected and carries towards this world , which you are beseeched not to conform to . . his soul hates them , psal. . . . he is angry with them every day , psal. . . . he resisteth them , jam. . . pet. . . . he hides his face from them , and will not hear them ▪ isa. . . jer. . . . he puts them away like dross , psal. . . . he will consume them , jer. . . rain saares , fire and brimstone upon them , psal. . . destroy them , psal. . . turn them into hell , psal. . . now will you who profess your selves to be the people of god , and to be beloved of god , conform to those whom gods soul hates ; with whom he is angry every day ; whom he resisteth , &c. will you conform to those towards whom he thus carries himself ? god forbid . fifthly , how the world carries , and is affected towards you who are disswaded from this conformity . . they hate and abhor you , joh. . . prov. . . according to that antient sentence , gen. . . . they scorn you , psal. . . & . . job . . . they scoff at you , gen. . . lam. . . . they make songs upon you , job . , . . they speak evil of you , pet. . . . they seperate from you , and will not conform to you in gods wayes . and will you conform to these ? what to those that hate you , scorn you , scoff at you , make songs upon you , speak evil of you , and separate from you in gods ways ? will you conform to these in the devils ways ? god forbid . o sirs let them return to you , but do not you return to them , ier. . . three sorts make up this evil world : the voluptuous . covetous . proud. be not conformed to either , . i beseech you by the mercies of god be not conformed to the voluptuous of this world . there are that , attire , adorn , dress and habit themselves to draw the eyes of others to behold them , after the example of tamar , gen. . . who put off her widdows garment , and put on something the better to allure her father in law. see prov. . . but i beseech you who make profession of religion , by the mercies of god , be not conformed to such . there are that , burn in lust one toward another , men with men , working that which is unseemly , rom. . . abusing themselves with mankind , cor. . . these shall not inherit the kingdom of god. wherefore i beseech you by the mercies of god , be not conformed to these . there are that , cast their eyes on beautiful objects , after the example of iosephs mistriss , gen. . . but i beseech you by the mercies of god be not conformed to such . feed not your eyes with such objects . give not your eyes leave to look , for that may prove very dangerous . as 't is said in another case , remember lots wise ; so i say in this , remember david , what his looking on a beautiful woman cost him , sam. . . with psal. . and sampson , ●udg . . , . & . . what his looks cost him : yea and our grandmother eve , what l●oking on the forbidden fruit cost her , gen. . . pray therefore as david , psal. . . turn away mine ●yes from b●holding vanity . and do as job , chap. . . make a covenant with your eyes . there are that , drink waters out of their own cesterns , as they are allowed , prov. . . but they drink immoderately , and unseasonably out of their own , cor. . . and onely to please themselves , not that they may be the fitter to serve god thereby . but i beseech you by the mercies of god be not conformed to these . there are that , eat and drink too much ; too much for their health , estates , reason , work , and imployment . for their health , impairing that thereby , prov. . . for their estates , wasting them thereby , prov. . , . for their reason , weakning that thereby . for their work and imployment , hindering that thereby . these must look for woe and sorrow , read prov. . . to end , & cor. . . wherefore i beseech you that make profession , by the mercies of god , be not conformed to such . there are that , frequent stage-plaies . there are that , gaze on wanton pictures , which provokes to lust . see ezek. . , to . hearken to wanton songs and ballats . idle out their time . this was sodoms sin , ezek. . . and davids too , when joab was besieging rabba , sam. . . and an occasion of his uncleanness . other evils of it see , prov. . . eccles. . . wherefore i beseech you be not conformed to these . keep company with suspected persons , contrary to the charge , prov. . , , , . remove thy way far from her , and come not near the door of her house . but i beseech you that make profession be not conformed to these ; but do as joseph , gen. . . who would not be with his mistriss . there are that , love pleasures more then god , tim. . . such shall be poor , prov. . . wherefore be not conformed to these . but seeing some pleasures and recreations are lawful , wherein does the world offend in and about them ? answer , they offend in and about them in respect of the matter , time , and end of them . first , in respect of the matter . the world makes that the matter of sport and recreation , which should be the matter of devotion and humiliation . . that which should be the matter of devotion , as scripture , lots . first , scripture phraze and story . this is a taking of gods name i● vain , which god will not suffer to go unpunished , exod. . to have the scripture is a rich mercy , psal. . , . rom. . , . & . . wherefore i beseech you by this mercy of god , be not conformed to the world in sporting your selves with scripture . secondly , lots . a lot is a religious ordinance of god , because it is an ap●ealing to divine providence , what ever the matter be about which 't is conversant , prov. . . and therefore that distinction of ▪ lots into religious , civil , and indifferent , will not salve the business , as some divines think ; all lots being religious as they are an appealing to divine providence . quest. if the question should be asked whither card-playing , and dice-playing be a sin ? answ. i answer , that as carding and dicing are commonly used , it is sin ; and i think i have good ground so to answer ; for as 't is commonly used , 't is a swerving from scripture rules . to instance in some known rules . first , whatsoever is not of faith is sin , rom. . . now will any say that carding and dicing as commonly used is done in faith , with assurance that it is pleasing to god in christ. secondly , whatsoever ye do in word or deed , do all in the name of the lord jesus , giving thanks to god and the father by him , col. . . now who can say that carding and dicing as commonly used is thus done . thirdly , whether ye eat or drink , or whatsoever else ye do , do all to the glory of god , cor. . . now do you think in your consciences that carding and dicing , as commonly used , is done to the glory of god ? fourthly , in every thing , by prayer and supplication with thanksgiving , let your requests be made known to god , phil. . . now is it thus used , and if not , is it according to the rule ? fifthly , give no offence to jew or gentile , or the church of god , cor. . . is no offence given by it ? sixthly , whatsoever is of good report think of and do , phil. . . is carding and dicing of good report ? seventhly , abstain from all appearance of e●il , thes. . . sure carding and dicing hath the appearance of evil . eighthly , avoid all occasions of sin , prov. . . & . , . & . doubtless 't is the occasion of much sin . ninthly , thou shalt not covet any thing that is thy neighbours , exod. . . now as commonly used , sure there is covering in it . tenthly , thou shalt not go beyond or defraud thy brother in any matter , thes. . . as 't is commonly used , 't is a breach of this rule also . secondly , that which should be the matter of humiliation , the world makes matter of sport and recreation , viz. sin , and the judgments of god. first , sin : as , . mens living without a calling , to make sport . . mens wearing womens apparel . . mens playing the fool and acting to make sport , as if they had no understanding . thus to do is sin , and sin is matter of sorrow and humiliation ; and to take pleasure in that which is matter of sorrow , must needs be sin . secondly , the judgments of god : as , . foolishness and madness , sam. . , . . the enmity between the creatures caused by mans sin . now to take pleasure in these , is to take pleasure in those things which are matter of sorrow and humiliation . now i beseech you that are professors , by the mercies of god , be not you conformed to the world in these things . thus you see the world offends in and about pleasures and recreations , in respect of the matter . . the world offends in and about them in respect of time , too much being spent in and about them , viz. whole dayes and nights , contrary to ephes. . . . in respect of the end , gods glory not being aimed at , as it should be in every thing , cor. . . there are that , mince as they go , isa. . . so as to be taken notice of , and to take carnal affections : see matth. . . but i beseech you that profess religion be not conformed to such . neigh after others wives , jer. . . & . . this is abomination , ezek . . and such persons god will judge heb. . . wherefore i beseech you be not conformed to such . open their feet to them that passeth by , ezek . . yea their breasts , which is more tempting . this king james called opening the shop windows , as if they had a mind to sell. but be not conformed to such . pouder , patch , and paint ; after the example of jezabel , king. . . and those ier. . . ezek. . . but god threatens ●o send stench instead of sweet smell , isa. . . therefore be not conformed to such . practice or are present at dancings , condemned , iob . , . isa. . . matth. . . be not conformed to such . there are that , quit all shame and modesty , like those , ier. . . but i beseech you professors , by the mercies of god , be not conformed to them . read ill books , play-books , &c. words and , matters which corrupt good manners , cor. . . and is not convenient , eph. . . see the rule● ephes. . . and be not conformed 〈◊〉 〈…〉 h. seek mixt wine , prov. . . tarry long at the wine , prov. . . but i beseech you be not conformed to these . use their christian liberty for occasion to the flesh , gal. . . that take occasion from the doctrine of christian liberty , to become licentious ; using their liberty as a cloak of naughtiness , pet. . . but be not conformed to such . wander or walk too much in fields or streets , after the example of dina , gen. . . and the strange woman , prov. . . but i beseech you professors , by the mercies of god , be not conformed to such . let such as have temptations to incontinence , or unclean practices , consider these scriptures . prov. . , . & . , , , , , to . & . , , . & . . to the end . & . . & . . & . . eccles. . . cor. . . & . , . rev. . . & . . no whoremonger , nor unclean person hath any inheritance in the kingdom of christ and of god , ephes. . . wherefore let no man deceive you with vain words ; for because of these things cometh the wrath of god upon the ●●●ldren of disobedience , ephes. . . diswasives from sensual pleasures . . they war against the soul , pet. . . . they hinder the knowledge of the truth , tim. . , . . they eat out all pleasure in and love of god , tim. . . . they choke the seed of the word , luke . . . they keep from coming to the great supper , luke . . . they take away the heart from all that is good , hos. . . . they are but for a season , heb. . . . they end in sorrow , prov. . . & . . adams pleasurable eating forbidden fruit , ended in ejection out of paradice . esau's broth , ended in the loss of his birthright . jonathans honey , in the hazard of his life . judas his sop , in the devils entring into him . babilons golden cup , in her downfall . . they are madness and folly , eccles. . . & . . . the love of them speaks the power of godliness wanting , tim. . . wherefore i again beseech you , be not conformed to this world in the loving of sensual pleasures . i wish you such a sight as moses had of the heavenly recompence , and then i am sure you would love them no more then he did , heb. . , . secondly , conform not to the covetous world . you read of covetous practices , pet. . . i beseech you , by the mercies of god , be not conformed to the world in them . this dehortation to you that make profession of religion , is not without need ; for , . professors have been deeply guilty of covetousness ; as ezekiels hearers , ezek. . , . the scribes and pharisees who fasted oft , prayed long , and gave much almes , matth. . : judas . . christ warns his own disciples against it , luke . . & . . . saint john writes to those that were fathers in christs school , to take heed of it , joh. . . and have you not need to be dehorted from it ? sure you have . i shall therefore in a beseeching way apply my self unto you . there are some that , . abound in wealth , have abundance of all good things , and want nothing , and yet have not power to eat thereof , eccles. . , . but are cruel to themselves , denying themselves meat , drink , apparel , rest and sleep ; and cruel to their families , denying them things convenient . these sure are a part of the covetous world ; and i beseech you by the mercies of god , be not conformed to them . . build by unrighteousness and wrong , jer. . . wherein see the latter part of the vers . and jam. . . but i beseech you , &c. be not conformed to these . . cumber themselves about the many things of the world , so that they cannot spare time for the service of god in the closet or family , luke . . these also are part of this covetous world ; and i beseech you by the mercies of god be not conformed to them . . devise covetous things and practices , isa. . . pet. . . but i beseech , &c. be not conformed to these . . deal falsely , jer. . . using false words , lying to get gain , which is , &c. prov. . . and false weights , which are abomination to the lord , prov. . . & . . and false oathes which god hates , zech. . . and false accusation , a way of getting which some take . 't is like zacheus was guilty of it , for saith he , luke . . if , &c. . whose eyes and heart are not but for their covetousness , and for oppression and violence to do it , watching opportunities ; as when men are in distress and necessity , they work upon mens necessities , to get what bargains they please , jer. . . but i beseech you , &c. be not conformed to those . . forget to do good , and communicate ; though charged not to forget it , heb. . . or if they do any thing this way , 't is sparingly , grudgingly ; contrary to the charge , cor. , , . too like him , sam. . , , . forsake the poor , job . . but i beseech you , &c. be not conformed to these . do any forget to sow their land , at seed time ? . some are given to covetousness , jer. . . greedy of gain , prov. . . tim. . . are immoderate in their desires after riches , thirsting like the horsleech ; ever crying give , give , prov. . . and in their joy and grief also . in their joy , in the enjoying of them , as he , luke . . in their grief , in parting with them , as that young man , matth. . , . but i beseech you , &c. be not conformed to these . . hard men , reaping where they have not sown , and gathering where they have not strawed ; matth. . . but i beseech you , &c. be not conformable to these . . joyn house to house , isa. . . . keep bad company to get gain , prov. . , , . contrary to the counsel of the holy ghost : here and prov. . , . some plead they shall have no trade unless they do so . but i beseech you , &c. be not conformable to these . . lade themselves with thick clay or mire , burden , pollute , and entangle themselves , in taking , raking , and ransaking for riches , habak . . . some lade their carts so much , that they either stick , or break all . but i beseech you , &c. be not you conformed . . make gold their hope , job . . their strong city , prov. . . trusting in their abundance , psalm . . contrary to the charge , tim. . . and to their ruine , prov. . . therefore i beseech you , &c. . mind earthly things , phil. . . heavenly things are not in all their thoughts . but i beseech you , &c. be not conformable , &c. . never are satisfied . though he have neither child nor brother , &c. yet there is no end of his labour , nor is his eye satisfied with riches , eccles. . . but i beseech you , &c. be not conformed , &c. . over reach , go beyond , and defraud one another in dealing and barganing ; this is prohibited , thes. . . therefore i beseech you , &c. be not conformed to these . . plead poverty , deb . s and family expences , when any thing is desired or required for a pious , charitable or righteous use , though there be enough for pleasure and pride . but i , &c. be not conformable , &c. . are querulous , complainers , jud. . never content with their condition , with what they have ; contrary to the charge given us , heb. . . but i beseech you , &c. be not conformable , &c. . run greedily after the error of baalam , for reward , jud. . adulterating or corrupting the doctrine of truth for filthy lucre ; unlike to paul , cor. . . but i , &c. be not conformable , &c. . speak mostly of the world , joh. . . and of the earth , joh. . . whose language is , who will shew us any good , psal. . . who will shew us how we may get goods and riches ? but i beseech , &c. be not conformable , &c. . serve mammon , matth. . . but i , &c. be not , &c. . study gain more then godliness , being godly only for the sake of gain , tim. . . but i , &c. be not , &c. . turn aside after lucre , sam. . . contrary to the charge , deut. . . take away the right from the poor , isa. . , . but i beseech , &c. be not you , &c. . venture the salvation of their souls for this present world , as demas did , tim. . . but i , &c. be not , &c. . wish the sabbath over , that they may be getting something of the world , amos . , , . but i , &c. be not , &c. . will be rich , tim. . , . though they fall into , &c. but i , &c. be not , &c. diswasives from conformity to this covetous world . . they that do , and are covetous like the world , are hated , abhorred of god , psal. . . . sorely threatned , isa. . . isa. . . . job . , , . & . , , . . the word will do you no good whiles such , matth. . . ezek. . . mark. , . . you are in gods account idolater , col. . . eph. . . . you will be troublers of your house , prov. . . . no sin will be strained at , if you give way to be covetous , for covetousness is the root of all evil , tim. . . thou maist be a judas , matth. . . a● ananias , act. . . . thy heart is in danger to be hardned ; covetous men seldom repent , jer. . . thes. . . . saints must have no fellowship with you , cor. . . . you must not go to heaven , cor. . . thirdly , conform not to this proud world . corrupt and sinful man is a proud creature , proud all over . proud , first , in speech , psal. . . speaking proudly . . against god , daen. . . rev. . . and with pharaoh saying , who is the lord ? . against his people , psal. . . speaking grievous things proudly against them . secondly , in heart , psal. . . isa. . . prov. . . stout , stiff , unyielding . these are abomination to the lord , prov. . . thirdly , in spirit , high minded , eccl. . . fourthly , in look , prov. . . & . . fifthly , in gesture , isa. . . sixthly , in deed , psal. . . exod. . . be not conformed to the world herein . this dehortation is not without need to you professors . the best have been and are prone to it . josephs brethren , gen. . . . aaron and miriam , num. . , . david , sam. . , . . uzzia , chron. . , . . hezekiab , chron. . . . the apostles of christ , mark . . there are that , affect high places , uppermost rooms in th● synagogues , matth. . . christs own disciples were contending about this , matth. . . & . , . luke . , , . contrary to the charge , gal. . . but i beseech you that profess religion , by the mercies of god , be not conformed to these . bo●st themselves , isa. . , . & . , to . psal. . . amos . . dan. . . luke . ; . contrary to prov. . , . some boast of their will , the arminian● ▪ some of their reason , the socinians . some of their revelations , the anabaptists . some of perfection and sufferings , the quakers . some of traditions and miracles , the papists . some of gifts and priviledges , rom. . , &c. joh. . , . but i beseech you , &c. build with hewen stone , when , &c. isa. . , . q. d. that are so far from repenting when corrected , that they harden their hearts more and more ; so mal. . . but i beseech you , &c. covet to be seen of men in what they do , matth. . . contrary to matth. . , , ; . but i beseech you , &c. displeased with the praise of others , matth. . . despise others , luke . . but i beseech you , &c. establish their own righteousness , rom. . . luke . . but i beseech you , &c. fortifie themselves in the rocks , &c. obad. . . flatter themselves with outward advantages and accommodations . but i beseech you , &c. give not god the glory , but themselves , act. . . but consider his end . and your duty is●l . . . wherefore i beseech you , &c. haughty scorners who deal in proud wrath , prov. . . casting aside admonitions , with disdain and contempt . but i beseech you , &c. hearts listed up because of their riches , &c. chron. . , . contrary to the caution , deut. . . the uprightness of such hearts may be questioned , habak . . . wherefore i beseech you , &c. intrude into things they have not seen , col. . . either , . in the scriptures . . with their bodily eyes . . by the light of sound reason . yet venture upon it , as they upon the worshipping of angels . but i beseech you , &c. korahs that set themselves against gods messengers , numb . . . but i , &c. lean to their own understandings . contrary to the rule , prov. . , . paul would have such to become fools that they might be wise , cor. . . wherefore i beseech you , &c. lovers of praise and applause , mat. . . lovers of preheminence , ep. joh. . lofty high lookers , prov. . . such was not david , psal. . . nor would he suffer such , psal. . . but i beseech you , &c. magnifie themselves , luke . , . contrary to phil. . . but i beseech you , &c. never think to be moved , like her , viz. babilon , isa. . . good men too prone to this ; as david , psal. . . and job , chap. . , . wherefore i beseech you , &c. offended with those that are not at their beck and command , num. . but i beseech you , &c. offer violence to the lords prophets , king. . , . but i beseech you , &c. persecute the poor , psal. . . hiding snares for them , psal. . . puft up by their fleshly mind ; . unsanctified mind : . gifts of the mind , as wit , knowledge , eloquence , memory , col. . . pure in their own eyes , prov. . . isa. . . but i beseech you , &c. quarrel and contend , ever stirring up strife , prov. . . but i beseech you , &c. reject the lord as pharaoh , exod. . . and those , luke . . rise up against his people , psal. . , . but i beseech you , &c. seek and search their own glory ; contrary to prov. . . shew their fine things , king. . . smite the lords prophets , chron. . . that scorn and contemn , psal. . . but i beseech you , &c. think of themselves more highly then they ought . think themselves to be something when they are nothing , gal. . . contrary to rom. . . trust in their treasures , jer. . . but i beseech you , &c. usurp the priests office ; as chron. . . but i beseech you , &c. walk with stretched out necks , isa. . . will not seek after god , psal. . . but i beseech you , &c. hear and give ear , and be not proud ; for the lord hath spoken , jer. . . what , see v. , &c. therefore give glory to god. . acknowledge his judgments and threats to be righteous , and heartily turn to god ; otherwise god will mar your pride . disswasives from pride . first , it s not alone , it has very bad companions : as , . naughtiness of heart , sam. . . . a froward mouth ; prov. . . . idleness , ezek. . . . unmercifulness , ezek. . . . contention , prov. . . . hardned mind , dan. . . . an evil eye , mark . . . blasphemy , mark . . more , see prov. . , &c. secondly , god knows them afar off , has no respect for them , will have no communion with them , psal. . . thirdly , god hates and abominates pride , prov. . , . & . . fourthly , the proud err from gods commandments , and are cursed , psal. . . fifthly , god resisteth them , jam. . . pet. . . gods resistance supposes mans assault , and did ever any harden themselves against god and prosper ? job . . what , will you strive with your maker ? wo to such , isa. . . sirs , sirs , see ezek. . . god will do to them that which he asks job whither he could do , job . , . god is able to abase them , dan. . . and will be above them , exod. . . and bring them down , psal. . . and low , prov. . . to destruction , prov. . . & . . see also , isa. . , to . beloved , would i could fright you from this cursed pride ! what shall i say to you ? it turned , angels into devils . sodom into ashes . pharaoh into the deep . haman off the gallows . nebuchadnezar a grazing with beasts . achitophel out of the world. because pride of hair and habit abounds , i shall close this discourse with some disswasives from it . . are not our cloathes memorials of our sin and shame ? before our first parents had sinned , they were both naked and were not ashamed , gen. . . but when they had sinned , they were ashamed , and sewed fig-leaves together to cover their nakedness , gen. . . but god made them coats of skins , ver . . . are they not all borrowed things ? and that from poor despicable creatures , your servants ? as , woollen from the sheep . linnen from the earth . cotten from the trees . silks and velvets from the worms . hats from beavers and other poor creatures . hair from i know not whom . now suppose a man to have many servants , and he borrows a hat of one , a coat or cloak of another , and shoes and stockins of another , &c. and then goes strutting up and down the streets in these borrowed things , what would you think of him ? . are not your cloaths , for the materials of them , much baser then yourselves ? and will you be proud of what is inferior to your selves ? . what are your bodies which you thus dress up and adorn ? are they not vile , loathsom , stinking , foul , diseased bodies , which must dye and turn to corruption ? . do cloaths commend you to god , or to wise and sober men ? nay , onely to men of vain minds they commend you . . does not dressing , decking and adorning of our selves in such a way as is usual , discover the vanity of our own minds ? . are not such dressings , &c. temptations , snares , enticements and occasions of sin to others ? . is not much of our cloathing waste and lost , and so a slighting of christs counsel , joh. . . if the disciples of christ had indignation at the pouring of ointment on the head of christ ; and if they said , to what purpose is this waste ? matth. . . how much more may christ say , when he looks on the heads , necks , and backs , and feet of many professors ; to what purpose is this waste ? might not the money given for these things have been saved and given to the poor ? matth. . . . do not many poor want that which you put on for pride ? . what will you do in the day when god shall come to deal with you , and reckon with you about your layings out upon your pride ? and conscience shall witness against you : so much laid out upon my proud lust . for strange and needless apparrel twenty pound , but for naked poor not twenty shillings . for costly new fashioned lace , as one says , ten pound , but for food for the hungry not ten shillings . for dressings and trimmings three , four , or five pounds , but for sick poor not five shillings . for toyes and fancies twenty shillings , but for the relief of the needy not twenty pence . for hair i know not what , but for a pious or charitable use not any thing considerable . to take you off from conformity to this world , give me leave to expostulate with you . i shall do it for memory sake alphabetically : alluding to gods expostulating with them , isa. . , . is this , this conformity to the world , is this , to abstain from fleshly lusts , which , &c. or is this your abstaining , &c. as you are earnestly beseeched , pet. . , . to abstain from all appearance of evil ; as we are charged , thes. . . or is this your abstaining from , &c. and so your abstaining , &c. in all the following expostulations . . to bring the body in subjection , as pauls practice was , cor. . . . to bring forth fruits meet for repentance , as we must if we will escape the wrath to come , matth. . , . and those from cor. . . is this to have indignation against our selves , to be zealous , to take revenge upon our selves ? what work would indignation , zeal , and revenge , make upon your heads , faces , necks , and backs , if you had these . . to be blameless as the sons of god without rebuke , &c. phil. . . . to crucifie the flesh with the affections and lusts , as they that are christs have , gal. . . . is this to condemn the world , as noah did , heb. . . nay is it not to commend the world , and say you do well to be proud , covetous , wanton , &c. is this to be converted , and become as little children ? what to strive for state , to seek for preheminence over one another ; to be greatest , highest , bravest , finest ? a little child does not so . even the disciples of christ were too worldly , minding worldly greatness and preheminence ; which moved them to put the question , matth. . . who is to be greatest in the kingdom of heaven ? . the church ; they dreamed of a worldly pompous state of it ; for mar. . . they had disputed among themselves which should be greatest . see act. . . matth. . , . and christs answer , ver . , to . now is this conformity to the world , to be turned from pride , &c. without which , christ says , we shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven , matth. . , , , . . is this to be consumed with zeal , because gods words are forgotten , psal. . . is this to deny our selves ; as they who will be christs disciples must do , matth . . is this to enter in at the straight gate , and to strive so to do as we are counselled by christ , luke . . to be examples as we are bound to be , specially ministers , tim. . . & . . pet. . . to escape the corruption that i● i● the world through lust , pet. . . is this to follow christ our pattern , w 〈…〉 hath left us an example that we should f●●low his steps , pet. . . see matt 〈…〉 . . joh. . . is this to learn of christ ? matth. . . is this to be as god is in this world ? joh. . . to glorifie god with our bodies ? as we are bound by the price paid for us , cor. . . is this to humble our selves under gods mighty hand ? as we are directed by god himself in order to our exaltation , pet. . . is this to judge our selves ? as we must if we will not be judged and condemned with the world , cor. . , . is this to keep our selves from our iniquity ? as we must do if we will approve our selves upright , psal. . . is this to lay to heart the afflictions of joseph ? who many of them are cloathed with rags : see amos . , , . is this to mourn for the sins of the time , as those that are marked out for deliverance in a common calamity , do ? see ezek. . . is this , not to lift up our souls to vanity ? as they that will ascend into gods holy hill , and stand in his holy place , must not : psal. . , . is this to note those that obey not the gospel , and to have no company with them , that they may be ashamed ? thes. . . nay is it not to harden them in their sinful wayes and fashions ? is this to order our steps in gods word , as david prayed he might ? psal. . . and so to order our conversations aright as they must do who will see the salvation of god , psal. . . is this to put off the old man , which is corrupt according to the deceitful lusts ? eph. . . and to put on the new man , which after god , is created in righteousness and true holiness ? eph. . . is this to put off your ornaments from you , that god may know what to do unto you ? exod. . . is this to present your bodies a living sacrifice , holy , acceptable to god ; as you are by the mercies of god beseeched to do ? rom. . . is this your quenching the fiery darts of satan ? eph. . now sirs , as st. paul tells the corinthians , concerning their manner of communicating , this is not to eat the lords supper , cor. . . so let me tell you concerning your conformity to this world , this is not to abstain from , &c. this is not to bring your bodies in subjection . this is not to be converted . this , &c. in all the rest of the letters . and as he says , vers . , . what shall i say to you ? shall i praise you in this ? i praise you not . for i have received of the lord that which i have delivered unto you . that you who are called out of this world , which is the devils chappel , into the church , which is the house of the living god ; should not be conformed to this world . but should abstain from , &c. bring your bodies into subjection , &c. is this your reproving your unfruitful works of darkness ? as you are required , ephes. . . levit. . . redeeming of time , to spend so many hours in making provision for the flesh ? time is to be redeemed , not trifled away , eph. . . is this your striving against sin , as your duty is to do ? heb. . . your shining as lights , &c. phil. . . to be transformed by the renewing of your minds ? rom. . . no , for t is set in opposition to being conformed to this world . is this your using the world as not abusing it ? cor. . . is this your walking worthy of your high , holy , and heavenly calling ? as you are required , eph. . . winning others by your conversation ? pet. . , , , . working out your salvation with fear and trembling ? phil. . . being without offence ? &c. phil. . . nay , is not this your conformity to the world ; is not this , . to justifie the worl● ? ezek. . , . . is not this to be a comfort to the wicked world ? ezek. . . . is this not to harden them in their sinful course ? their pride , &c. . is not this to have fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness ? forbidden , e●hes . . . . is not this to take the members of christ , and to make them the members of a harlot ? cor. . . . is not this to learn the works of the heathen , and to serve their idols , psal. . , . which may prove a snare . . is not this to give offence , contrary to cor. . . and to be an occasion of stumbling , which gods people should not be , joh. . . . is not this to call men on earth , our father , master ? see matth. . . helps against conformity to this world . first , understand well wherein you are not to conform to this world . sure not in any thing which is a swerving from the rule , the written word of god. not in any thing which is a transgression of a known law. take some instances of known rules . . abstain from all appearances of evil , thes. . . this is one rule . now in any thing that is or has the appearance of evil , we must not conform to the world . . avoid all occasions of evil of sin , to our selves or others . all snares , traps and temptati 〈…〉 s to our selves or others to sin ; prov. . & . , . & . . now in any thing which is an occasion of sin to our selves or others , we must not conform to the world . . give no offence , &c. cor. . . phil. . . joh. . . . those things think upon and do which are of good report , phil. . . and this you must have a care of lest you fall into reproach , and the snare of the devil ; tim. . now those things which are not of good report , we must not conform to the world in . . do all in the name of christ , col. . . giving thanks , &c. now if the world do any thing which cannot be said to be done in the name of christ , therein you are not to conform to the world . . follow others as they follow christ , cor. . . now in those things wherein the world does not follow christ , we are not to conform to them . . whatsoever you would that men should do to you , do you the same to them , matth. . . now if the world do those things to others which they would not have done to themselves , therein we must not conform to them . . let all things be done for edifying , cor. . . in knowledge , faith , love , and holy obedience . now if the world do any thing that tends to building up of others in unholiness , and disobedience , pride and wantonness ; we must not conform to the world therein , for all must be done to edifying . . let nothing be done through strife or vainglory , phil. . . now if the world do , &c. . look not every man on his own , but on the things of others , phil. . . now if the world be all for it self , with the neglect of others , we must not therein conform to the world . . redeem the time because the days are evil , eph. . . now if the world trifle away time , on lords dayes and other dayes , we must not therein conform to the world . . whether ye eat or drink , or whatsoever else ye do , do all to the glory of god , cor. . . now if the world do that which can have no tendency to the glory of god , we must not conform to the world therein . secondly , be convinced that 't is a sin to be conformed to this world in such matters before mentioned ; gods prohibition makes it a sin , rom. . . when a man is sure a thing is sinful , he will resist it the more easily ; but if he be in doubt whether it be sin or no , he will the more easily venture upon it , to commit it . the devils business is to make men believe that sin is not sin , that they may commit it . for this end he raiseth up one prophet or another , to say as to ahab , go up and prosper ; or to say , there is no hurt in this ; or to dispute for it , or practice it himself , and then the devil has gotten ground . for when a thing is come to be a controversie , and some that are wise and learned , holy and religious , are on one side , and some of another ; then the hypocrite , as one sayes , hath a cloak for his sin , and a dose of opium for his conscience . thirdly , get the fear of the lord , this will restrain from sin , neh. . . fourthly , make a covenant with your eyes , gaze not on the fashions of others ; see ezek. . . fifthly , set upon the work of mortification , look upon it as a duty of absolute necessity , col. . . rom. . . sixthly , get to be crucified to the world ; and for this end make use of the cross of christ , gal. . . seventhly , have your conversations in heaven , and your affections on things above , phil. . col. . mind things not seen . eighthly , set god alwayes before you , psal. . gen. . . ninthly , think much of death and judgment , and what thoughts you will then have of conformity to this world . and now in conclusion let me again beseech you , be not conformed to this world . i beseech you by the mercies of god , be not conformed to , &c. and by me god himself beseeches you , cor. . . now suppose a mother should beseech her child , by the womb that bare him . by the paps that gave him suck . by the knees that dandled him . and by all her care of and kindness to him : what would you think of him , if he should not in a lawful thing yield unto her ? would you not think him to be of a flinty heart ? in like manner when god by his ministers shall beseech you by the multitude of his tender mercies ; whereby , . he begat you to a lively hope of an inheritance incorruptible , &c. pet. . , . . he hath quickned us together with christ , and raised us up together , and made us sit together in heavenly places in christ jesus , eph. . , , . . he hath pardoned us , psal. . . . he hath called us , tim. . . . justified us , rom. . . adopted us , joh. . . he hath renewed and saved us , tit. . . what stony hearts have they that will not yield when god thus beseeches by his mercies bestowed on them ? hear me you professors , let me expostulate . . why sirs shall god loose and miss of the main end of bestowing his mercies on you ? our obedience is the main end of his bestowing mercies on us . see psal. . . luke . , . psalm . . to end . . is it not to you that god applies himself in this beseeching way , even to you who have received mercy to be begotten again , quickned , pardoned , called , renewed and saved ? t is to you he comes and beseeches by all his mercies , be not conformed to this world . others that have not received these mercies , he cannot beseech by them . . had others received the mercies you have , and being beseeched by them , would they not , think you , be perswaded ? . will you hazard and endanger your selves by conforming to , and keeping company with the men of this world ? jehosaphat did so , chron. . , . and wrath was upon him therefore . josiah did so , king. . . his forwardness to pleasure the king of assiria cost him his life . the israelites conformed to egypt in idolatry , exod. . , , . and gods wrath waxes hot against them , v. . and to the moabites in adultery , numb . . , . and the anger of the lord was kindled against them . if you live after the manner of wicked men , you are like to be judged after their manner , ezek. . , . if the assirian or others will persecute after the manner of egypt , they shall be punished after the manner of egypt , isa. . , . . doth not god find fault with doing after the manner of others ? see king. . . chron. . . . is not that which is highly esteemed among men , abominable in the sight of god ? luke . . that course of life which is most contrary to the fashions of the world , is most commendable and acceptable to god. the further we go from the world in our speech , gesture , attire , works , and actions , the nearer we come to true godliness , jam. . . gods severity against man for iniquity . ezek. . , . in thy filthiness is lewdness : because i have purged thee , and thou wast not purged , thou shalt not be purged from thy filthiness any more , till i have caused my fury to rest upon thee . i the lord have spoken it , &c. hath he said it , and shall he not do it ? hath he spoken , and shall he not make it good ? numb . . . did he not make it good against the jews , his own peculiar people ? king. . begin . jer. . , &c. jer. . , and if god spared not them , the natural branches , rom. . . will he spare us ? take heed england , take heed london , lest he also spare not thee : if god have brought evil upon the city , which was called by his name , should ye be utterly unpunished ? ye shall not be unpunished : see jer. . . if they whose judgment was not to drink of the cup , who might rather have expected favour , then you . if these have assuredly drunk , are you those that shall go altogether unpunished ? you shall not go unpunished , but shall surely drink : see jer. . . nay if god spared not the angels , nor a whole world , will he spare us , pet. . . i would hope , that god will not make a full end of us , but will correct us in measure , yet sure he will not leave us wholly unpunished , jer. . . but if there be lewdness in our filthiness , and we will not be purged , god will cause his fury not only to creep , but to rest upon us as it has done upon others . in these two verses ( not to speak of the context , for time will not give leave ) we have a heavy judgment threatned , with the cause and certainty of it . . the judgment threatned , thou shalt not be purged , &c. till , &c. . the cause of it , in thy filthiness is lewdness : because i would have purged thee , and thou wast not purged . . the certainty of it , i the lord have spoken it , &c. in thy filthiness , in thy sin which is filthiness : sin so called , cor. . . in thy idolatry , covetousness , pride , prophaneness , hypocrisie , oppression . is lewdness , obstinacy ( for she would not be purged from it ) and rejoycing , jer. . . because i have purged thee , i have sought to purge thee , by admonitions . exhortations . counsels . threatnings . reproofs . corrections . and thou wast not ●urged , all labour was in vain and fruitless : as for the word of the lord they would not hearken to it , jer. . . zech. . . thou shalt not be purged from thy filthiness any more : thou shalt be warned , exhorted , counselled , threatned , reproved no more ; but shall be left to perish in thy sins , as desperate and incurable . till i have caused my fury to rest upon thee : till i have satiated , satisfied my wrath , and eased my self of my adversaries , and avenged me of mine enemies , isa. . . till i have purged them in hell fire sayes one , which will be ever doing , but never be done . doct. god will at last cause his fury to rest upon a people that will not be purged from their filthiness . god will , and this will of his is , . most just ; because god has offered them mercy and they would none of it . thus , a subject commits high treason against his prince , for which he is condemned : his prince out of pitty sends him a pardon , which he rejects , tears and tramples under foot . if the prince resolve this man shall dye for it , is not his resolution just ? see ezra . . dan. . . lam. . . . most unchangeable , for numb . . . at last ; he is not hasty , but slow to anger . he being god and not man , hos. . . can bear long , and does , yet will not alwayes , but at last will punish , isa. . . & . . and here in the text. cause his fury , anger , indignation , wrath. fury is an anger never at rest till it has taken revenge . to rest , to abide ; fury has come and gone , judgments have come and gone , have been sent and called back again , laid on and taken off , for a considerable time ; but at last they shall rest . upon a people , though professing , and called by the name of the lord ; though known and formerly saved by the lord. that will not ; i say , will not , because the highest does so often lay the blame there , jer. . . their will was against purging , they loved their filthiness : they loved to wander , jer. . & . . & . . when thou doest evil then thou rejoycest . see jer. . . be purged from their filthiness . by any means , whether fair or foul , whether warnings , exhortations , counsells , threats , reproofs , sabbaths , sacrifices , mercies , judgments . whose filth , scum , rust , remains . their filth , notwithstanding all the floods they have been in . their s●um and dross notwithstanding all the fires they have been in . their rust notwithstanding all the filings they have had . i might heap scriptures for proof hereof , but i shall confine my self to this prophet , ez●k . . . & . , , . & . , . & . . you may read , deut. . . chron. . , with . jer. . . & . ▪ & . . & . . & . , . psal. . . & . , . & . . reason . gods honour , holiness , justice and truth , requires it . . gods honour , if god spare such , it will be thought that he favours them , psalm . . mat. . . . his holiness , habak . . . . his justice , zeph. . . psal. , ult . justice must render to every one according to &c. . his truth . see jer. . . use . sad then is the case of such as will not be purged from their filthiness . is it not sad when god will cause his fury to rest upon them , when he is so resolved as you see , v. . this people , in the text , might think , and so possibly may you , god would not be so severe , as the prophet had told them ; they might say or think , jeremiah this is but your saying , and you may speak it out of humor and discontent . nay sayes god , i the lord have spoken it ; i jehovah who can and will give being and life to my threats , to what i have spoken . they might say , but saying and doing are two things , it may never come to pass though god has spoken it . nay sayes god , it shall come to pass , as certainly as i have spoken it . they might say , you threaten us with nebuchadnezar ; but nebuchadnezar and his forces are but men , and may fail , and never be able to perform their enterprize . but sayes god , i will do it , and i am not man , but god. they might say , but sure god will not lay waste hierusalem his own city , where his temple and worship is . to this god answers , true. but thy scum is in thee , and thy filthiness , and in thy filthiness is lewdness , obstinacy , therefore i will not go back from my word of threatening . thou doest not retract , and therefore i will not . thou hast gone backward , jer. . ▪ therefore i will not go back . see also jer ▪ . . they might say , but god is pittiful , and his compassions fail not . but sayes god , i will not pitty , n● spare , nor have mercy , jer. . . they might say , but god will repent of the evil threatned ; according to jer. . ezek. . . , , , , . no sayes god , neither will i repen● ; you repent not , therefore i will not repent : see jer. . . they might say then , surely god will deal hardly with us . no sayes god , i deal justly , according to thy wayes i will judge thee . what then is there no avoiding of this fury ? no ; they shall not be able to escape , jer. . . evil shall hunt you , psal. . . and find you out , numb . . . as the blood hound the thief , as sure as he sets his foot on the ground . nor no resisting ? no ; can stubble resist fire . why then , i hope , i shall be able to bear it . no , it will be intollerable , ezek. . . can thy heart endure ? no. why then , i hope , it will have an end . no neither , if you dye in your filthiness , it shall rest upon you ; 't will be everlasting fire and burning , isa. . . why then , i hope , if it will have no end , it will be long before it have a beginning . no , it may have a beginning before you are aware . 't is to be feared that your iniquities are near full and ripe , for we are come to that pass now , . that , i think , we are shameless in sinning ; and if so , see jer. . . & . . . graceless in profession , and luke-warm in religion ; and if so , see tim. . , to . rev. . , . & . , . amos . , , . . regardless of christ , nay abusive of christs gospel and ministers ; and if so , see matth. . , , , . luke . , . chron. . . king. . . with . . chron. . . . fruitless under the means of grace ; and if so , see matth. . . luke . , to . act. . , . isa. . begin . heb. . . . incorrigible under the rod ; and if so , see isa. . , . amos . , , , , , . . fearless of punishment ; as they , jer. . . that said , where is the word of the lord ? let it come now . and as they that said , isa. . . let him make speed and hasten his work , that we may see it ; and let the counsel of the holy one of israel draw nigh and come , that we may know it . and this is but according to what was foretold by our saviour , luke . , . and as it was in the dayes of noe ; so shall it be also in the dayes of the son of man. they did eat , they drank , they married wives , &c. till the flood came . and by st. peter , pet. . . there shall come in the last dayes scoffers , walking after their own lusts ( and sure they are come ) saying , where is the promise of his coming ? things continue as they were . but when we put far away the evil day , amos . . and say peace and safety , then sudden destruction cometh , as travel upon a woman with child , and we shall not escape , thes. . . god will punish the men that are setled upon the lees , that say in their hearts , the lord will not do good , neither will he do evil ; zeph. . . god grant our goods may not become a booty ; god grant our houses may not become a desolation ; god grant that they who have built houses , may inhabit them ; and that they who have planted vi●eyards , may drink the wine thereof but sure if in our filthiness there shall be lewdness , if we shall continue unpurged , notwithstanding all the means used for our purging : the great day of the lord is near , it is near , and hasteth greatly , even the voyce of the day of the lord : the mighty man shall cry there bitterly : that day is a day of wrath , a day of trouble and distress , a day of wasteness and desolation , a day of darkness and gloominess , a day of clouds and thick darkness ; a day of the trumpet and alarm , against the fenced cities , and against the high towers god will bring distress upon men , that they shall walk like blind men , because they have sinned against the lord , and their blood shall be poured out as the dust , and their flesh as the dung . neither their silve nor their gold shall be able to deliver them is the day of gods wrath ; but the whole la 〈…〉 shall be devoured , by the fire of his jealous 〈…〉 for he shall make even a speedy riddance of a 〈…〉 them that dwell in the land , zeph. . , ▪ , , , . this is the rejoycing city that dwelt carelesly , that said in her heart , i am , a 〈…〉 there is none beside me : how is she become 〈◊〉 desolation , a place for beasts to lye down in 〈…〉 every one that passeth by her , shall hiss an● wag the hand ; zeph. . . this is spoken of nineveh , ver . . and if we sin as nineveh did , may not we expect to suffer as she suffered . yet i fear we have many that say as babilon , i shall be a lady for ever , isa. . . therefore hear now this , thou that art given to pleasures , that dwellest carelesly , that sayest in thy heart , i am , and none else besides me , i shall not sit as a widdow , neither shall i know the loss of children . therefore shall evil come upon thee , thou shalt not know from whence it riseth : and mischief shall fall upon thee , thou shalt not be able to put it off : and desolation shall come upon thee suddenly which thou shalt not know , isa. . . rise up ye woman that are at ease : hear my voice ye careless daughters , give ear unto my speech . many dayes and years shall ye be troubled ye careless women : for the vintage shall fail , the gathering shall not come . tremble ye women that are at ease : be troubled ye careless ones , strip you , and make you bare , and gird sackcloth on your loins . because the palaces shall be for saken , the multitude of the city shall be left , the forts and towers shall be for dens for ever , a joy of wild asses , a pasture of flocks ; isa. . , , , . see also jer. . , , , , . these are terrible threats , but who trembles at the reading or hearing of them ? the people in ezra's time trembled at the words of the god of israel , ezra . . josiah when he heard the words of the law against jerusalem and the inhabitants thereof , rent his cloathes and wept , chron. . , . habakkuk hears gods speech and is afraid , chap. . . yea , his belly trembled ; his lips quivered ; rottenness entred into his bones . chap. . . variety of expressions are used by him , to shew how sensible he was of gods threatned judgments . but oh i fear we are past feeling . jeremy also cries out , jer. . . m 〈…〉 bowels ; nay b●ls●●zz●r trembled d 〈…〉 . . . when he saw the hand writing 〈◊〉 the wall ; but we see and read what 〈◊〉 written against us , and ne●er tremble . and felix trembled when he heard pa 〈…〉 reasoning of righteousness , temperance , a●●●udgment to come , act. . . but ho● often are you reasoned with about the 〈…〉 things , and never tremble ? the devils tremble , jam. . . an● cannot we ? oh our atheism and infidelity ! our not fearing gods threatning in his word , is a manifest token of it . the god of glory thundereth in the heavens , and thou tremblest ; but when 〈◊〉 thunders in the scripture , thou tremble 〈…〉 not : hear how he thunders , nahum ▪ , , , , , , , . pray take your bible and read this scripture before yo● read any further . the lion roars and the beasts tremble ▪ but god roars , threatens most terribly amos . . but who fears ? a storm , a tempest , will make yo 〈…〉 tremble ; and will not that storm , th 〈…〉 tempest threatned , psal. . . make thee ●remble ? upon the wicked ( and art n 〈…〉 thou wicked ) he shall rain snares , fire and brimsto●e , and an horrible tempest : this shall be the portion of their cu● . well , sirs , god would have purged us , and we would not be purged ; what then remains , but a certain fearful looking for of judgment , and fiery indignation , which shall devour the adversaries , h b. . . . hath not god warned and told thee of the evil and danger of thy sinful course ? thou canst not say as paul , act. . . i wist not . i wist not that sin was so great an evil , that it had so much filth and fire in it . you cannot say i did not know that sin , that pride , worldliness , rioting , drunkenness , chambering , wantonness , str●fe , envying , were transgressions of the holy , just , and good law of god , and provocations of him to your own and others hurt : you cannot say you knew not this . . hath not god begged and beseeched you to abstain from these fleshly lusts which war against your souls , pet. . . . hath not god reproved you , and said to you , as to them , judg. . . why have you done this ? . hath not god threatned you , that except you repent you shall perish , luke . , . and told you , that if you live after the flesh you shall dye , rom. . . . hath not god corrected and afflicted you , and may we not complain as the prophet , jer. . . o lord , thou hast stricken them , but they have not grieved : thou hast consumed them , but they have refused to receive correction : they have made their faces harder then a rock , they have refused to return . see also , dan. . , . . hath not god said to you as to him , joh. . . sin no more lest a worse thing come unto you . and told you , that if ye will not be reformed by those things , that have come upon you , but will walk contrary to him ; that he will then walk contrary to you , and will punish you yet seven times for your sins ; levit. . , . . hath not god after all this said , return unto me , and i will not cause mine anger to fall upon you ; for i am merciful , and will not keep anger for ever ; jer. . , , . hath he not said , w●sh ye , make ye 〈…〉 an , &c. though your sins be as scarlet , they shall be white as s●ow , isa. , . . hath not god sworn that he desires not your death ; saying , as i live , i have ●o pleasure in the death of the wicked , but that he turn from his way and live , ezek. . . . hath not god after this expostulated with you , and said , turn ye , turn ye , why will ye dye ? ezek. . . and jer. . . wilt thou not be made clean ? when shall it once be ? . hath he not waited to be gracious to thee , isa. . . hath he not been long-suffering to you ward , not willing that you should perish , but that you should come to repentance , pet. . . and now sinner , tell me , would not god have purged thee : and if thou wouldest not , if thou wouldest not take warning , when warning was given thee ; nor be prevailed with to abstain from fleshly lusts , when thou wast beseeched ; nor be reformed when thou wast reproved ; nor return when thou wast smitten ; nor regard when expostulated with ; nor come to repentance when so long waited for : may not god say to thee , as to the woman , gen. . . what is this that thou hast done ? and as to adam , gen. . . hast thou ●aten of the tree , whereof i commanded that thou shouldst not eat ? so , sinner what is this that thou hast done ? hast thou set at nought all my counsel , and wouldst thou none of my reproof ? prov. . . oh what is this that thou hast done ? doest thou know what thou hast done ? canst thou conceive the dishonour thou hast brought to god , and the misery thou hast brought upon thy self , and the hurt thou hast done to church and state ? art thou not in danger of the resting of gods fury upon thee ; when gods anger is kindled but a lit●le , you are in danger of perishing , psal. . . in what case then will you be , when his fury shall rest upon you . and god will watch to bring it upon you , jer. . . behold i will watch over them for evil , and not for good ; as one that purposly watcheth and lieth in wait to do mischief , psal. . god has been wo 〈…〉 when provoked , to watch over people , to pluck up and break down , jer. . . and daniel , chap. . , ▪ confesses , that because god had p 〈…〉 shed them , and they had not made their prayer before the lord their god , that they might ●urn from their iniquities and understand the truth ; therefore the lord 〈◊〉 watched upon the evil , and brought it upon them . and he gives the reason , for the lord our god is righteous in all his works , for we obeyed not his voice . use . if all this be so , then consider we ▪ our selves , are we purged from our filthiness ? is england ? is london ? are we ? is our s●um gone out ? our rust gotten off ? our filth done away ? our dross separated from us ? our chaffe scattered and burnt ? . let me ask you a few questions . . have you been con●inced of your natural and contracted filthiness ? si●s were you clean born , shaped in holiness ? read , ioh . . psal. . . and see whether you were or no. have you lived wi●hout defiling your selves ? see psal. . . mark . . what were your hearts , and hands ? if you cannot tell , see jer. . . jam. 〈◊〉 . . mark . , , . what were your heads , ears , eyes , and tongues ? if you be ignorant , s 〈…〉 john . . act. . . jer. . . pe● . . . matth. . . james . . ephes . . i fear many are not yet convinced of their filthiness ; and if so , sure not yet purged from it . some will not believe that to be filthiness which ged sayes is so ; all that is in the world is either the lust of the eye , &c. john . ▪ and these are not of the pure and holy god , but of the dirty sinful world which lies in wickedness . . the lust of the eye ; covetousness , which you call by another name ▪ viz. good hu●bandry , is ●●lthine●s , peter 〈◊〉 . . . the lust of the flesh ; rio●ing , drunkenn 〈…〉 ▪ chambering , wantonness ; which you call good fellowship , courtship , courteousness : this is filthiness , but you ●o not know it , or will not know it ; for your better information , see thes. . . ephes. . , . ro● . . . . pride of life ; this also is filthiness , though you call it fineness , neatness , ●omliness : but see what god calls it , isa. . . he calls it filth , ordure , or excrements , the word imports all ; all such filth , or excrement , as come● forth from the body , either upward , as isa. . . pet. . . or downward , as deut. . . ezek . . the filth of the daughters of zion ; whose pride , vanity , wantonness , and other excesses , had no small hand in pulling down gods judgments . see isa. . , . had it been the daughters of moab , numb . . . or the daughters of the philistines , judg. . , . that had been so filthy it would not have provoked so much ; their filth would not have stunk so bad , nor have been so loathsom in the sight of god. but for the daughters of zion , and the daughters of jerusalem , and the daughters of israel and judah , of professors , to be so filthily proud , provoked greatly . had it been only the daughters of men , gen. . . or the daughters of a strange god , mal. . . or the daughters of the uncircumcised , san. . . it had not been so much ; but for the daughters of god , deut . . to go thus , and do thus , and 〈◊〉 thus , he could not bear it . their gates , and garbs , and courses , and carriages , that they prided themselves in , and accounted their bravery , isa. . . were filth ; and such as made them odious , loathsom , and abominable in gods eye ; saith one whose judgment ; i think , is not to be contemned , ●ataker in loc . and see , saith he , the contrary required , tim. . , . pet. . , . so that i believe , that which you call fineness now , will be found to be filthiness another day ; that which you call 〈…〉 nery , will be found to be fil●hery . those fine heads , fine faces , fine necks , fine back and breast , fine armes and shoulders , will be found , i believe , to be filthy , heads , faces , necks , backs and breasts , armes and shoulders . wherefore let me be speak you , as daniel did n●buchadnezar , dan. . . wherefore o fine dames , let my counsel be acceptable to you ; break off your pride by humility , and your shamelesness by shamefastness . and get ye quickly to the fountain opened for sin and uncleanness , zech. . . and wash your selves . say to christ , as peter , when christ told him , if he washt not his feet he should have no part in me : o lord , said he , not my feet onely , but my hands and head also . you have need to say , not my feet onely , but my face , neck , back , breast , armes and shoulders also . quest. . has the word , the pure word of god , ( so called , psal. . . psalm . . ) been instrumental in your purging , psal. . . psal. . . joh. . . quest. . has time been spent about it ? have you had your washing , scowring and purging days for your souls , as you-have had for the cleaning of your cloathes , brass and pew●er , and for preservation of the health of your bodies . some wash their linnen once a month , and scowr their vessels once a quarter , and purge their bodies spring and fall. deal truly , what time have you set a part for the washing and purging of your heads , hearts , and hands ? have you your monthly , quarterly , and half-yearly washing and purging dayes for your souls ? will not linnen , brass and pewter vessels be made clean , nor bodies be purged without allowing time ? and will hearts and souls be purged from their filthiness without allowing time ? quest. . has pains been taken about it ? has this purging of your selves cost you prayers and tears before 't was done ? that which is foul will not be made clean without pains-taking . naaman was at the pains of taking a long journey , to be cleansed from his leprosie , king. . quest. . have you made your applica●ion to christ about your cleansing and purging , as once naaman did to the prophet , king. . . naaman knew himself to be a leper . . naaman hearing of a prophet that could cure him , comes to him , king. . , . to his door . . receives direction what to do for his cure , and though averse at first to use that means , yet upon his servants entreaties , resolves to make trial of the means , king. . , . . he does and practices accordingly , goes down into the river and dips himself seven times therein , king. . . . he returns , being cured , to shew his thankfulness , king. . . and to testifie his great respect to the prophet , as the instrument of his cure ; as did the tenth leper , luke . . . he acknowledges the god of israel to be the only true god , and his cure to be wrought by him , king. . . . he resolves upon the worshipping and serving of the true god , renouncing all other gods , king. . . in like manner , . have you known your selves to be leprous and unclean ; and said as isaiah , chap. . . . having heard of christ , and the efficacy of his blood to cleanse you , have you come to his door and waited for direction , what to do that you might be cleansed ? have you waited dayly at the posts of his doors ? prov. . . have you sate at jesus's feet , and heard his word , luke . . as mary did ? . having heard counsel and direction what to do to be cured , viz. to go into the jordan of christs blood , and to bathe your selves therein ; have you resolved , upon the entreaties of gods ministers , who are are your servants , cor. . . to make trial of this jordan ? and with esther , to go into king jesus , come of it what will : saying , i will go in , and if i perish , i perish , esth. . . and have you resolved with the prodigal , luke . to go unto christ the everlasting father , isa. . . have you done accordingly ? have you dipped your selves in this bloody jordan seven times ? have you-gone into king jesus , as esther into king ahasueru● ? and as the prodigal , to his father ? have you been at the fountain opened for sin and uncleanness ? zech. . . have you rested upon this blood of christ which cleanseth from all sin , joh. . . for your cleansing , and expected it according to the promise ? ez●k . . . do you find your hearts stirred up to be thankful , for this jordan of chri●ts blood , and the blessings we have thereby ? can you do as peter and paul ? as peter , pet. . . as paul , ephes. . . . do you give christ the glory of being the alone fountain for cleansing , and acknowledge all your cleansing to be from him ; there being no salvation from the filthiness of sin in any other ? act. . . . do you resolve upon serving god in righteousness and holiness all your days , as they that are delivered from their filthiness are bound to do ? luke . , . quest. . are you careful to keep your selves clean ? do you shun all defilements by persons or things ? is it your care to keep your self unspotted , as pure religion binds you to do ? jam. . . do you hate the garment spotted by the flesh ? jude . and abstain from all appearance of evil , thes. . . quest. . are you companions of those that are purged ? david , psal. . . was a companion of all them that feared god , and of them that kept his precepts . are you so too ? davids delight was in them , psal. . . is your delight in them too ? birds of a feather will flock together . use . of exhortation , if it be so as you have heard , then continue no longer in your filthiness . wash ye , make ye clean , lay a part all filthiness and supersiuity of naughtiness , james . . cleanse your selves from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , cor. . . cast it away , and say unto it , get thee hence , isa. . . motives . . 't is filthiness ; will a man continue in filth , in dirt and mire : in the filth of the lust of the eye , the lust of the flesh , and the pride of life ? . god would that you should be purged ; for , first , he calls upon you , wash , as you have heard . secondly , god has prepared a fountain to wash in , zech. . . thirdly , god expostulates with you about it , jer. . . wilt thou not be made clean ? fourthly , god thinks it long , till you be purged , jer. . . how long shall thy vain thoughts lodge within th●e ? and jerem. . . when shall it once be ? . when you are purged , washed , god will take delight in you , and have fellowship with you , isa. . , . means . . take the glass of the law , and view your selves therein , that will shew you your filthiness : i had not known sin but by the law , said paul , rom. . . . know the power of gods anger , psal. . . you may see it in his terrible threats , and the judgments which he executeth , psal. . . . assent to the truths of gods threatnings . say often to thy own soul , it will be as god hath said : fury will rest , settle upon me , if i continue unpurged from my filthiness . . confess your natural and contracted filthiness , as did david , psal. . . and then see , . john . . . pray , purge me , wash me , cleanse me , create in me a clean heart , as david did psal. . . above all getting , get faith , for 't is faith that purifies the heart , act. . . first , hear for it , for it comes by hearing , rom. . secondly , give god no rest till he has given it you . . act faith in the cleansing blood of christ : it cleanseth away all sin , being sprinkled and applied , john . . pet. . . go to the fountain opened for sin and uncleanness , zech. . . say to thine own soul. . i am filthy , even filthiness ; my mind and conscience is d filed , tit. . . i am a person of u clean lips , isa. . . for how can he be clean who is born of a woman ? job . . who can bring a clean thing out of an unclean ? job . . behold i am shapen in iniquity , and in sia did my mother conceive me , psal. . . besides , how aboninable and filthy am i , who have drank iniquity like water ? job . . oh wretched man that i am , who shall deliver me from the body of this death ? rom. . . . the body of sin , rom. . . called a body , because it hath many members , col. . . a body of death , because it tends to death , and threaten ▪ death . . say to thy own soul , christs blood was shed to cleanse from this filthiness of sin . and that , first , by gods own appointment , act. . . pet. . . secondly , for this very purpose , zech. . . joh. . , . isa. . . . say to thy own soul , jesus christ in the ministry and preaching of the gospel , has been evidently set forth crucified before mine eyes , gal. . . god has set him forth to be a propitiation threugh 〈…〉 i th in his blood , rom. . . not only in his eternal counsel , and afterward in the execution of the same in the fullness of time , but by the preaching of the gospel , tim. . , . & pet. . . he was manifested in these last times for us , not only in respect of his incarnation , but in respect of the revelation of him in the preaching of the gospel , since his incarnation : so also god hath set him forth to be a bath to wash us from our filthiness , rev. . . . say to thy soul , this blood of christ is precious blood . pet. . . powerful and effcacious to effect that for which 't was shed , viz. the cleansing away of sin . though the blood of bulls and goats could not take away sin , yet this precious blood of the lamb of god can ; see heb. . , , , , , , , . . say to thy self , this blood of christ is the only bath , for the soul ; there 's no other fountain , no other name , no way else to be cleansed , act. . . tim. . . . say to thy own soul , i must wash in this bath or else be for ever unclean , and unpurged , and so never enter into heaven ; f●r there shall in no wise enter in any thing that defileth , rev. . . but gods wrath and fury will rest and abid● upon me for ever , joh. . . . say to thy own soul , i am invited to bathe in this blood of christ , to apply it by faith , for my cleansing : 't is offered to me , isa. . . act. . . to him give all the prophets witness , that through his name , whosoever believeth on him shall receive remission of sins : and rev. . . whosoever will , let him take of this water of life freely . . say to thy own soul , i am commanded to accept of the offer , to bathe in this fountain , to rest on christ for cleansing ; to look unto him to be saved from my filthiness , isa. . so that , as soul as i am , it will be no presumption in me to come and wash in this jordan : christ calls me , matth. . . come unto me all ye that are heavy laden with dirt and filth . say to thy own soul , i am promised by him who is true and faithful ; even the true god , and eternal life , john . . that if i come to him for cleansing , i shall in no wise be cast out , refused , john . . why then should i not obey this command , and believe and rest on christ for my cleansing ? . yet once more , that you may act faith in the blood of christ for cleansing ; say to thy own soul , was not i baptized for the remission of sins , act. . . repent and be baptized , in the name of christ , for the remission of sins : . for assurance that your sins are forgiven you for christs sake : so act. . . arise and be baptized , and wash away thy sins ( according to the du●ch annotations ) for a sign and seal that thy sins are washed away , by the blood and spirit of christ. to improve thy baptism in order to thy cleansing , . say to thy self , does not water in baptism signifie and seal by divine institution ? is it not an ordinance of jesus christ ? matth. . , , . . say to thy self , does not water in baptism signifie and seal the cleansing blood of christ , and our justification and sanctification thereby ? knowest then not o my soul , that they who are baptized into jesus christ , are baptized into his death ? rom. . . . to partake of the benefits of his death . . say to thy self , was not this water applied to me ? and that , in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost ? . was it not applied to me in a solem● way , in the presence of the holy trinity , with a declaration of the institution of baptism by christ , and with prayer to god in the name of christ , that his blood represented by the water might cleanse me . . say to thy self , is not my baptism my bond , obliging me to apply that blood of christ to my soul , which was represented by the water which was applied to my body ? . say again have i applied it , and am i cleanfed from my filthiness ? . if not , say to thy soul , is not my case as bad as the case of unbaptized infidels ? see jer. . , . . and if so , say to thy soul , how can my conscience be quiet , and let me alone in such a case ? wherefore lay a charge upon thy self , to believe , to receive , and rest upon christ for cleansing , as he is offered in the gospel . say , believe o my soul , go to the fountain , wilt thou dye in thy filth , and under the fury of the almighty god ? gods severity against man for iniquity . isa. . . behold , it is written before me : i will rot keep silence , but will recompence , even 〈…〉 compence into their boson . behold , observe , take notice of it ; it is written before me : it is written : first , what ? secondly , where ? first , what ? your iniquities , vers . . sin , jer. . . your rejecting christ. secondly , where ? in gods book ; we enter in books such matters as we would not have forgotten . thus ezra . , . & . . esth. . . so god also has books of remembrance , not only of what , . is done for him , mal. . . psal. . . . but against him , deut. . . hos. . . the meaning is , god keeps it in mind as well as if it were booked down . before me ; it lieth before my face , that it may not be forgotten . q. d. their wicked doings are upon record with me , and this record alwayes lies open before my face . they did it , isa. . . to my face , or in my sight , as deut. . . psalm . and it remains still before him . i will not keep silence ; i. e. i will no longer forbear as i have hitherto done . but will recompence , even recompence into their bosom ; or will repay , yea repay into their lap . . certainly , undoubtedly ; therefore is the threat doubled , to put it out of doubt . . abundantly , largely , as repaying into their bosom or lap signifies ; he will recompence and repay them , not by tail , measure , or weight ; but by pouring forth into the receivers lap without any regard how much . doct. though god delay the execution of vengeance for some time , yet at length he will undoubtedly and abundantly pour out his wrath upon impenitent sinners . first , god delayes to execute vengeance for a time . secondly , at length he will take vengeance . . god delayes for a time to take vengeance , psal. . . isa. . . thus god did bear long with the old world , pet. . . he will avenge at last though he bear long , luke . . after a long time the lord of those servants cometh and reckoneth , mat. . . though god keep silence for a time , yet he will speak at last . see habak . . . reasons . negatively , not because god is slack , as we are too apt to conceive , psal. . ● . no , not as if god were slack , backward through weakness , forgetfulness or fickleness and inconstancy , pet. . . they are not slack that are long ere they come , but they that come not at the due and appointed time . now god never stayes beyond that time , heb. . . habak . . . so then this is not the reason : but , affirmatively , . because god is long-suffering , ●et . . . willing that we should have time and means to repent , and so not perish . see rom. . . . to leave sinners at last without excuse , as prov. . , , . . because he has an eternity wherein to be revenged on them . . at length god will take vengeance , &c. he will do it , psal. . , . isa. . . ezek. . , . consider we a little , first , who it is that will recompence ? secondly , how he will do it . thirdly , when. fourthly , why. first , who it is ? he to whom it belongeth , and who claims a propriety in it ; deut. . . rom. . . who this is ? see jer. . , . nah. . . jer. . . secondly , he will do it , . abundantly , plentifully , psal. . . sevenfold , seven times more , and seven times more , levit. . , . he poures it out , nah. . . . terribly , joel . , . isa. . . what terrible things did he do by the red sea ? psal. . . see nah. . . so terribly that the ears of those that hear shall tingle , sam. . . king. . . jer. . . shall have his ears stricken with horror and astonishment , at the report of it , though he see it not . see also , psalm . , . ezek . . thirdly , certainly , surely , jer. . . and therefore is the threat , . doubled in the text , and isa. . . . sworn to ; god swears he will do it , dent. . , . . written down , exod. . . & . . or thus , god will do it : for , . he has said it . . said it again and again in the text , ezek. . . . sworn it , deur . . , . . set his hand to it , written it , exod. . . . sealed it , deut. . . thirdly , when ? in due time , deut. . , . joel . . when 〈◊〉 is ripe , gen. . . their iniquities were , execrable idolatry . grievous oppression . prodigious lust. these were not yet full , not at their growth . sin comes to it by degrees , jer. . . dan. . . matth. . . fourthly , why ? because gods holiness , justice , truth , and honour requires it . . his holiness ; which is such , that he cannot away with iniquity , hab. . . see isa. . . . his justice ; he must render to every one according to his doings , how else can he be just , rom. . , . jerem. . . . his truth , and oath requires it ; he hath said it , and doubled it ; and sworn it , and caused it to be written , as you have heard . . his honour ; see mal. . . . their enmity to god and his people requires it , psal. . , to . . gods soveraignty over all requires it , psalm . . with the foregoing verses . use. first , of admonition . . be not hardned in your sins , because sentence is not presently executed ; see eccles. . . for god , you hear , will punish at length . . be not mockers and scoffers as they , pet. . . for god will punish at length . nor like them , isa. . . ●er . . . psal. . . but let such read , isa. . . . secondly , use of exhortation . . fear and tremble sinners , for god will punish at length if you persist . be affected as david was , psal. . , . he thought god was to be feared , psal. . god will , in general , avenge himself of you , isa. . . abase you , job . . dan. . . affright you , deut. . , . break you with a rod of iron , psal. . . cast you off , chron. . . cut off all your horns , psal. . . cause your children to behave themselves proudly , isa. . . destroy and devour you at once , isa. . . execute vengeance on you in anger , and f 〈…〉 ry , micah . . ezek. . . fill your faces with shame , psal. . . give your substance and treasures to the spoil , jer. . . heap mischief on you , deut. . . impoverish you , judg. . . jer. . . psal. . . margin . keep wrath for you , nah. . . lead you forth with the workers of iniquity , psal. . . make you si●k in smiting you , micah . . not acquit you , nah. . . not spare you , deut. . . ordain arrows against you , psal. . . overthrow you house , prov. . . prepare instruments of death for you , psal. . . pour out wrath upon you , psal. . . punish you seven times more , levit. . persecute you with his storm , psal. . . quench you as tow or flax , or the wick of a candle , by casting it into the water , isa. . . rain upon you fire , &c. psal. . . separate you unto evil , deut. . . s●●te you with a scab , isa. . . t●ke away your bravery , isa. . . tear you in pieces , psal. . . v 〈…〉 x you in his , &c. psal. . . w●●ste you in the sight of passers by ; ezek . . isa. . . w 〈…〉 e your mountains and hills , and dry up your herbs , rivers , and pools , isa. . . . prepare to meet the lord , amos . . . by serious consideration , hag. . . psalm . . psálm . . jerem. . . . by sincere confession of your sins , jer. . , . . by deep humiliation , chron. . , . . by quiet submission , judg. . . levit. . . . by earnest supplication , judg. . . chron. . . job . . . by believing , application to god by christ , dan. . . eph. . . allude to act. . . see zech. . , to . . by thorow reformation , ezr. . . chron. . . judg. . . . by firm resolution to cleave to the lord for the future ; covenanting so to do , chron. . . nehem. . . otherwise ▪ if you take not this course , though you ▪ be professors , worshippers , and servants of god in profession ; if you be no more , nor no better , what has befallen other professors , may befall you . you may be , afflicted , psal. . . abborred greatly , psal. . . & , . appointed to dy● , psal. . . your blood may be shed like water , psalm . . . broken in pieces , psal. . . cast off and put to shame , psal. . . cut down and burnt with fire , psalm . . your dayes may be consumed in vanity , and your years in trouble , psalm . . devoured , and your dwelling place laid waste , psalm . . enemies may laugh at you , psal. . . familiar friends may lift up their heel against you , psal. . . fowls of heaven , and beasts of the field may feed upon your flesh , psal. . . god may be angry against your prayer , psal. . . and forsake your tabernacle , psal. . , . and be wroth with them , psal. . , , . your hedge may be broken dawn , psalm . . haters of you may rule over you , psalm . . jealousie of god may burn like fire against you , psal. . . killed all the day long , psal. . . low brought , psalm . . made a by-word to your neighbour , psalm . . a by-word and shaking of the head , psalm . . none may bury you , psalm . . oppressors may seek after your soul , psalm . . punished severely , amos . . your priests may fall by the sword , psalm . . scattered , psalm . . scorned and derided by them about you , psal. . . tears may be given you to drink in great measure , psal. . . vile accounted , &c. lam. . . even as a scum , cor. . . wild beasts and boars out of the wood may waste you , &c. psal. . . seeing this is so , will you take the course prescribed , that if possible none of these things may come upon you ; or if they should , that your eternal estate may be secured . first , what can you object against it ? . is it not the course that god hath prescribed . that it is , has been proved before ; therefore you can't object , 't is not required ; you cannot say , who hath required this ; for you have heard that god does . . is there any unreasonableness or unrighteousness in the prescribing of it ? can you object against it as being unreasonable and unrighteous ? nay is it not most reasonable and righteous , that having sinned and provoked god , you should consider , confess , humble , &c. . is it not that course that others with success have used ? as nineveh , and chron. . , . can you object , and say , others have taken this course to no purpose ? ahabs external humiliation was not without some success ? the judgment was deferred upon it , king. . . . have not others perished for want of taking this course : see chron. . . of zed●ki● to . dan. . , to . of bel●hazar . can you now object , and say , others have neglected this course and done well enough ? thus you see you cannot object against this course . secondly , can you think of a better , a safer course ? can you , or you , or you , &c. speak if you can ; by your silence i take it for granted that you cannot . thirdly , if you cannot , are you resolved upon this ? to consider , confess , &c. fourthly , if you be not resolved on this course as yet ; must i dismiss you unresolved and desperate as they , jer. . will you say as they , ver . . & . . finis . gods gracious presence , the saints great priviledge . thes. . . now the lord of peace , himself give you peace alwayes , by all means . the lord be with you all . you have peace ( blessed be god ) long may it last ; it is not like to be long-lived , unless god work wonderfully . application therefore should be made to him , that he who is the god of peace would be pleased to give it alwayes , and by all means . the close of the verse is that which i intend to say something unto , as the lord shall enable me . the lord be with you all. this is pauls valediction to the thessalonians , and shall be mine to you . in this valediction you have , . pauls wish and desire , the lord be with you . . the extent of it , the lord be with you all. he leaves out none of them , he wisheth well to them all ; and that which he wisheth is the presence of the lord with them , all their welfare standing therein . the lord , god the father , god the son , and god the holy ghost ; we must not leave out any of the three , for we cannot be without the presence of any one of them ; nor can you have the presence of the one without the presence of the other , for these three are one , and where one is all are . of the fathers , and of the sons , and of the holy ghosts coming to be with his people . you read joh. . jesus said , if a man love me , he will keep my words , and my father will love him , and we will come unto him , and make our abode with him . o for faith to believe this ! that the father and the son will come and make their abode with such . whosoever goes from you , you may be sure the father and son will come , if you love him and keep his words , see verse . and for the coming of the holy ghost see joh. . . i will pray the father , saith christ ( here 's a praying friend , and praying friends we use to say are our best friends ) and he shall give you another comforter , that he may abide with you for ever , even the spirit of truth , verse . that he may abide with you for ever , mark that ; when he comes , he will not be like a wayfaring man that comes for a night , and then is gon , but he will abide for ever : when i came down from heaven , i came with a purpose to return again , when i had done my work here , but this comforter , my spirit , shall abide with you for ever . well then the lord be with you , the father son and holy spirit be with you , the eternal jehovah , who hath his being of himself , and gives being to all things else , even the being of performance to his promises ; this lord be with you , be with your whole man , this lord be with your bodies , this lord be with your souls , this lord be with every part of your bodies , and with every power of your souls . the apostle in his former epistle , praying for these thessalonians . thes. . . prayes thus , the very god of peace sanctify you wholly , and i pray god your whole spirit , and soul and body be preserved blameless , unto the coming of the lord jesus christ. so then the apostle would have the lord ●o be with their whole man , not with a part of it , not with their souls and spirits only , or bodies only , but with their spirit soul and body : and the same apostle praying for timothy , prayes , the lord jesus christ be with thy spirit , tim. . . it matters not who are absent , so christ be present ; his presence is more , then the presence of the nearest and dearest relations . the lord be with you all , not only with a part of you , i know not which of you to leave out of my prayers : for you all have need of gods presence , whether you be saints or sinners . if sinners , you have need of the lord to be with you , to convince you and convert you . and as for those that are saints , i know none that have so much grace that they need no more , the lord therefore be with them , to establish , confirm , and encrease grace in them ; the lord be with you at all times . if god be absent at any time , we know not what to do . some of you have had experience , that when god hath withdrawn never so little , your case hath been bad enough . the lord be with you in all places . we can be secure and safe in no place without his presence . the lord be with you in all conditions , in all estates ; for if you be in the most prosperous estate , you cannot tell how to be without god. jehosaphat thought so , . chron. . . in the fulness of a mans sufficiency he may be in straights . job . . you cannot be any where , in any estate , a minute without him . you believe it to be a truth , that in him you live , move , and have your being , act. . . not naturally only , but spiritually too . the lord therefore be with you at all times , in all conditions , in sickness and in health , in peace and in trouble , in all adversity and in all prosperity . the lord be with you with all kind of aids , helps , and assistances , variety of aids and assistances we need . this is the sence and meaning of this vale dictory prayer , the lord be with you all . the observation that i shall commend to you , is this , doct. god with us is a priviledge greatly to be desired , and much to be prayed for . the apostle makes this prayer for the thessalonians whom he dearly loved , who were his hope and joy , and crown of rejoycing , thes. . . could he have thought of a greater mercy , he would have wisht it to them . in speaking to this great truth , i shall shew , . that there is a presence of god with his people . . that this presence of god is a great priviledge . . that this great priviledge is much to be desired and prayed for . . the reasons of it . . and after this apply it . . there is a presence of god with his people . i speak not of the general presence of god , whereby he is not far from every one of us , act. . . for in him we live , move , and have our being : v. . not only as we had our being from him at first , but we have our being in him , as the beam has its being in the sun. of this presence of god you read psal. . from which there is no fleeing , v. . he is every where , v. , , i fill heaven and earth saith the lord , jer. . . and isa. . . thus saith the lord , heaven is my throne , and the earth my foot stool . this general presence of god , if seriously considered , and believingly apprehended , would be of great use . but 't is the special presence of god that i am to speak to , his favourable and gracious presence , such as that wished and desired by aaron and his sons of old , num. . , , . the lord bless thee , and keep thee , the lord make his face shine upon thee , and be gracious unto thee , the lord lift up his countenance upon thee , and give thee peace . this blessing is saith ainsworth , expounded by the apostle cor. . . the grace of our lord jesus christ , and the love of god , and the communion of the holy ghost be with you all . thus the first branch of the blessing v. . the lord bless thee and keep thee , implieth the love of the father . the second branch v. . the lord make his face shine upon thee , and be gracious unto thee , implieth the grace of the son. and the third branch , the lord lift up his countenance upon thee , and give thee peace , implieth the communion with the holy ghost . now this loving , gracious , communicative presence of jehovah , father son a 〈…〉 holy ghost , is that presence of the lord which is so great a priviledge , and so much to be desired . the lords presence with us to bless us , with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places in christ. eph. . . and to keep us from evil , joh. . . and to make his face shine upon us , that we may be saved . psal. . . , . and to be gracious to us through christ jesus , eph. . . and to lift up his countenance upon us , that gladness may be in our hearts . psal. . . and to give us peace , that peace which passeth all understanding , and that which may guard our hearts and minds through christ jesus . phil. . . this , this is the presence of god which is so desireable , and of which i am to treat . that there is such a presence of god with his people , appears thus . . god asserts it . . promises it . . hath evidenced it . . gods people have acknowledged it . . god asserts that there is such a presence of his with his people . isa. . . fear thou not , saith god , for i am with thee . and ezek. . . the name of the city from that day shall be , the lord is there . . god hath promised it , ezek. . , . i will set my tabernacle among you , and my soul shall not abhor you . and i will walk among you , and will be your god , and ye shall be my people . . god hath evidenced it , by preservations , assistances , deliverances and su●cesses vouchsafed to his people . what a mighty , gracious , pardoning presence o● god , was with moses and the children of israel , in bringing them out of egypt , through the red sea , and through the wilderness into canaan . read the story of it in the book of exodus , especially the song of moses , exod. . what a presence of god was with david , spi●iting , prospering and preserving him , when hunted like a partridge upon the mountains : whence was it that he was not caught ? there were skilful hunters , yet he escaped the snare , for the lord was with him . what a mighty presence of god was there with daniel ! he will pray , that he will , though he be torn in pieces for it . he will not cease to make his supplications to god three times a day , though there were a law made against it . daniel would not fail to be with god , and god would not fail to be with daniel . vvhat ! would daniel be with god to the hazard of his life ? yes . and was not god with him for his preservation ? daniel is cast into the den of lions : was he torn or hurt by them ? no , the lions were muzled , their mouths were shut , god shut them , dan. . . my god , saith daniel , hath sent his angel , and hath shut the lions mouthes that they shall not hurt me . though men will not be obedient , yet lions will : touch not my servant daniel , saith god to the lions , and they are as quiet as lambs . touch not mine anointed , saith god to men , and do my prophets no harm : yet men will not obey . what a presence of god was there with those three noble jews when threatned , if they would not bow , they should burn ! they will bow to none but god , dan . , . they will not loose their interest in god , to gain an interest in the greatest . then the king commanded that they should be bound and cast into the fiery furnace , v. . being cast into it , the fire burned their executioners , and the bonds wherewith they were bound , but had no power on their bodies , nor was there a hair of their head singed , neither were their coats changed , nor had the smell of fire passed on them , dan. . . and how came this to pass ? god was with them . what a presence of god had paul with him ? at my first answer , saith he , no man stood with me , but all men forsook me , i pray god that it may not be laid to their charge : notwithstanding the lord stood with me and strengthened me , and i was delivered out of the mouth of the lion , tim. . , . what a presence of god was there with those that had trial of cruel mockings and scourgings , of bonds and imprisonments , of stoning , and sawing asunder , of wandering , wants , afflictions and torments , and yet accepted not deliverance upon unwarrantable terms . heb. . , , . . this presence of god hath been acknowledged by his people . behold , saith abijah to jeroboam and all israel , god himself is with us for our captain : ye be a great multitude , and there be with you golden calves which jeroboam hath made you for gods , you have idol gods with you ; but god himself is with us , chron. . . . this presence of god was also acknowledged by hezekiah , chron. . , speaking of sennacherib and his army , with him is an arm of flesh , but with us is the lord our god , to help us and to fight our battels . god was with them , not as an idle spectator , but as a powerful assister and helper . it was also acknowledged by jeremie . the lord is with me as a mighty terrible one , herefore my persecutors shall stumble , and they shall not prevail , they shall be greatly a●amed , ●er . . . and by the church , psal. . . the lord of hosts is with us , the god of jacob is our refuge . so isa. . . take counsel together , saith the lord by the prophet to the adversaries of the people , and it shall come to nought , for god is with us . the lord is on my side , i will not fear what can man do unto me . psal. . , . you see how great a truth this is , that there is a special presence of god with his people . god asserts it , promiseth it , evidenceth it , and his people have acknowledged it . the next thing i premised to shew you , is that . this presence of god with his people is a great priviledge , 't is a token of sin ding grace in his sight , exod. . . and it god be with us , . he is with us as a father with his children , cor. . . . as a husband with his wife . isa. . . jer. . . . as one friend with another . isa. . . . as a shepherd with his flock , psal. . . . as a captain with his company . behold god himself is with us for our captain , chron. . . when joshua was by jerico , there stood a man over against him , with his sword drawn in his hand , and joshua said unto him , art thou for us or for our adversaries ? and he said , nay , but as captain of the host of the lord an i now come , josh. . , . . as the lord of hosts , as a general with his armies . the lord of hosts is with us , psal. . . the lord of armies , of all the armies of heaven and earth , and hell too . devils are subject unto him , luk. . . the devil could do nothing against job , till he had commission from this lord of hosts , job . . . and . . a legion of devils could not resist christs word of command , mark. . , . nor could they enter into the swine without commission , v. , . o for faith to believe what we read and hear● what do we lose for want of the exercise of faith . you have it may be the habit of faith , but if it comes not forth into act , you have no the comfort of it . . if god be with us , he is with us as a king with his subjects . num. . . the shout of a king is among them : he is stiled the king of jacob , isa. . . the king of israel , isa. . . and the king of saints , rev. . . and this king is a great king , mal. . . an everlasting king , jer. . . and king of kings , rev. . . and prince of the kings of th● earth , rev. . . by whom kings reign , and in whose hand is their breath and life . now to have god with us as a father , as a husband , as a friend , as a shepherd , as a captain , as a lord of hosts , and as a king of kings , must needs be a great priviledge . . once more , if god be with us , he is with us as god in covenant with us , to do all that for us which belongs to a god in covenant to do . the lord his god is with him , num. . . so the lord our god is with us to help us . chron. . . how sweet and comfortable are these monosyllables his , and our . the lord his god , the lord our god is with us . that god with us , is a very great priviledge , will further appear , if we consider for what ends , intents and purposes , he is presen . for what ends i shall shew you , . in general . . in particular . . in general , god is present with his people to bless them , gen. . . i am with thee said god to isaac , and will bless thee . to deal well with them . god tells jacob that he would be with him , gen. . . and afterwards when jacob pleads this promise , he thus interprets it , o god of my father abraham , and god of my father isaac , the lord which saidst unto me , i will deal well with thee , gen. . . now to have god with us , and to deal well with us , sure is no mean priviledge . . in particular , god is with his people for these gracious ends and purposes . . to hear their prayers . notable is that place deut. . . for what nation is there so great who hath god so nigh them , as the lord our god is , in all things that we call upon him for . god is with us to hear our prayers and complaints , to grant our suits , and to do whatsoever we shall according to his will desire of him . joh. . . what have you for god to do ? god is ready to do it if you desire it . . to guide and lead us . the lord was with the people of israel . num. . . and went before them by day in a pillar of a cloud to lead them the way , and by night in a pillar of fire to give them light , to go by day and night . exod. . . god is the same god that he was then , and his presence is as much with his people now , as it was then , though he go not before them in such visible tokens , now , as then . i will , sayes god psal. . . instruct th●e , a●d teach thee in the way which thou shalt go : i will guide thee . god is with us to direct , and guide us , to shew us the way and make it plain . all the journyings of isr●el were ordered by god. t is very remarkable what you read concerning their travels , num. . . to the end of the chapter , according to the command of god they journied , and rested . . god is with his people to give them rest . he knows they are in a vvorld full of trouble , and that in the vvorld they shall have tribulation , and that it cannot be avoided . joh. . . he knows , that they will be injured , oppressed , and persecuted , and therefore will be with them to give them rest . my presence shall go with thee , said god to moses exod. . . and i will give thee rest. now thou art travelling , journying and wandering up and down , but i will give thee rest . . to provide for them , to observe what they want , and to provide it ; if they want food , or water , to provide it ; or if they want rayment , to provide it . as the father is with his children , and as the nurse is with the infant , so the lord is with his people . the lord is my shepherd , i shall not want , psal. . . he hath pasture enough for his sheep , he makes them lye down in green pastur●s , he leads them by the still waters : yea though i walk through the valley of the shadow of death , saith david psal. . i will not fear , for thou art with me . sirs , who layes the cloth , who spreads the table , who sends in provision ? thou preparest a table before me , psal. . . god provides , and if their be none else to do it , he can command ravens to do it . see kings . . , . if provision cannot be had in an ordinary , he will send it in an extraordinary way . he clave the rock in the wilderness , and gave them drink as out of the great depths . psal. . . he commanded the clouds of the wind , and gave them bread and flesh also . psal. . , , , . so that they lacked nothing . deut. . . . god is with his people to preserve them from trouble , if it be best . but it may be better to be in trouble then out of it . a prison may be better then a pallace , restraint may be better then liberty , sickness better then health , and poverty better then plenty . prosperity may s●ay , pro. . . adversity may profit . heb. . . and preserve . the lord is with us to deliver from trouble , if it be best to be preserved from it . the lord is in the midst of his people , psal. . . therefore they shall not be moved . surely there is no inchantment against jacob , there is no divination against israel . num. . . i am with thee , sayes god to paul , and no man shall set on thee to hurt thee , act. . . as birds flying , so will the lord of hosts defend jerusalem , defending also he will deliver it , and passing over he will preserve it . isa. . . what shall we say to these things ? if god be for us , who can be against us ? rom. . . if evil be coming , he prevents it . g●deon thought if god had been with them evil could have not befallen them . o my lord , saith he , if the lord be with us , why is all this be fallen us ? judg. . . vve live in the midst of dangers , in the midst of snares , in every place evil attends us . it s a wonder that we are preserved : if god were not with us , how much evil would dayly befal us ! . god is with his people to save from harm in trouble , if it come , to save from burning in the fire , and from drowning in the water . isa. . . remember daniel saved from hurt in the lions den , and the three princes saved from hurt in the fiery-furnace , and jonah from hurt in the whales belly , because god was with them . . god is with his people to disappoint enemies when they associate themselves , and take counsel together , laying their heads together , and laying their counsels deep , that none may see them , yet then god is with his people to blast the plots of their enemies . isa. . . associate your selves , and ye shall be broken in pieces , take counsel together , and it shall come to nought , speak the word , and it shall not stand , for god is with us . . god is with his people to overthrowtheir enemies when they pursue them , and will not be stopt , when they take up pharaoh-like resolutions . exod. . . the enemy said , i will pursue , i will overtake , i will divide the spoil , my lust shall be satisfied upon them , i will draw my sword , and my hand shall destroy them . here was resolution enough : but pray mark what follows , v. . thou didst blow with thy wind , the sea covered them , they sank as lead in the mighty waters . thus the lord overthrew them . exod. . . i will be with thee , said god to gideon , judg. . . and thou shalt smite the midianites as one man. so god tells david sam. . . i was with thee whithersoever thou wentest , and have cut off all thy enemies out of thy sight . what a promise is that , isa. . . i will feed them that oppress thee , with their own flesh ; and they shall be drunken with their own blood , as with sweet wine , and all flesh shall know that i the lord am with the● , thy saviour and thy redeemer , the mighty one of jacob. the lord is with his people to deliver them out of trouble in due time . thus god was with jeremie when he sent him , and enemies threatned him , i will be with thee , saith the lord , to deliver thee , jer. . . we are troubled on every side , saith the apostle , but not distressed ; perplexed , but not in despair ; persecuted , but not for saken . no , god was with them . cor. . , . god was with joseph and delivered him out of all his afflictions , act. . . . according to that promise , psal. . . i will be with him in trouble , and deliver him . . god is with his people to assist and strengthen them in their work . act. . . it is said , our lord jesus christ went about doing good , the lord being with him . fear not , saith the lord , isa. . . for i am with thee , i will strengthen thee , yea i will keep thee , yea i will uphold thee with the right hand of my righteousness . again v. . i will help thee , and again , v. . i will help thee . . the lord is with his people to comfort them . thy r●d and thy staff they comfort me . gods rod , like aarons , blossometh , and like jonathans hath honey at the end of it . psal. . . in all our tribulation god is present to comfort u● . cor. . . o for faith to believe it ! . to animate and hearten them against fears . fear not , for i am with thee , isa. . . fear not , when thou passest through the waters i will be with thee , isa. . , . be strong and of good courage , said god to joshua , for the lord thy god is with thee whithersoever thou goest . josh. . . be strong o zerubbabel , saith the lord , and be strong o joshua , and be strong all ye people , saith the lord , and work , for i am with you the lord of hosts . hag. . . joshua and caleb , to hearten and encourage the people , num. . . to go up against their enemies , thus bespeaks them , the lord is with us , fear them not . so moses tells the same people , if thou shalt say in thy heart , these nations are more then i , how can i dispossess them ? deut. . . thou shalt not be affrighted at them , saith he v. . for the lord thy god is among you , a mighty god and terrible . and again , deut. . . when thou goest out to battel against thine enemies , and seest horses and chariots and a people more then thou , be not affraid of them , for the lord thy god is with thee , which brought thee out of the land of egypt . once more moses encourageth the people and joshua . deut. . , . the lord , he it is that doth go before thee , he will be with thee , he will not fail thee nor for sake thee , fear not , neither be dismayed . . god is with his people sometimes to make them greater and greater , as he was with david . chron. . . so david waxed greater and greater ; for the lord of hosts was with him . but what if we wax not greater and greater in the world , if we wax greater and greater in goodness , in knowledge , faith and other graces , will it not be much better ? and this we shall do if god be with us . . god is with his people to correct them . but you will say perhaps , is it a priviledge to be corrected ? a greater priviledge it may be then all the rest . sirs , such is our state here that we need correction : we are sanctified but in part . we have dross , and dirt , and rust , and filth in and about us , god knoweth . if you had no dross , you would need no fire . if you had no dirt , you would need no washing . if no rust , you would need no file , and if no chaff you would need no flail . if no folly , you would need no rod. but seeing you have dross , dirt , rust and chaff not a little , is it not best for the gold to be refined , and best for the dirt and filth to be washed out , and for the chaff to be fann'd away , and for the rust to be scoured off ? and if so , is i● not a priviledge to be corrected ? correction is our melting , washing , fanning , ●iling . if the child offend in the fathers ●bsence , he scapes a scouring ; but if the father be at home he will not think to scape so . if we offend , and be faulty , god is with us to correct us . and he will correct ; yet as a father , in measure ; he will stay his rough wind in the day of his east wind. isa. . . fear thou not o jacob my servant , saith the lord , for i am with thee , i will not make a full end of thee , as of others , but correct thee in measure , yet will i not leave thee wholly unpunished . jer. . . and . . david blessed god for his correction . before i was afflicted i went astray , but now have i kept thy word , psal. . . and v. . it is good for me that i have been afflicted , that i might learn thy statutes . and v. . i know o lord that thy judgements are righ● , and that thou in faithfulness hast afflicted me . . god is with his people to encline their hearts to himself to walk in his wayes . king. . , . the lord our god is with us ; let him not leave us , nor forsake us , that we may encline our hearts unto him to walk in all his wayes , and to keep his commandments . . to enable them to finish work begun . the lord god , even my god will be with thee , said david to his son solomon , he will not fail thee nor forsake thee , un●il thou hast finished all the work for the service of the house of the lord. chron. . . . to give wisdom and understanding . david prayes , the lord be with thee my son , and give wisdom and understanding , chron. . , . and to give him a wise behaviour , david behaved himself wisely in all his wayes , and the lord was with him . sam. . . . god is with his people to effect difficult undertakings . moses thought that going to pharaoh , and bringing the children of israel out of egypt , was a work too great and difficult for him , and therefore desired to be excused , saying , who am i that i should take such a work in hand . exod. . . i am not eloquent , i am of slow speech , and of a slow tongue , exod. . . t is no matter for that saith god ; go and i will be with thy mouth , and i will teach ●hee what thou shalt say , exod. . . certainly i will be with thee , exod. . . and thou shalt bring them out of egypt . and joshua should bring them into canaan , as hard a work as it was , for god will be with him . deut. . . . to hold them . i am continually with thee , thou hast holden me by thy right hand , psal. . . thou hast holden me fast , so ainsworth , and kept me from falling , so isa. . . i am with thee , i will uphold thee with the right hand of my righteousness . god is with us to hold us by our right hand with his right hand ; this is a great priviledge , seeing god is greater then all , and none is able to pluck them out of his hand . joh. . . he is with us to keep us by his power through faith unto salvation , pet. . . . god is with his people to separate them and others . exod. . . to make a difference between them that serve him , and them that serve him not . mal. . . and . . , . see an instance , dan. . , . in those that were cast into the fiery furnace , and those that cast them in . see also to this purpose , exod. . . & . . . & . . . & . . . . when some are seperated to evil , deut. . . god is with his people to separate them unto good . . i come now to the third general , to shew that this priviledge of gods gracious presence is much to be desired and prayed for . paul desired it for these thessalonians . thes. . and for timothy , tim. . . moses desired it for himself , and the people , exod. . . & . . . if i have found grace in thy sight , o lord , let my lord i pray thee go amongst us . so did jabez , chron. . . jabez called on god saying , oh that thou wouldst bless me , and that thine hand might be with me . david also desired it for solomon . chron. . , . my son , the lord be with thee . v. . arise and be doing , and the lord be with thee , v. . jonathan also prayes thus for david . the lord be with thee , sam. . . and thus prayes solomon for himself , ●nd for his people , king. . . the lord our god be with us , let him not leave us , nor forsake us , that we may encline our ●earts unto him to walk in all his wayes . . now for the ground and reasons of this doctrine , why gods presence is so much to be desired and prayed for . . rea. because god is so excellent and admirable in all perfections . there is nothing wanting in god , god is all. how excellent is that name of his , exod. . . the lord , the lord god , merciful and gracious , long suffering , and aboundant in goodness and truth ; keeping mercy for thousands , forgiving iniquity , transgression and sin . again mic. . . who is a god like unto thee that pardoneth iniquity , and passeth by the transgression of the remnant of his heritage : he retaineth not his anger for ever , because he delighteth in mercy . . rea. because he is so sutable to our condition , therefore is his presence so much to be desired . we are in misery , we are unworthy , we are weak , and yet provoking ; and doth god suit with such ? with such as are in misery ? yes , for he is merciful : and with such as are unworthy ? yes , for he is gracious : and with the weak ? yes , for he is strong . doth he suit with such as are provoking too ? yes , for he is long suffering , and with backslider● ? yes , for he is a god that healeth backslidings . and doth he suit with such as have neither money nor price ? yes , he will love them freely . surely mercy and misery do well agree , and so doth graciousness and unworthiness , strength and weakness . now hence it is , because no person or thing in all the world suits so well with our condition as god doth , that his presence is so much to be desired and prayed for . . rea. because god is so useful for us , therefore his presence is so much to be desired . vvhat say you to a portion , is not that of use ? vvhat say you to an inheritance , is not that of use ? vvhat say you to the light , is not that of use ? vvhat say you to a shield in battel , is not that of use ? vvhat say you to a shelter in a storm 〈◊〉 not that of use ? vvhat say you to a refuge , a rock , a tower , when you are pursued , is not that of use ? god is all this : the lord is my portion saith my soul , lam. . . the lora is their inheritance . ezek. . . psal. . . the lord is my light. psal. . . the lord is a sun and a shield . psal. . . the god of jacob is ou● refuge . psal. . . the lord is my rock , my fortress , and my deliverer , my god , my strength in whom i will trust , my buckler , the horn of my salvation , and my high tower . psal. . . now , no wonder , the presence of god is so desirable , because he is so excellent and so sutable a good and so useful for us . . rea. because god is so lasting a good . there are many things that may 〈◊〉 well with us , and be very useful to us , but they may be of little continuance , they may he short lived . husbands & wives whom god hath so suited , that none could possibly be suited better must part . husbands do not live for ever with their wives , and parents do not live for ever with their children , nor one friend with another . but god is a lasting good . the everlasti 〈…〉 g god. isa. . . hast thou not known , hast thou not heard , 〈…〉 at the everlasting god , the lord , the creator of the e●ds of the earth fainteth not , neither is weary . . reas. because all other good will do us no good without him . the creature , nay all the creatures are but cyphers without him . the creature is not bread , you mistake if you think so , why do you spend money for that which is not bread , and your labour for that which satisfieth not ? ●sa . . . the creatures name is vanity , vanity of vanities , saith the preacher , vanity of vanities , all is vanity . eccles. . . the 〈…〉 is a thing of nought . amos. . 〈…〉 it is not . prov. . . wilt thou 〈…〉 thine eyes upon that which is not . sirs , how many things is there , that have been in your possession , of which you must now say they are not : my vvife is not , my husband is not , my father is not , my mother is not . but will it ever be said god is not ? christ is not ? the holy spirit is not ? no , no. hence 't is also that the presence of god is so much to be desired above all other things ; because all other things will do us no good without him . jehosaphat a prince , a potent prince , whose militia was eleven hundred and threescore thousand , besides what he had in garrisons , chron. . , &c. 't is said , he waxed great exceedingly ; yet sayes he , chron. . . we have no might , neither know we what to do . but our eyes are unto thee . this he speaks in reference to god , without whom indeed they had no might at all . he looked upon all the forces he had , as nothing without god. and so are riches , and so are relations : alas ! they are nothing without god. reas. because god alone is enough , he is enough without any thing else . god needs not the creature to supply us , to support us , to refresh , revive and comfort us ; he needs not the creature to direct or counsel us . it pleaseth him to make use of the creature , and to afford it most times ; but if he deny it , he can do it without the creature . it was an excellent saying of that martyr , if you take away my food , god will t 〈…〉 e away my hunger . truly sirs god hath made a little serve the turn many times , when others with their much have been in want . in the midst of their sufficiency they have been in straights , job . . remember that of habakkuk , i wish the same frame of heart to you that he had , habak . . , . although the fig●ree shall not blossom , neither shall fruit be in the vines ; the labor of the olive shall fail ; and the fields shall yield no meat , the slock shall be cut off from the fold , and there shall be no heard in the stalls : ( how then would he be able to live ! ) yet i will rejoyce in the lord , i will joy in the god of my salvation . when there is no meat in the fields or stalls ; there is yet a god in heaven : and he knows how 't is with us , and that we have need of these things , matth. . . and if the father know that his child wants bread , he shall not want it long , if his father be able to relieve him ; what ever you want , if you want not faith , it will be well enough : o for the skill of living by faith ! it is nothing with thee to help , sayes asa , in his prayer to god , whether with many , or with them that have no power : chron. . . god with us is more then all besides , chron. . , . i come now to the application , if the gracious presence of god be so grea a priviledge , and therefore so much to be desired . then hence be informed , . happy are they that have god graciously present with them . take your bible and read , deut. . . & . . sam. . . lev. . , . happy the congregations and habitations that have this name , the lord is there , ezek. . . and that may be called the throne of god , jer. . . this is matter of rejoycing , sing and rejoyce o daughters of zion , for lo i come , and i will dwell in the midst of thee , saith the lord , zech. . , . see also rev. . . . miserable are they with whom god is not , that want his gracious presence . how was saul distressed for want of gods presence , sam. . , . wo , wo to such from whom god departs , hos. . . use . is god with us so great a priviledge , and so much to be desired ? then examine , is god with us ? are we priviledged with his presence ? to know , take these signs of gods gracious presence . first , a praying frame of heart is a sign of gods favourable presence . god is a god hearing prayer , psal. . . and prepares the heart to pray where ever he is , psal. . . and pour's out a spirit of prayer , z●ch . . . jerem. . . which spirit helps our infirmities , and prayes in us , rom. . . god sets them with whom he is , a praying . . in all places , in the closet and family , yea and in the field , ruth . . the lord be with you , said boaz , to his reapers in the field . . at all times , in the evening and morning , at noon , and at midnight , psal. . . & . . god was with moses , david and daniel , and they pray ; with jabez , and he prayes ; chron. . . with ephraim , jerem. . . and he prayes ; with paul , and he prayes ; act. . . and when with us , we shall pray also ; psal. . . secondly , a penitent frame of heart ; where god is , there is weeping and mourning for sinning against him . how wer● joseph's guilty brethren troubled at h 〈…〉 presence , gen. . . so shall guilty w● be at the presence of god , we shall lo●k on him whom we have pierced , and mou●● ; z●ch . . . & j●r . . , , . where you have an instance of a mourning frame of heart , when god vouchsafed his presence . thirdly , an humble frame of heart ; god dwells with such , and none but such , sa . . . fourthly , an obedient frame of heart inclined to god , to walk in all his wayes . if the lord our god be with us , he will incli●e our hearts to keep his testimonies , kings . , . where he comes , he puts his spiri● into them , and causeth them to walk in his statutes , ezek. . . see joh. . . fifthly , strength in the soul , psal. . . whom god is with , he strengthens ; isa. . . both to do and suffer ; to do business , and bear burdens , psalm . . sixthly , warm affections , heat and life in the service of god ; whilst christ was with , and talked with his disciples , their hearts burned within them , luke . . seventhly , a spirit stirred up to promote the worship , and service of god. i am with you saith the lord , hag. . . and the lord stirred up their spirits , and they came and did work in the house of the lord of hosts their god , v. . eighthly , preservation from evil , from the evil of sin especially . oh that thou wouldst be with me , and keep me from evil ; was the request of jabez , chr● . . . where god is he delivers from every evil work , tim. . . ninthly , victory over enemies ; surely , i will be with thee , saith god to gideon , judg. . . and thou shalt smite the midianites as one man. if god be with us , enemies will be subdued , chron. . . world f●esh and devil too will be subdued ; through the spirit , the deeds of the flesh will be mortif●●d , rom. . . tenthly , profiting by afflictions , h●b ▪ . . eleventhly , fruitfulness , under means of grace : if the spirit come and blow upon our garden , the spices thereof will flow out ; cant. . . if christ be in us , and abide in us , we shall bring forth much fruit , joh. . . twelfthly , fixedness , unmoveableness from god , and his truth : god is in the midst of her , she shall not be moved ; psal. . . because he is at my right hand , i shall not be moved ; psal. . . because he is with us , the gates of hell shall never prevail against us . christ our sampson ( as one sayes ) hath flung them off their hinges . we shall not be greatly moved , psal. . . use . of exhortation . sirs , get god to be with you . gods gracious presence is the principal thing , therefore with all thy getting , get it . gold in the purse or coffer will not stead or avail you , like god with you . god answers more then money . wealth when gotten , moth and rust may corrupt it , thieves may break through and steal it . but god is out of the reach of all , there is no fear or danger of loosing him , when once you have gotten him : he therefore is worth the getting . some have found by experience that such and such things have not been worth their getting , not worth their sitting up late , and rising betimes for them , not worth their running and riding and venturing for them . how earnest have some been to be possessed of , and to enjoy such and such persons and things , and having obtained them , have they not found them by wofui experience , not worth the cost and pains laid out for them ? but god will over and above make amends for what is laid out for him . a shadow is not worth the following , but substance is . chaff is not worth heaping up , but corn is . dross is not worth the seeking , but gold is , and god much more then gold. and farther , you may seek the creature , and never be able to get it : you may seek , and not find : you may wish , o that i had wealth , and yet never have it , and o that i had credit and repute in the world , and possibly never have it . but who ever sought god and found him not ? who ever sought the presence of god ; and was denied it ? shall any soul , ever have cause to say , lord i did desire thy presence , but could not have it ; i did chuse to have thee with me , rather then to have all the world with me , and yet i could not have thee with me ? do you think there will ever be cause for such a reflection upon god , the god of love ? shall it ever be said , this poor soul would have had the presence of god , but god would not afford it ? o no! shall any person be ever able to say , i would have had god to be my god , and to be with me as a father , friend , and husband , but he would not ? or shall ever any person be able to say , i would have had jesus christ , to be with me as a prophet , priest and king , but he would not ? i would have had him to be my mediator , advocate , surety and saviour , but he would not ; i would have had his righteousness imputed to me , and his spirit imparted to me , but could not have it ? or shall any person be ever able to say , i would have had the holy spirit to be with me , to convince me of my sin and misery , to enlighten me in the knowledge of christ and to renew my will , and to perswade and enable me to imbrace christ jesus freely offered to me , but he would not be with me to do any of those things for me ; no , for then how should god be the faithful god , as he is stiled , deut. . . isa. . . cor. . . & . . . thes. . . tim. . . heb. . . & . . . and a faithful creator , pet. . . if we confess our sins he is faithful ( because he hath promised ) to forgive them joh. . . so if we ask , seek and knock , he is faithful to give , to be found , and to open : if we desire his presence , he is faithful to afford it . he that hath promised , jer. . . that we shall find him when we shall search for him with all our heart , is faithful to perform it . and how should jesus christ be a merciful and faithful high priest ? as he is stiled . heb. . . and how should the holy ghost be the spirit of truth ? as he is called , joh. . . but i fear god will have cause to say of many , i would have been with you , but you regarded not my presence ; you said to me depart , joh. . . i would have been your god , but you would none of me , psal. ● . . i would have been your portion , but you made light of me ; i would have been a father and a friend to you , and a husband too , but you would not carry your selves like children to me , nor friendly to me , nor spouse-ike to me . and christ i fear , will have cause to say of many , i would have been with you as a prophet to teach you , but you desired not the knowledge of my wayes . joh. . . i would have been with you as a priest to have offered 〈◊〉 incense with your prayers , and to have made your spiritual sacrifices acceptable to god , but you would not yray , nor offer up any spiritual sacrifice unto god : you would not come unto me , joh. . . nor unto god by me . i would have covered you with my righteousness , but you would not put it on ; you went about to establish your own righteousness , and would not submit to gods , rom. . . i would have given my spirit , but you would not receive it , you would needs quench , grieve , and resist it . act. . . i would have been with you as a king , but you would not that i should reign over you , luke . . and the holy spirit i fear will have cause to say , i would have convinced you of sin and misery , but you would not see , but would flatter your selves , that you were rich and encreased with goods and wanted nothing , rev. . . i would have enlightned your minds in the knowledge of christ , and you shut your eyes , and loved darkness rather then light , joh. . . i would have renewed your wills , but you would have your own wills , and would chuse your own wayes , isa. . . and delight in your abominations . i would have perswaded you to embrace christ jesus freely offered to you in the gospel , but you would not receive him , joh. . . i would have perswaded you to rejoyce in christ jesus , but you would rejoyce in a thing of nought , amos . what further shall i say to move and perswade you to get god to be with you ; to get god the father , and god the son , and god the holy ghost to be with you ? ( for there is a presence of each ; of the father , cor. . . john . . of the son , matth. . . john . . and of the holy ghost , john . , . ) . enemies will be with you whether you will or no : you have many enemies , and therefore need one friend . do not think your warfare will be at an end while you live here . assure your selves you will be set upon , and if you have not a god with you , you will certainly be overcome , you will be snared and taken , and carried away captive . first , the devil is with you , and he is with you as a roaring lion , pet. . . ready to tear you in pieces , and none but god can deliver you : what will you do when the devil is with you , if god be not with you to help you ? whither will the devil drive you , if god do not stop him ? if god do not stand in the way , and hedge up the way with thornes ? how did the swine run when the devil did enter into them , they stopt not till they were choaked and drowned in the sea. what work will the devil make , if god be not with us to deliver us ? what work did he make with our first parents , gen. . . and with david , chron. . . and with judas , john . , . such work will he make with us if god be not with us . therefore what ever you do , get god to be with you : secondly , the world is with you , and 't is a bewitching , ensnaring , and mischeiving world ? they that follow after mischief , draw nigh , psal. . . and when they draw nigh , what will you do if god be not nigh too . the world was with demas , and for want of gods presence with him , what work it made with him you may see , tim. . . it made him apostatize . it was also with the young man in the gospel , and what work it made with him , see , matth. . . it made him turn his back upon christ and eternal life . it was with gehazi , and what work it made with him , see king. . . it made him tell lye upon lye : and all this for want of gods presence with them . the world with its three great commanders , the lust of the eye , the lust of the flesh , and the pride of life , was with joseph , and moses ; and set upon them , but could not harm them , because god was with them . the lust of the flesh , viz. carnal pleasure , could not harm joseph because god was with them , gen. . , . the lust of the eye , and the pride of life , could not harm moses , because god was with him , 〈◊〉 heb. . , , , . thirdly , corrupt nature , that great evil is alwayes present with you , rom. . . world and devil could not harm us were it not for this . this made paul cry out , oh wretched man , rom. . . had it not been for jesus christ , he had been overcome by it . . motive , god is ready at a call to be with you , psal. . . call upon me and i will deliver thee . as ready to be with you , as jonathan's armor-bearer was to be with him , sam. . . behold , saith he to jonathan , i am with thee according to thy heart : so will god say much more , if thou desire it , behold i am with thee according to thy hearts desire ; as ready to be with you in your war with the world , sin and the devil , as ever jehosaphat was to be with ahab in his war ▪ with the king of syria : i am as thou art , said jehosaphat to ahab , and i will be with thee in the war , chron. . . so will god say to thee , if thou say to hi , as ahab said to jehosaphat ; wilt thou go with me to ramoth gilead ? so if thou say to god , lord wilt thou go with me against the world , flesh , and devil . the lord will answer , i am as thou art in this matter , and i will be with thee in this war ; and if he be with us ▪ he will go forth as a mighty man , he will stir up jealousie like a man of war , he will cry yea roar , he will prevail against his enemies , isa. . . and as ready as the people were to be with ezra in the reformation ; arise , say they to him , be of good courage and do it , ezr. . . we also will be with thee . so saith god to you , arise , resist the devil ; pe● . . . s●rive against sin , heb. . . be of good courage and do it , i also will be with you . this readiness of god to be with you , methinks should strongly perswade you to desire and endeavour his presence . motive . lovers and friends may be far off ; my lovers and my friends stand ●●oof off from my sore , and my kinsmen stand a far off , psal. . . i looked on my right hand , and behold there was no man that would know me ; refuge failed me , no man cared for my soul , psal. . . no man stood with me , but all men forsook me , said paul ; tim. . . now sirs , when all shall forsake you , if you shall not be able to say with paul , the lord stands by me , what will you do ? so when refuge shall fail you , if you shall not be able to say with david , the lord is my refuge , psal. . . what will you do ? motive . in the absence or want of some creatures , you comfort your selves with the presence of others . you comfort your selves with the presence of friends and relations in the want of other things ; and you say , though this be gone , and that be gone , though this be lost , and that be lost and taken away , yet my husband is with me , or my father is with me , or my brother and sister are with me . thus you comfort your selves in the want of some things , with the presence of some other . how much more will it be a comfort to be able to say , though this and that be wanting , yet god is with me ; though father and mother be not with me , yet god is with me ; though brother and sister be gone from me , yet god is with me . this , this will be the comfort . motive . nothing will be done acceptably without this gracious presence of god , joh. . . no duty or service that you can perform . motive . nothing will succeed and prosper well without it , neither temporals nor spirituals , but all prospers with it . . temporals , see an instance in potiphars possessions , what he had in his house , in his field ; all prospered upon the account of god's presence with joseph , gen. . , , . another instance you have in labans goods , gods promise to be with jacob , see gen. . . i am with thee , i will not leave thee . now laban sayes , gen. . . i have learned by experience , that the lord hath blessed me for thy sake . god with us makes all to prosper , deut. . . the lord thy god hath blessed thee in all the works of thy hands , these forty years the lord thy god hath been with thee , thou hast lacked nothing . go , do all that is in thy heart , said nathan to david , sam. . . for the lord is with thee , q. d. go and prosper for the lord is with thee . motive . god with us will make men afraid of us , and willing to comply and be at peace with us : we read sam. . . that saul was affraid of david , because the lord was with him . abimilech , ahuzza , and phicol , come to isaac , and desire to make a league , agreement , and covenant with him ; and they render this as the reason , we saw certainly that the lord was with thee , sam. . . see also isa. . . motive . god with us makes enemies and opposers to fall before us , josh. . . there shall not any man be able to stand before thee ; i will be with thee . motive . god with us makes others to fall to us . when israel saw that god was with asa , they fell to him in great abundance chron. . . quest. but what is to be done that we may have god to be with us ? what direction can you give us ? answ. take these . . pray the lord earnestly to be with you . pray as solomon , king. . . the lord our god be with us , let him not leave us nor forsake us : and as jeremiah in the name of the church , jer. . . we are called by thy name , leave us not . and as the apostle in the text , the lord be with you ; so do you pray for your selves , the lord be with me . when you go about any natural , civil , or religious action , say , the lord be with me . when you go to your table , there 's a snare ; and when to the shop , there 's a snare ; and when to your beds , there 's a snare ; therefore whensoever you go to your table , shop , or bed , pray , the lord be with me . there are snares every where , and therefore every where you have need to pray , the lord be with me . desire gods presence , and you shall not be denied it . name the person if you can that ever was denied gods presence , if he prayed for it ? 't is true , god may seem to be absent , but he is really present with his , when seemingly absent : he is but behind the curtain , on the other side of the wall . how near may the mother be , when the child thinks her lost , and falls a crying ? and all this while the mother is but in the next room . thus it is between god and his people ; christ withdraws from his spouse , yet is really present ; for by vertue of his presence she seeks after him till she has found him ; if he had not been present , she could not have sought him : for if he draw not , there is no running after him . draw me , and we will run after thee , cant. . . pray then for the presence of god , let god see that you will not be satisfied without him : how unsatisfied are some without persons and things ? they must enjoy such a person , such a thing , or they cannot be satisfied : they cannot live , they shall dye without them . let god see that you cannot live without his presence . if you long for it , you shall not long be without it . . hearken to the voice of them , that give you counsel for your real good . hearken unto my voice , said jethro to moses , exod. . . i will give thee counsel , and god shall be with thee . be instructed , sayes god , jer. . . least my soul depart from thee . . be with god. if you be with him , he will not fail to draw nigh to you : draw nigh to god , and he will draw nigh to you , jam. . . the lord is with you , whilst you are with him , chron. . . be much with god then . be with him in your thoughts : let your hearts and affections be with him . when you awake be still with him , psal. . . when you arise , be with him ; when you go to duty be with him , and draw night to him with your hearts , as well as your lips . when you go about your work and business , be with him ; when you go forth , and when you return , be still with him . be with the lord continually , set him at your right hand , and fear not : you shall then find him with you , holding your right hand , psal. . . nevertheless , i am continually with thee , thou hast holden me by my right hand . when you eat , do not eat without thoughts of god that feeds you ; when you put on your cloathes , be not without thoughts of god that cloatheth you ; when you are in company , and when you are alone , still be with him . this is the way to have god be with you . be much with god. you know , 't is no difficult thing to be with those that are a thousand miles from us . cannot the wife be with her husband in her affections and desires though he be beyond the sea ? and cannot the father be with the child that is many miles distant from him ? and why cannot we be thus with god ? be with god also in his ordinances and appointments , in them he will meet you , and speak unto you , exod. . . & . . . there you shall find him , prov. . , . watch dayly therefore at his gates : wait at the posts of the dores . whilst you are with him , he will be with you . whilst you carry your selves , as in his presence , fearing serving and honouring him , he will be with you . vvell then , be with god. . vvake with him , psal. . . . vvalk with him , as enoch and noah did . . vvork with him . 't is said that jonathan wrought with god , sam. . . and ministers are workers together with god , cor. . . and all of us must work with him : work out your salvation with fear &c. for it is god that worketh in you , to will and to do , philip. . , . he worketh all our works in us , isa. . . sit not still therefore when he works . vvar with god , the lamb wars , rev. . . and they that are called and chosen , and faithful , they war with him : they side with him , and take his part . he that is not with me , is against me , saith christ mat. . . vvith these god will side , and will take part with them . psal. . , . direct . . love god and keep his commandments , and then i can promise you his presence . sirs , would you have his company , whom you have no love for ? would you have him , whom you do not love to come unto you ? love him , and he will come , else he will be at a distance from you : and shew your love to him by keeping his commandments , then he will come and make his abode with you , joh. . . if a man love me , he will keep my words , and my father will love him , and we will come and make our abode with him . vvhat a promise did god make to jeroboam by abijah the prophet , king. , . if thou wilt hearken to all that i command thee , and wilt walk in my wayes , and do that which is right in my sight , i will be with thee . he that feareth god , and worketh righteousness , is accepted with him , act. . such god will meet in grace and mercy , isa. . . jacob went on his way , the way that god had commanded him , and the angels of god met him , gen. . . direct . . if you would have god to be with you , keep your selves clean : do not defile and pollute your selves with sin , which is the greatest filthiness . it is sin that sets god at a distance from you . 't is your iniquities that separate between you and your god , isa. . . stand in awe therefore , and sin not , psal. . . a law was given , of old , to gods people , that when ever they did ease themselves abroad they should turn about , and with a paddle cover that which came from them , that no filthiness might be seen among them , deut. . the reason is given , v. . for the lord thy god walketh in the midst of the camp , therefore shall thy camp be holy , that he see no unclean thing in thee , and turn away from thee . this outward cleanness here required , was to teach them their duty to god and their neighbour . chiefly to god , that in regard of his presence among them , they ought to keep themselves clean from all spiritual pollutions . next to their neighbour , that they ought to do nothing that might offend or annoy him . sirs , god is of purer eyes then to behold evil , and cannot look upon iniquity without detestation , habak . . . you your selves turn away from filthy creatures ; and will not god much more turn away from filthy sinners ? when god sees filthy pride , and filthy lucre , filthy ryoting , and filthy drunkenness , filthy chambering , and filthy wantonness , filthy strife , and filthy envying , these works of darkness , rom. . , . god he turns away ; for what communion hath light with darkness ? cor. . . god will not be with us , unless we destroy sin , that accursed thing . see josh. . , . the throne of iniquity shall have no fellowship with him , psal. . . let not sin be with you ; if you would have god to be with you , keep a strict watch against sin . and when at any time you do sin , ( for there is no man that sinneth not ) turn back and cover it , that god may not behold it : set faith and repentance a work immediately , and cover thy sin with the righteousness of christ , and the waters of godly sorrow : let faith in jesus christ , and repentance towards god be thy paddle to cover that filthiness of sin which comes from thee : so shall you have the presence of god with you . direct . . please god. that 's the way to have god with you . he that hath sent me is with me ( saith our saviour ) the father hath not left me alone , for i do alwayes those things that please him ; john . . i do the works of him that sent me ; john . . i am ever about my fathers business ; luke . . and therefore the father hath not left me alone . nor will he leave us alone , but will be nigh unto us in all that we call upon him for ; if we do those things that are pleasing in his sight ; john . . quest. how shall we do to please god ? answ. get out of the flesh ; for we are in it , rom. . . as a man in the water covered over head and ears with it ; or as a man in bonds , act. . . and snares , tim. . . fast bound and hamperd in them . now they that are in the flesh cannot please god. rom. . . they that are in their natural estate , still remaining such as they were by adams fall , and such as they were born into the world , without any change of nature , heart or life , cannot please god. if the powers of their souls and parts of their bodies be still the same , if their understandings be as dark as ever , if their wills be as stubborn as ever , if their affections be as carnal and eart●ly as ever ; if their eyes , ears , tongues , hands , and feet be as forward to sin as ever , they cannot please god : if therefore you would please god , you must not rest satisfied in that estate wherein you were born , and wherein you were bred , and wherein you have li●ed . you must get out of the flesh , out of your natural estate . you must be born again , and be renewed . you must be quite another person , and be able to say , i am not i. i was darkness , but now i am light in the lord , ephes. . . i was dead , but now i am quickned , ephes. . . i was such and such , but now i am washed , cor. . . you must put off the old man , and put on the new , ephes. . , . you must put off bad , and put on better , if you will please god , col. . , , . old things must pass away , and all things must become new , cor. . . you must be new creatures , else you cannot be god-pleasers . . get into christ. we are accepted only in the beloved , ephes. . . 't is in christ that god is pleased with any , mat. . . accept of christ for your prophet , priest and king ▪ and god will accept of you for his children , spouse , friends . direct . . prize christ and use him . . prize christ. leave all and cleave to him , see psal. . , . christs spouse must shave her head , pair her nails , and bewail her father and mother : . her natural inbred evils and corruptions for christs sake , and then she will please , see deut. . , , . you must part with your hair and nails , and fathers house , if you will so please christ as to be his spouse . you must rejoyce in christ , and have no confidence in the flesh , phil. . . and say as , isa. . . in the lord i have righteousness and strength , if you will please god. count all things but loss and dung in comparison of christ. phil. . . if christ be not precious in your eyes , you will be but vile in gods ; but if christ be prized , god will be pleased . sell all you have , and buy this pearl . mat. . this will please god. . use christ. it hath pleased the father , that in him all fulness should dwell col. . . for our use . that of his fulness we might receive what we want , job . . . seeing god has made christ for use , you cannot please god unless you make use of christ. the ark by noah was made for use , and so was the brasen serpent by moses ; had neither been made use of , god would not have been well pleased . to make use of christ for the end and purposes for which god has made him , is the way to please him . god has made christ unto us wisdo● , righteousness , sanctification , and redemption , cor. . . now to go to christ to be cured of our folly , to be cleared from our guilt , to be cleansed from our filth , to be redeemed out of bondage , is the way to please god ; but if christ be made light of , and not made use of , god will be displeased not a little , matth. . , . christ is meat and d 〈…〉 rk , john . . feed on him by faith ; christ is rayment , put him on , rom. . . christ is the foundati●n , cor. . . build upon him ; christ is the rock , cor. . . secure your selves in the cles●s of it , cant. . . christ is the fountain opened for sin , and for uncleanness , zech. . . wath your selves in it . christ is the true light , john . come to it , and follow it . christ is an apple tree , cant. . . sit under the shadow of it with delight , and eat of the fruit thereof . this will please god to see his son so much honoured by being so much used , john . . direct . . live by faith , habak . . . walk by faith and not by sight , cor. . . look to the things not seen , cor. . . this will please god. enoch had this testimony , that he pleased god , heb. . . and 't was by faith , for heb. . . without faith 't is impossible to please god. act faith in the power of god , as abraham did , rom. . . heb. . . and in the faithfulness of god , as sarah did , heb. . . this will please god. be fully perswaded that what god hath promised , he is able and faithful to perform ; this will please god. trust in god at all times , psal. . . cast your burden upon him , psal. . . thy care on him , pet. . . be careful for nothing , phil. . . but in every thing by prayer and supplication with thanksgiving , let your requests be made known to god ; this will please god. see what a blessing god has promised to such , jer. . . . direct . . labour to be like god and christ , if you would please him : for liking , is founded in likeness ; and complacency , in conformity : what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? or what communion hath light with darkness ? cor. . . be ye holy as god is holy ▪ pet. . . and mercifull as he is , luke ▪ . direct . . be not like the world . come out from among them , and i will receive you , and be so well pleased with you , that i will be a father to you , and you shall be my sons and daughters , cor. . , . come thou , and all thy house , sayes god to noah , gen. . . into the ark , i am well pleased with thee , and i will take care of thee , and gives this for the reason ; for thee have i seen righteous in this generation , called by st. peter , the world of the ungodly , pet. . . this noah found grace in the eyes of the lord , gen. . . god saved him , pet. . . to be blameless and harmless without rebuke , in the midst of a crooked and perverse nation ; and to shine as lights among them , this will please god , phil. . . walk not as other gen●iles walk in the vanity of their minds , eph. . . sleep not as do others , thes. . . conform not to this world , rom. . . have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness , but rather reprove them , eph. . . this will be acceptable to the lord. what care god took of lot , who was righteous , in wicked sodom , see gen. . , . dir. . be mourners for your own sins , and the sins of others . the sacrifices of god are a broken spirit , wounded for sin ; a broken and a contrite heart , o god , thou wilt not despise , but accept , psal. . . god will restore comfort to his mourners , isa. . . these mourners in zion , and for zion , isa. . . & . . who mou●n for the desolation of zion , and for their own sins and the sins of others , as the procuring causes thereof , these are the persons that please god , so that he takes double care of them in evil times , ezek. . , ▪ and pronounces them blessed , and promises that they shall be comforted , mat. . . dir. . walk uprightly , order your conversation aright , without guile and hypocrisie ; in simplicity and godly sincerity have your conversations , doing all your duties , to please god , and not for by-respects : with this god will be so well pleased , that he will be to you a sun and a shield , that he will give you grace and glory , that he will with-hold no good thing from you , psal. . . prov. . . he will shew you his salvation , psal. . . god will give him a prospect of heaven here , and hereafter a full fruition of it ; and no w●●der , for you are his delight , prov. . . such as are upright in their way are his delight : and what will not a man do for such in whom he delights ? read esther . . dir. . make the christian sabbath your delight ; be glad and rejoyce in it . this will so please the lord , that he will cause you to ride upon the high places of the earth ; yea , upon the heights of heaven , where thou shalt keep an everlasting sabbath ; and feed you with the heritage of jacob your father ; not only with the good things of the earthly canaan , but with the good things of the heavenly , of which the earthly was a type ; with heavenly manna , such food as eye hath not seen , ear heard , or mouth of natural man ever tasted . this you may build upon , for the mouth of the lord hath spoken it , isa. . , . if you keep the sabbath , and chuse the things that please god , isa. . . god will be so well pleased , as to give you , . a place in his house : v. . and a door-keepers place in gods house is worth the having , psal. . . a place in gods house , is that one thing which david was so earnest for , psal. . . . a name better then of sons and daughters of princes ; even prerogative royal , that heavenly honour to be the sons and daughters of god , cor. . . john . . and so to be called . john . to have both the comfort and the credit of it ; for if sons , then heirs , rom. . , . . and make them joyful in his house of prayer , ver . . by their free access unto him , and good success in all their suits . . and accept their sacrifices , ver . . their sacrifices of prayer , praise , alms and obedience , shall be accepted through christ , who is the true altar that sanctifieth all that is offered on it , heb. . , . rev. . . dir. . watch at wisdoms gates daily ; wait at the posts of her doors , prov. . , . and there you ▪ shall find life , isa. . . and obtain the favour of god , which is better then life . there the lord will meet you , and bless you , exod. . . there he will teach you , isa. . . and there he will accept you , ezek. . . there you give him your loves , cant. . . and there he will give you his loves . if he sup with you , you shall sup with him , rev. . . there you may get faith more precious then gold , rom. . . there you may have a call to the obtaining of the glory of our lord jesus christ , thes. . . dir. . pray continually . this pleases god. the prayer of the upright is his delight , prov. . . 't is sweet unto him , cant. . . he will be nigh to them that call upon him in truth , psal. . . daniel's praying pleased god ; as appears by the event . prayers come up for a me norial before god , acts . . god is so well pleased with prayer , that he will never turn it away , psal. . . dir. . meditate on gods law day and night . shew thy love to god and it thereby , as david did , psal. . . o how i love thy law , it is my meditation all the day . let it be yours also , and god will make you like a tree planted by the rivers of water , that bringeth forth his fruit in his season , and whose leaf shall not wither , and whatsoever you do shall prosper , psal. . , . dir. . worship god in spirit and in truth : sure this is pleasing to him ; for the father seeketh such to worship him , joh , . . he is greatly delighted with such worship . god loveth the gates of zion more then all the dwellings of jacob , psal. . . the gates of zion , the place of his worship , which he had chosen to dwell in , more then all the towns and cities else which he had given jacob to dwell in . 't is not all worship that god is so delighted with ; some worship is an abomination to him . god complains of those that draw nigh to him with their mouths , when their hearts are far from him , isa. . . mat. . . 't is the heart god calls for , prov. . . and truth in the inward parts , that god desires , psal. . . 't is worship in spirit and truth that pleases god. dir. . love god heartily , and seek him early . god loves them that love him , prov. . . and will shew it , john . , . he that hath my commandments , and keepeth them , he it is that loveth me ; and he that loveth me , shall be loved of my father , and i will love him , and will manifest my self to him , and we will come and make our abode with him . obedience to this first and great command of loving god , is more then all whole burnt offerings and sacrifices , mark . . therefore for certain it pleases god. delight thy self in the lord , and he will give thee the desires of thy heart , psal. . . and let the desire of thy soul be to his name , and to the remembrance of him . with thy spirit seek him early , isa. . , . and he will be found of thee , jer. . . dir. . fear god greatly , as obadiah did , kings . . on such the sun of righteousness will shine , mal. . . the lord will fulfil the desires of them that fear him ; he also will hear their cry , and will save them , psal. . . dir. . chuse to suffer rather then to sin . this was moses's choice , heb. . . rather to suffer affliction with the people of god , then to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season . this pleaseth god highly . those three servants of the most high god , dan. . who did chuse to burn to ashes , rather then to bow to an image , god was so well pleased with , that he restrained the fire from burning of them . daniel chuses to be torn to pieces , rather then not to pray , dan. . and god was so well pleased with his choice , that he shuts the mouths of the lions , that they hurt him not , v. . god also was so well ' pleased with the martyrs choyce of sufferings rather then of sinning , that he so wrought for many of them ; that they felt little or no pain . baynam ; one of our english martyrs , in the midst of flames , with arms and legs half consumed , uttered these words ; o ye papists ! behold , ye look for miracles ; here now ye may see a miracle : for in this fire i feel no more pain , then if i were in a bed of down ; but it is to me as a bed of roses . dir. . get a meek and a quiet spirit : this is in the sight of god an ornament of great price , pet. . . but a froward heart is an abomination to god , prov. . . moses had this commendation , that he was very meek above all the men which were upon the face of the earth , numb . . . god takes his part , and appears for him , num. . , . moses . is deaf and dumb , but god hears and calls suddenly about the wrong done to moses . and what a good end did god make with patient job ? jam. . . dir. . be zealous , hot , fervent in spirit , serving the lord , rom. . . god cannot away with lukewarmness : luke-warm laodicea he loaths , rev. . . but zealous phineas he loves , num. . , , . psal. . . be fervent in prayer , swift to hear , strict in the observation of the sabbath ; be strong in faith , weep bitterly for sin . this heat in duty , will please god. do justly . this pleases god , mic. . . more then thousands of rams . to do judgment and justice , to judge the cause of the poor and needy , is the way to have it be well with us , jer. . , . the just and rtghteous god hates injustice , zech. . . doing justice and judgment , is the way of the lord , gen. . . and sure he is well pleased with those that walk in his way . dir. . love mercy . this also pleases god. to do good and communicate , forget not ; for with such sacrifice god is well pleased , heb. . . 't is an odour of a sweet smell , a sacrifice acceptable , well pleasing to god , phil. . . christ is so well pleased with it , that he takes it as done to himself , mat. . , , . and the contrary , shewing no mercy , he takes so ill , that he threatens , jam. . . he shall have judgment without mercy , that hath shewed no mercy . dir. . walk humbly . to such an one god will look , isa. . . yea , god will dwell with the humble , and revive the humble , isa. . . god resisteth the proud , but giveth grace to the humble , jam. . . and if he give them grace , sure he will give them glory . dir. . be fruitful in every good work . this pleases god. the earth that brings forth herbs meet for them by whom it is dressed , receiveth blessing from god , heb. . . i am come into my garden , my sister , my spouse : now there is such pleasant fruit there , i cannot keep away . he is so well pleased with the fruit he finds , that he gathers , eats and drinks , cant. . . a fruitful vine pleaseth the dresser . a fruitful tree the planter . a fruitful field the husbandman . and a fruitful christian pleaseth god much more . dir. . be thankful . this pleaseth the lord , psal. . , . i will praise the name of the lord with a song , and will magnifie him with thanksgiving . v. . this also shall please the lord better then an oxe or bullock that hath horns and hoofs . v. . this rendring the calves of our lips , hos. . . is very pleasing to god , when offered up by christ. by him therefore let us offer the sacrifice of praise to god continually , that is the fruit of our lips , giving thanks to his name , heb. . . he that offereth praise , glorifieth me , saies god , psal . alwaies provided that the praise be cordial and real , as well as oral ; provided that there be estimation of benefits , and retribution for them , as well as recognition of them . and now beloved , i must take my leave of you , and what more or better can i wish or desire for you then this gracious presence of god. the lord be with you all . the lord be with you little children , and incline your hearts to learn solomons lesson which his father taught him , chron. . . viz. to know the god of your fathers , and to serve him with a perfect heart , and a willing mind : for the lord searcheth all hearts , and understandeth all the imaginations of the thoughts , if you seek him , he will be found of you , but if you forsake him , he will cast you off for ever : and for this end , the lord be with you , and incline your hearts whilst you are children , to know , as timothy did from a child , the holy scriptures , which are able to make you wise unto salvation through faith which is in christ jesus , tim. . . and perswade you to continue in the things which you have learned , and have been assured of , knowing of whom you have learned them , tim. . . the lord be with you young men , and incline your hearts to remember your creatour in the dayes of your youth , as you are commanded , eccles. . . and to be kind to him in your youth , jer. . . that he may another day say to you , i remember the kindness of your youth . the lord be with you to be the guide of your youth , jer. . . and to teach you from your youth , as he did david , psal. . . the lord be with you , that you may with obadiah fear the lord from your youth , king. . . and that you may flee youthful lusts , as you are commanded , tim. . . the lord be with you , and be your hope and trust from your youth , as he was davids , psal. . . and make you sober minded , as you are exhorted to be , tit. . . the lord be with you , and cause you to grow up as plants in your youth , psal. . . that you may never complain , as job chap. . . thou hast made me possess the sins of my youth . and that you may not be forced to pray as david , remember not against me the sins of my youth , psal. . . nor lie down in shame because of the sins of your youth , as they , jer. . . and that in your age , you may not find your bones full of the sins of your youth , job . . the lord be with you aged men , to make you sober , grave , temperate , to make you sound in the faith , sound in charity , in patience , as you are taught to be , tit. . . the lord be with you young women , to make you such as you are taught to be , tit. . . viz. sober , and to love your husbands , and your children , and to be discreet , chaste , keepers at home , good , obedient to your own husbands , that the word of god be not blasphemed , and that your husbands beholding your chaste conversation coupled with fear , may be won by it , pet. . , . the lord be with you and deliver you from all unchaste thoughts , words , and actions , and make you careful to preserve your own and your neighbours chastity in heart , speech , and behaviour . this prayer for you is not without need ; too much unchaste behaviour is to be seen in our congregations . i cannot think that the exposing of your naked backs and breasts to the view of all , can consist with chastity of heart . i wish that some or other would do that office for you , that shem and japheth did for their father , gen. . . and cast at least a scarf or handkerchief over your naked necks , backs and breasts . the lord be with you aged women , that you may be such as you are required to be , tit. . . that you may be in behaviour as becometh holiness , not false accusers , not given to much wine , teachers of good things . the lord be with you widowes , to cause you to trust in god , as 't is your duty , jer. . . and continue in prayer and supplications night and day , tim. . . the lord be with you parents , that you may bring up your children in the nurture and admonition of the lord , ephes. . . and that you may not provoke them to anger lest they be discouraged , col. . . the lord be with you children , that you may obey your parents in the lord , and honour them , that it may be well with you , and that you may live long in the earth , ephes. . , , . the lord be with you masters , that you may give unto your servants , that which is just and equal , col. . . and forbear threatning , knowing that your master also is in heaven , neither is there respect of persons with him , ephes. . . the lord be with you servants , that you may be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh , with fear and trembling , in singleness of heart , as unto christ , not with eye-service as men-pleasers , but as the servants of christ , doing the will of god from the heart , ephes. . , . knowing that of the lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance , for ye serve the lord christ , col. . . yea , the lord be with you , that you may be subject not only to the good and gentle , but also to the froward : for this is thank-worthy , if for conscience towards god , you endure grief , suffering wrong fully ; and acceptable with god , if when you do well , and suffer for it , you take it patiently , pet. . , , . the lord be with you husbands , that you may love your wives , and not be bitter against them , col. . . and that you may dwell with them according to knowledge , giving honour unto them , as unto the weaker vessels , and as being heirs together of the grace of life , that your prayers be not hindred , pet. . . the lord be with you wives , that you may be in subjection to your own husbands ; that if any obey not the word , they may be won by your conversation , while they behold your chaste conversation coupled with fear ; and that your adornin̄g may not be with outward adorning , of plaiting the hair , and of wearing of gold , or of putting on of apparel , but that it may be the hidden man of the heart , in that which is not corruptible , even the ornament of a meek and quiet spirit , which in the sight of god is of great price , pet. . , , , . the lord be with you poor : ( and my request for you is double . ) . that you may be poor in spirit , and so blessed , that yours may be the kingdom of heaven , mat. . . . that you may be rich in faith , jam. . . by which god has promised the just shall live , hab. . . the lord be with you rich , that you may not be high-minded , nor trust in uncertain riches , but in the living god , who giveth us richly all things to enjoy , tim. . . the lord be with you , that you may do good , that you may be rich in good works , ready to distribute , willing to communicate , that you may lay up in store for your selves , a good foundation , against the time to come , that you may lay hold on eternal life , tim. . , . the lord be with you young disciples , that having put your hands to the plough you may not look back , lest you prove not fit for the kingdom of god , luk. . . the lord be with you old disciples , that you may bring forth much good fruit , and be fat and flourishing , psal. . . the lord be with you all , to deal well with you , to hear your prayers , to direct your steps , to give you rest , to provide you necessaries , to protect your persons , to prevent trouble , or to deliver out of it . to assist in work , to support under burdens , to disappoint enemies , to animate against fear , to comfort in tribulation , to correct if need be , to encline your hearts to god , to give you wisdom , to help you to finish your works , and to effect difficult undertakings , to hold you by your right hand , to put a difference between you , and toose that serve him not . the lord be with you all , . with all of all of you . . with your hearts . . to circumcise them , deut. . . . to write his law in them , heb. . . . to new make them , ezek. . . . to soften them , ezek. . . . to strengthen them , psal. . . acchrding to his promise . . to unite them , psal. . . . to enlarge them , psal. . . . to encline them to him and his testimonies , king. . . psal. . . . to create them clean , psal. . . . to put gladness into them , psal. 〈…〉 . . with your heads , . to lift them up , psal. . . . to make them waters , jer. . . . with your eyes , . to open them that you may behold wonderous things out of gods law , psal. . . . to turn them away from beholding vanity , psal. . . . with your ears , . to open them , psal. . . . to cause them to hear the word behind them , isa. . . . with your mouthes . . to satisfie them with good things , psal. . . . that a deceitful tongue may not be found in them , zeph. . . . with your hands , to hold them , isa. . . & . . . with your feet , to keep them , sam. . . . the lord be with you all , . at all times . . in the morning , when you awake that you may awake with god , psal. . . psal. . . . at noon , when you go to meat , psal. . . . at evening , when you go to bed , psal. . . this was davids practice : evening , and morning , and at noon will i pray and cry aloud , and not in vain , for it followes , and he shall hear my voice . . the lord be with you even at midnight , and in the night watches , that even then you may meditate on gods word and give thanks after the example of david , psal. . . & . . . . . on the week dayes , that you may do your work , and all your work on them , as you are commanded , exod. . . . on the lords day , that you may keep it holy , and call it a delight . the holy of the lord , honourable ; not doing your own wayes , nor finding your own pleasure , nor speaking your own words , isa. . , . the lord be with you all , . in all places . in the closet , in the family . in the shop , in the field , in bed , at board . in the closet , to make you serious . in the family , to make you profitable . in the shop , to awe you . in the field , to preserve you . in bed , to refresh you . at board , to satisfie you . the lord be with you all. . in all estates and conditions , in adversity and prosperity , in sickness and health , in poverty , and riches . in adversity , that you may consider , eccles. . . in prosperity , that you may rejoyce , eccles. . . in sickness , to make your bed , psal. . . in health , to make you thankful , psal. . . in poverty , to make you contented , heb. . . tim. . . in riches , to make you lowly minded , trusters in god , rich in good works , ready to distribute , willing to communicate , tim. . , . the lord be with you all , . in all duties of religion and holy ordinances , in praying , reading , hearing , meditating , conferring , instructing , admonishing , exhorting , reproving , comforting . in praying , that you may pray fervently , jam. . , . in reading , that you may read understandingly , act. . . in hearing , that you may hear believingly , heb. . . in meditating , that you may have soul-satisfaction , psal. ● . , . in conferring , that you do it with aff●ct●on . in instructing , that you may do it convincingly . in admonishing , that you may do it compass●onately , jude . in exhorting , that you may do it earnestly , heb. . . in reproving that you may do it wisely . in comforting , that you may do it mercifully . in observing , the sabbath , that you may observe it more strictly . in receiving the supper , that you may receive it more worthily . in fasting , that you may do it soul-afflictingly , soul-chasteningly , levit. . . psal. . . and life-reformingly . the lord be with you all , . in all your civil imployments and lawful undertakings , that in all you do you may make gods word your rule , gods glory your end , and the credit of the gospel and christian religion your care. the lord be with you , in your trading and dealing , that you may do as you would be done unto , ma● . . . in buying and selling , that you may set god before you , buying and selling as in his presence , psal. . . in working and sitting still , that you may be heavenly minded , phil. . . in your journeying , and travelling , that you may be preserved and prospered , gen. . . finally beloved , the lord be with you to sanctifie you wholly , and i pray god your whole spirit , and soul and body be preserved blameless unto the c●min● of our lord jesus christ. amen ▪ and amen . finis . a catalogue of books printed and are to be sold by john hancock , at the sign of the three bibles . in popes-head alley . twelve books published by mr. thomas brooks . . precious remedies against satans devices . . heaven upon earth . . the unsearchable riches of christ. . apples of gold. . string of pearls . . the male christian. . an ark for gods noahs . . the privey key of heaven . . a heavenly cordial . . a cabinet of choice jewels . . lo●●ons lamentations . mr. c●ll●my's godly man 's ark. christs communion with his church millitant , by nicholas lock●er . sin the plague of plagues , by ralph venning . the accurate accomptant , or london merchant , being instructions for keeping merchants . accounts , by thomas brown accountant . short-writing , the most easie , exact , lineal , and speedy method that hath ever yet been obtained , by thomas metcalf . also a book , called a school-master to it , explaining the rules thereof . a copy book of the newest and most useful hands . bridges remains , being . choice sermon 's , by that reverend divine mr. william bridge , heretofore minister at yarmouth . a discourse of christ's coming , by theophilus gale. king james ▪ his counterblast to tobacco . a brief description of new york . the shepherds legacy , or forty years experience of the weather . venning's remains , or christ's school , consisting of four classis of christians , viz. babes , children , young-men , and fathers ; being the ●ubstance of many sermons , by ralph verning : prepared for the press by himself before his death . a dis●wasive from conformity to the world ; as also gods severity against impenitent sinners ; with a farewel sermon , by henry stu●s minister of the gospel . considerations moving to a toleration and liberty of conscience with arguments inducing to a cessation of the penal statues against all dissenters whatever, upon the account of religion : occasioned by an excellent discourse upon that subject publish'd by his grace the duke of buckingham / humbly offered to the parliament at their next sitting at westminster. penn, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) considerations moving to a toleration and liberty of conscience with arguments inducing to a cessation of the penal statues against all dissenters whatever, upon the account of religion : occasioned by an excellent discourse upon that subject publish'd by his grace the duke of buckingham / humbly offered to the parliament at their next sitting at westminster. penn, william, - . [ ], p. printed for r. hayhurst, london : . reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng buckingham, george villiers, -- duke of, - . -- short discourse upon the reasonableness of men's having a religion. liberty of conscience. religious tolerance -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion considerations moving to a toleration , and liberty of conscience . with arguments inducing to a cessation of the penal statutes against all dissenters whatever , upon the account of religion , occasioned by an excellent discourse upon that subject , publish'd by his grace the duke of buckingham . humbly offered to the parliament at their next sitting at westminster . tantaene animis coelestibus irae ? london , printed for r. hayhurst , . the epistle dedicatory . to his grace the duke of buckingham . my lord , t is with the highest veneration due to your graces illustrious worth and quality , that i presume to make this address to a person of your graces eminence and greatness . and indeed , the only encouragement for that confidence , is , that this discourse is onely listed under your graces banner . your grace has been pleased to be the first assertor of that justice , which in this age of the world , wanted onely so great a name to espouse and vindicate it . for alas , whatever ( tho never so rational ) has or could be urged in the defence of christian clemency and tenderness , by any less hand , would have been overbourn by the present impetuous torrent against it ; and therefore they only wanted so uninterested a champion as your grace to patronize them . if any less person had attempted it , presently the opprobious name of a non-con , or a tub-preacher , would have been thrown in his teeth , and all reasons whatever , upon a toleration , tho never so convincing , would have been instantly blasted ( how unjustly soever ) with the old brand of great is diana of ephesus , as if publish'd , maintain'd , and cryed up only for the service or interest of a party or faction . but your grace has the happiness of a station and character above the reach of so feeble and stingless a calumny , whilst your generous pen has been pleased to adapt that truth which malice may snarl at , but cannot bite . i confess indeed , the general , nay only arguments urged against a toleration , is that clamorous pretence , of its danger to the government , through an indulging of rebellious and antimonarchical principles , which under the mask and cover of tenderness of conscience , have been , or may be diffused thro' the kingdom , and several republick machinations and poysonous designs , have or may be hatcht and nourisht under the unhappy consequences of liberty of conscience . and truly , persecution for dissent , in matter of faith , without this plausible apology , would not have so much as a shadow of excuse to protect it from the infamy of a more than pagan piece of cruelty . but alas , this weak pretext , when truly and duely weigh'd , will quickly fall to the ground . for that there have been , and may be again , those atheistical and diabolical persons , who villanously , under the veil of religion , play the blackest of hypocrites , and carry on their own ambitious and damnable intregues , under that golden visor , is a most undoubted and too sad truth . but is that a sufficient plea , why those , whose utmost aime is the innocent worship of god , untainted with any such disloyal thoughts , should not only be loaded with their reproach , and stigmatized with their brand , but also be equally involved in their condemnation , viz. fined , harast , imprison'd , beggard , and ruin'd as such . if the government has had experience of those antimonarchical principles so fomented , undoubtedly that experience has given it discretion enough to prevent the future effects of them , and to distinguish betwixt the guilty and the innocent . let every judas therefore have his judas fate ; which may the wisdom of the nation and government take care to see executed : and those that urge the denyal of a toleration from their jealousie only of the forementioned danger , must certainly suspect a very great imbecility in the administration , that can find no better expedient , then rooting up the flower , to keep the spider from sucking poyson out of it . this whole discourse therefore , being absosolutely free from the least intention of favouring any of those false pretenders to religion and christianity , those wicked enemies of magistracy , the sacred ordinance of god , is only an endeavour to evince the reasonableness of a christian forbearance to our weak brother , purely and only as such . with this integrity and innocence , these considerations are made publick , and with no other recommendation durst the unknown author lay himself at your graces feet . considerations moving to a toleration , and liberty of conscience , &c. consideration i. it is not the will of the great and wise god , to appoint any forcible ways or courses to bring men and women to conform to his worship : but christ was pleased to commissionate his apostles ( to whom he committed the keyes of his church ) to preach and declare the christian doctrine : and they that succeed them in their office , are not by might or by power , but by gentle invitation , and the influence of his kind spirit , to inform the judgment , convince the conscience , and so to perswade the children of men to be reconciled unto god. and who is man that he should take another course , and will not rest in god's wisdome ? now we are ambassadors for christ , as though god did beseech you through us ; we pray you in christs stead , be ye reconciled to god. consideration ii. the using outward compulsion in matters of conscience , does only serve to make men hypocrites , but works no saving conversion . if men conform to any worship or way thereof , with an unwilling mind , they cannot serve god aright , though the worship be right , because the heart of the worshipper is not right . god calls for the heart , my son , give me thy heart . if it were not for compulsion , the man would be in some other practice or profession ; and when he conforms only to save his person or his purse , he is the servant of man , and not the servant of god , and this is not to save his soul. not by constraint , but willingly ; not for filthy lucre , but a ready mind . consideration iii. all sorts of persons are for liberty of conscience for themselves , even those that are most imposing upon others . they would account it hard measure to be constrain'd to perform , or forbear such and such things which concern their religion , or to suffer unproportionable penalties . and why should not the church protestants make the presbyterians , the independents , the papists case their own in this point , seeing they are all fellow-christians : therefore , whatsoever things ye would that men should do unto you , do ye so unto them , for this is the law and the prophets . consideration iv. the good rules of humanity , and common civility , which is carefully observed in smaller matters , are openly violated , by using of force in the matters of conscience . men abhor to thrust that meat and drink down their neighbours throat , which will not agree with their stomachs . they say commonly , pray take that which best likes you : and why are they not as civil in the matter of religion ? have compassion on one another , love as brethren , be pitiful , be courteous . consideration v. the church protestants in england have been distressed by hot doings heretofore in the reign of queen mary , when they were accounted criminals for not conforming to that worship which was then the established worship of the kingdom : and they should have taken heed before now of what they did , and of what spirit they be still of , in prosecuting others , seeing they know not how soon that part of the wheel which hath been , or is on the ground , may come to be at top , and fall the heavier on them upon this account , for with the same measure men meet withal , it shall be meeted to them again . consideration vi. the conforming and nonconforming protestants , and the protestants and papists , all do agree as to the substance of christianity , in the same articles of faith , and the same rule of manners , in the apostles creed , and the sen commandements . there is one body , one spirit , one lord , one faith , one baptisme . as a variety of flowers may grow on the same bank , so may protestants and papists live in england , union in affection , is not inconsistent with disagreement of opinion . there is much more reason to love one another for the many things wherein we agree , then to fall out for those wherein we differ ; and though we cannot have communion in the same external worship , we can and have communion in the same internal adoration of the same blessed trinity , and in the one hope of our calling unto life eternal , through jesus christ . we cannot come together in the same church , but may live together in the same land ; and as we are under the same gracious king , he may protect both and suffer no party to persecute one another . the woolf shall lie down with the lamb , the leopard with the kid , they shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain . consideration vii . the french protestants , who are the dissenters from the established worship of that kingdome , are kindly received and succoured by england . and when the french king is highly blamed by english protestants , and perhaps too by some english catholicks , for persecuting his peaceable subjects , shall we do the same things in our kingdome which we condemn in another ? therefore art thou inexcusable man , whosoever thou art , for thou that judgest another , dost the same things . consideration viii . the prosecuting dissenters and recusants for matters of conscience is of great disadvantage to the trade of the kingdom , the dissenters being a chief part of the trading people of the nation , considered as merchants , shop-keepers , clothiers , farmers , &c. by which many thousands of the kings poor subjects are maintained , and consequently liberty of conscience must be a most effectual means for the restoring of it . i will mention a story or two which may be easily attested , if they be called into question . one thomas peard about years since of west dean near barnstable , who kept many poor people at work in the cloathing trade , was prosecuted upon the act for twenty pound a month , so many months for not coming to church , that he was forced to quit his habitation and imployment . upon this the poor people of many parishes go a begging , and the numbers presently were so great , that the justices were fain to meet , and consulting together , conclude upon it to get the mans fines to be discharged . this being done , peard returns to his business , takes the poor off their hands , and finds them again the same living . in like manner , about years since , the bishop of sarum sends forth instructions into all the parishes of his diocess for bringing them to church , or citing them to his coutt . there were eighty clothiers nonconformists of several judgments in the county of wilts , who being alarum'd by this summons , think of withdrawing their trade , ( the time for provision of their wool favouring such a suspention ) but considering what a number of poor depended on them , some imploying , some a people under them , who were capable of getting no other maintenance : besides that , the farmer was no less concerned than the spinner and the carder , who could have no money for his wool ; fearing also that if they should give over on a suddain , there might so much clamour ensue as might turn into some uproar , they agree upon sending up eight or ten of their sufficient men to represent their case to the king and council . orders are taken hereupon that the arch-bishop writes to the bishop to desist , and assurance is given by both the secretaries to the clothiers for their safety in keeping on their imployment . what those justices and what the council at that time saw convenient for that shire , and those towns , will be discerned ( i doubt not ) by the considerate , to be of the like emolument throughout the nation . and this brings to my remembrance a certain prophesie , that is now much in mens mouths , and hath been going for scores of years , that after eighty five , england shall thrive : which though i have hitherto regarded ( i must confess , ) when i have heard the words but as rhime only , yet if it shall please the king at his coming now to the throne , to give liberty of conscience to his people , according to the design of this paper , i shall not doubt but to see the matter really accomplished . the riches of a nation are the bodies of men ; for the greatness of a kingdom certainly consists not in a vast continent of ground , but in the multitude of its inhabitants ; and the thriving of the people , lyes in the encrease of trade , manufacture and commerce , as is intimated . an act for universal toleration ( stated rightly , that is , of all , so far as they are tolerable , whereof the wisdome of a parliament is the fittest judge ) would produce both these ; it would bring people that are persecuted in our neighbour nations about their religion , to england , as it does , or hath done to holland ; and they must bring their hands and business with them . besides , the infinite incouragement it would give to many , who now keep in their monys , by reason of their obnoxiousness to the law , which they would bring forth most industriously into imployment , as soon as they could see themselves safe , and their consciences out of danger . and when issachar saw that rest was good , and the land that it was pleasant , he bowed his shoulder to bear , and became a servant unto tribute . consideration ix . it hath pleased our most gracious soveraign , king james the second ( whom god bless with a gentle mind , and good days ) to declare to his council , and then to the nation , that he will follow his deceased brother in his example of clemency , which we may hope for in this point of indulgence . we have his royal word for thus much , and his word , we all hear , may be presumed upon , so far as the meaning may be presumed . i do not therefore here presume upon his meaning , but the clemency of the late king , and tenderness to his subjects in his gracious purposes to indulge them in the point of liberty of conscience , does appear sufficiently to all men on record . in his declaration from breda , april . we do declare ( says he ) a liberty to tender consciences , and that no man shall be disquieted , or called in question for differences in opinion , in the matters of religion , which doth not disturb the peace of the kingdome ; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act of parliament as upon mature deliberation shall be offered to us , for the full granting of that indulgence . in his declaration dated october . we do again renew what we have formerly said in our declaration from breda , for the liberty of tender consciences . that no man shall be disquieted or called in question for differences in opinion in matters of religion , which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom , and if any have been disturbed in that kind since our arival here , it hath not proceeded from any direction of ours . at the opening of the parliament on the eighth of may , . i do value my self much upon keeping my word , and upon making good whatsoever i promise to my subjects . again in his speech to both houses on july the th . it is to put my self in mind , as well as you , that i ( i think so often as i come to you ) mention to you my declaration from breda ; and let me put you in mind of another declaration published by your selves about the same time , which i am perswaded made mine the more effectual , an honest , generous , and christian declaration , signed by the most eminent . persons that had been the most eminent sufferers , in which you renounced all former animosities , and memory of former unkindnesses : and my lords and gentlemen , let it be in no mans power to charge me or you with the breach of our words or promises , which can never be a good ingredient for our future security . again in his declaration of decem. . concerning the non performance of our promises , we well remember the very words from breda , viz. we remember well the confirmations we have made of them , since upon several occasions in parliament , and as all these things are still fresh in our memory , so are we still firm in the resolution of performing them to the full . and further , we do still conceive our selves so far engaged both in honour , and what we owe to the peace of our dominions , which we profess we can never think secure whilst there shall be a colour left to the malitious and disaffected to inflame the minds of so many multitudes , upon the score of conscience , with despair of ever obtaining any effect of our promises for their ease . after all , we have his indulging declaration indeed , for fulfilling all his promises , and puting an end to a preceding violent prosecution of the act against conventicles , march . it being evident , by the sad experience of twelve years , that there is little fruit of all those forcible courses ; we think our selves obliged to make use of that supream power which is not only inherent in us , but hath been declared and recognized to be so by several statutes and acts of parliament , and therefore do now accordingly issue out this our declaration for the quieting the minds of our good subjects in these points , for inviting of strangers in this conjuncture to come and live under us , and for the better incouragement of all , to a chearful following their trade and callings , from whence we hope ( by the blessing of god ) to have many good and happy advantages to our government . there are many gracious sayings here might be added upon this , which the late king uttered in return to the ministers who brought him the thanks of several counties for this his declaration , fit to be recorded , as of extraordinary kindness , but seeing it hath pleased the divine providence to take him from us , who should have made them good , i am content they be interred with him . the words of our present soveraign are i am sure of more concernment now to us , which as they make all this which is brought to be material , and for which the whole nation is addressing him with their thanks ( among whom i know no cause why i may not bring also my oblation ) must not be omitted . since it hath pleased almighty god to place me in this station , and i am now to succeed so good and gracious a king , as well as so very kind a brother , i think it fit to declare to you , that i will endeavour to follow his example , and most especially in that of his clemency and tenderness to his people . then after five days ananias the high priest descended with the elders , and an orator named tertullus , who when he was called forth , spake thus , seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness , and that by thee very worthy deeds have been done to this nation , we accept it always and in all places , most noble felix , with all thankfulness . these are some reasons ( among multitudes ) that fly abroad for toleration , and they are no pick'd chosen ones , but the most plain and obvious to the meanest capacity , such as i have catch'd up most easily , from the papers only of two ordinary sedulous men ; the one of them having had publick imployment about the wool and manufacture of the nation , and so is versed in these things ; the other having got , or kept such as these publick speeches by him , and collected these passages to my hand , only i have changed their stile , and abbreviated them , to avoid the baldness and prolixity : i will now add some testimonies for the same thing , out of an author of another character , but i will name neither one nor other , that i may not offend them or any body . and these testimonies which are argumentum ab authoritate , shall be my tenth and last consideration . consideration x. it is not like in the three first centuries of the church , that any thing is to be found in the christian writings , for the use of the sword in religion , whilst themselves were under it . in the next ensuing , we have constantine , constantius , jovian , valentinian , valens , theodosius , and after those , honorius and arcadius may be cited for their larger permissions , especially towards the jews , by those that will be at the pains to do it . in the year , idacius and ithacius were condemned by the gallican bishops for being authors of bringing the priscillianists to execution . and st. augustine no doubt with the fathers , generally are against any sanguinary laws in this matter . nullis bonis in catholica ecclesia hoc placet , si usqus ad mortem in quemquam haereticum saeviatur . contra or sconium lib. . cap. . hence were they called ithacians , and held for hereticks , who maintained , that those who erred in religion , ought to be put to death . and it is observed , it was dominick was the first that brought up the fire among christians upon that account . withdraw from them , avoid them ( says the scripture ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but not beat or persecute them as the heathens do , says ignatius . for it is an unheard of , strange kind of preaching the gospel ( says gregory ) to exact belief ( as the egyptians their bricks ) with stripes . decere arbitramur ( says theodosius and valentinian ) nostrum imperium subditos nostros de religione commonefacere ; they chose not to say [ imperare ] but [ commonefacere ] signifying thereby , that religion ought not to be forced . nihil enim ( says lactantius ) tàm voluntarium quàm religio , in qua si animus est sacrificantis aversus , jam sublata , jam nulla est . religio imperari ( says cassidoce ) non potest . and , suadenda est ( says st. bernard ) non imperanda . praecepit sancta synodus ( says the toletan council , de judaeis ) nemini deinceps ad credendum vim inferre . and the new law ( says tertullian ) does not vindicate it self ultore gladio . the jewes took no such course ( as pestilent as their doctrine was ) with the sadduces , nor christ with the samaritanes , see luke . . matth. . , . john . . john . . and will ye also go away , says christ to the twelve ? which are words removing all force and necessity from man in the choice of his religion . so chrysostome , athanasius , cyprian , i may also add augustine and salvian . we may read in the life of josephus , when some of the traohonites came in for rescue to the jews , where himself was governour , and the jews would thereupon constrain them to be circumcized , or else not let them abide with them , he would not permit that injurious zeal , alledging , that every man ought according to his own mind , and not by mans compulsion to serve god. in our english story ( to fuit this ) by bede , when ethelbert the first prince that received christianity of the saxon heptarchy , was converted by austin , sent hither by gregory , and many thereupon came into the church , it is said , he especially embraced those that came in , but compelled none ; for he half learned that the faith and service of christ ought to be voluntary , and not of constraint . it helpeth much ( says the imperial edict of constantine and lirinus ) to establish the publick tranquillity , for every man to have liberty to use and choose what kind of worshipping himself pleases ; and for that intent is this done of us , to have no man enforced to one religion more than to another . a prince who would draw his subjects ( divided into sects and factions ) to his religion , should not ( in my opinion ) use force , says bodin ; which he enhances more particularly from the example of theodosius toward the a●rians . john barclay ( not william that wrote adversus monarchomachos ) hath a discourse on purpose to this effect about the calvinists , ( as it is thought ) under the name of the hyperephanians , in one chapter of his argenis . and camerartus in his historical meditations , hath a chapter as learned , full , and grave , as need to be on this subject , lib. . cap. . it was observed by the popes council ( says guicciardine ) that the prosecution of luther , since it was not accompanied with their own reformation , did encrease his reputation ; and that it had been a less evil to dissemble the knowledge of such a matter , which would perhaps have dissolv'd of it self , than by blowing at the brand , to make the fi●e burn the more . there may be some notes conferred with this out of davilah , upon the deliberations of the politick ka 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , regent of france , about the pacification in her son henry the thirds time ; i will rest in one after henry the fourth succeeded . that great prince thought fit to declare himself catholick , but gets that same edict for liberty to the hugonots , to be renewed and passed the parliament of par● . by which means endeavouring to remove suspicion from their minds , and confirming them by good usage together with some gifts and promises to the chief heads , he insensibly took away ( says the historian ) the pulse and strength of that party , so that those that are versed in the kingdom , believe that a few years of such sweet poyson ( if he had not been disabled in this course through want of money ) would have extinguished that faction , which so many years of desperate wars had not , with the effusion of so much blood , been able to weaken . violent courses ( says my lord cooke ) are like hot waters , that may do good in an extremity , but the use of them doth spoil the stomach , and it will require them stronger and stronger , and by little and little they will l●ssen the operation . they that have this common-wealth ( says judge jenkins ) will use means together with the restitution of the king , to procure an act of oblivion , and tender consciences a just and reasonable satisfaction , else we must all perish first or last . i will crown these testimonies with the experienced advice of charles the first to our late soveraign : beware of exasperating any faction by the crosness and asperity of some mens passions , humours for private opinions employed by you , grounded onely on the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of religion , wherein a charitable connivance , and christian toleration , often dissipates their strength , whom a rougher opposition fortifies , and puts their despised and oppressed party into such combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their persecutors , who are commonly assisted by that vulgar commiseration , which attends all that are said to suffer under the notion of religion . there are two rules in the preamble of the statute primo mariae ; the one is , that the state of a king standeth more assured by the love of his subjects , than in the dread and fear of laws . the other is , that laws justly made , without extream punishment , are more often , and for the moct part better obeyed , than those that are made with that extremity . unto which my once before named lord chief justice cook , subjoyns this sentence , m●tius imperanti melius paretur . i will close up all with the end of a speech of sir orlando bridgeman to the parliament , when he was lord keeper . if any just grievances shall have happened , his majesty will be as willing and ready to redress them , as you to have them presented to him ; and his majesty doubts not , but you will give healing and moderate counsels , and imprint that known truth in the hearts of his subjects , that there is no distinct interest between the king and his people , but the good of one , is the good of both . now this is the copy of the letter which artaxerxes gave unto ezra the priest , i make a decree , that all they of the people of israel , and of his priests and levites in my realm , which are minded of their own free will to go up to jerusalem , go with thee . and gamaliel stood up in the council , and said , ye men of israel , take beed to your selves , refrain from these men , and let them alone , for if this counsel or this work be of men , it will come to nought ; but if it be of god , ye cannot overthrow it , lest haply ye be found even to fight against god. finis . a letter to a person of honour in london concerning the papists from an old cavalier in yorkshire. h. m. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a letter to a person of honour in london concerning the papists from an old cavalier in yorkshire. h. m. p. [s.n.] london printed : mdclxiii [ ] signed: h.m. imperfect: stained, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -- apologetic works. liberty of conscience -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter to a person of honour in london , from an old cavalier in yorkshire , concerning the papists . london , printed in the year mdclxiii . a letter to a person of honovr in london , from an old cavalier in yorkshire . sir , had you told me of the late storm of thunder and lightning that kill'd a shepherd or the wonderful inundation of waters , that endanger'd a little child , you had not fri hted me half so much , as this new and unexpected alarum against the papists : you tell me his majesty ( upon the petition of those who were not like to be denyed ▪ has banished all their priests : you tell me a bill has been read in the house of commons and is committed , to renew against the layity all the former penal lawes , and adde more , even to the taking away their children , &c. why , what evil have they done ? they fought daily with us in the field , and none laid hands on them but the kingdoms enemies ; they kill'd indeed , in a just and honourable war , some that call'd themselves saints , but none but such as we call rebels . whence then should all this anger come ? 't is not from jealousie , nor interest , nor policy , nor all these together ; but from some strange unhappy conjuncture , which i know not how to name ; and therefore without insisting on an event so wholly unlike the causes that were laid for it , i shall seldom look backwards to what the papists have done and suffer in these late calamiies ; a thing so evident , it need not be mentioned , nor can be denyed ; but chiefly consider what they now are in reference to hereafter . i see the noise of their complaints is not heard in the streets , but generally they take their mischances with silence ; which as i esteem for a generous and manly vertue where e're i find it , so i cannot but freely expresse to you my thoughts in so singular and pressing an occasion . we fear , say you , the growth of popery , and to that fear you ascribe the proceeding against the papists ; but must we therefore absolutely ruine them ? is there no difference betwixt checking a tree that is spread not too far , and utterly extirpating it root and branch ? is it not enough to see them in a shade of the private life , and deny them the fruitful showers of rich offices , but we must suck the sap out of their hearts , and leave them to wither away by degrees , and dye ? besides , when the grounds of such a suspition are thorowly examined , they will certainly be found too week to sustain so heavy a severity : for to omit the pious arguments , that we are secure enough by the nature of our cause , and the protection of our god ; we have sensible and humane reasons , ( which many sooner believe ) deriv'd from plain and evident experience . are not the papists tolerated in divers parts of germany , where the reformation is master ▪ and yet they grow not ? is not the reformation it self , which has so many advantages over popery , tolerated in france , and yet it grows not ? in holland , in switzerland , and generally in all countries where they live mingled together , they stand as it were at a certain mark , and seldom overflow ; but like the sea , if they gain on one side , they lose as much on another . i know what soyl your countrey is made of , but as i think we love our religion as well as our neighbours , so i 'm confident our reformation is so much more rational then theirs , that we have far lesse cause to apprehend any change or defection than they : they fear it not in their laws , they find it not in their practices ; why should we alone enter into unnecessary suspitions , to the discredit both of our religion , while we declare by our proceedings that it needs the prop of force to support it ; and of our policy , while by chasing some from home , and discouraging others abroad , we diminish the wealth and prosperity of our country . let us open our eyes , and look on the wisest of our neighbours , and see how moderately they proceed in matters of conscience , and how notably they thrive and improve by their moderation . possibly at first , when liberty is newly given , some number ▪ who now conceal , may discover themselves ▪ but after the first run , the rest will stand firm and be more unchangeable ▪ and this , when all 's considered , may prove the safer course , to separate such as dissemble from among the cordial professors : however , 't is time enough to prevent the increase , when we see the increase grow really dangerous . in the present state of our affairs , the roman catholicks seem so far from dangerous , that they rather are particularly useful . the nation we see is divided into four parties , protestant , roman catholick , presbyterian and fanatick . and were there now a war to begin , we might easily guess which of these four would likelyest agree , by remembring which of them agreed in the war that 's ended . if we think the roman catholicks would again assist the right way , why do we so terrible discourage them ? if we beleive them loyal ( as we have found them by the best argument , experience ) why should we so diminish them , that we make them inconsiderable ▪ were it not more suitable to our true interest , so far to suffer them as they are necessary to counterballance one sort of our discontented neighbours , and then we should easilier secure our selves against the other ? can we forget a trick so lately passed upon us ? first , they cried out against the papists , as if they were traytors , till they had disabled them : then , against the protestants , as if they were papists , till they had mastered them : then , against every one that would not rebel , till they had ruin'd all . 't was a shrewd word , and very true , in our country , of him that said , i have observ'd few of the fighting cavaliers speak against the papists . i 'm sure we ( of my noble lord of newcastles army ) know well enough their constant fidelity ; we fought and fell together , we freely ventured our lives for one another , and in all occasions , that might any way conduce to our princes service , we perfectly agreed , and little thought , if it had pleased god to have given us success , to exclude them wholly from sharing in the benefit . were we all one in religion , 't were certainly best for peace , but if such union be once become impossible , then let the master-religion be establisht ; and for the rest , the more sorts of them there are , the more safely they are govern'd : should now the papist and fanatick be supprest ; the civil interest would be more endanger'd , unlesse we overcom the presbyterian too , which will be a harder task , when by the disbanding of others , they are grown more numerous . two factions in a common-wealth are desperately dangerous , but twenty not at all ; unlesse they conspire into two , which is not so easily done , as they who originally are no more . however , that evidently is the dangerous number , since none else is dangerous till they come to that . if the present papists be too few to be fear'd , what need we punish those who now are papists , lest they should grow hereafter so many as to be fear'd ? is it not enough to lay penalties on such as shall turn to them for the future ? if to preserve the peace be our intention , and that cannot be molested by those of the roman communion , as now it stands , let us but shut the door that no more enter in , and we are safe , without pulling down the house on the heads of those that are there already . i cannot deny but i 'm thus far popishly affected , that i willingly converse with a papist , if he be a cavalier , and heartily love a cavalier , though he be a papist : this is my character , and i 'm not a jot asham'd to own it . shew me a papist that took the covenant ; or fought against the king , and i 'le hate him worse then a presbyterian , so much care i for their religion : but when i find many of them civil and ingenious , and well-bread persons , why should i decline their company ? when i find all of them true , and earnest , and constant cavaliers , why should i hate their persons ? all this i see may easily be done , without either approving their religion , or diminishing my own : especially since the most eminent divines of england allow the church of rome to be a true church , from whence they acknowledge to derive their orders ; wherein they agree that both salvation may be had , and all fundamentals are profest ; which i believe they will not say of any other dissenters in this nation ; i 'me sure , if they say it , they cannot maintain it , till they have answered this argument . no true church without true pastors : no true pastors without true ordination : no true ordination without true bishops : therefore , where there are no bishops , there 's neither ordination , nor pastors , nor church . thus clearly to my eye , protestants differ from presbyterians and the rest , not in circumstantials onely , but in essentials ; they differ as church and no church ; which is a far grater distance then between protestant and papist . this single consideration has often made me wonder why we should so violently persecute the papist with the uncouth names of idolatrous and antichristian ; and , which is worse , with the churlish actions of sequestration and death , hanging and quartering them only for taking orders from the same church from whence we derive our own : and all this while we kindly call our other neighbours brethren and pray for our sister-churches beyond the seas ; who yet are so far from having one mother with us , that our selves say they have none at all ? are then the calvinists no church ? are all the reformers in france , germany , holland , and even geneva it self , no church ? i refer you to the argument ; the conclusion perhaps may be unwelcom ; but the premises , i doubt are unavoidable . if no governors , there can be no governed , and if neither of those , there can be no community ; whether we speak of spiritual or civil communities . only somtimes when we would reckon up our numbers to cross-bite the papists , ( who for the same purpose will count the greeks their brethren ) we let all sorts of reformers passe the muster for protestants ; a kind of pia fraus to sustain reputation , and bear up the hearts of the people , and have somwhat to say to an adversary . whether upon this reason , or some other , i know not , but i observe our gravest preachers , and our learnedst writers generally affirm , that we punish the papists not for religion , but for treason . sure we must not mean their religion is treason , for then we plainly contradict our-selves , while we say we punish them for treason , not religion ; if at the same time we make them but two names for one thing . what is then their treason ? either their actions ; and let all that are guilty dye without mercy , without so much as the least syllable of benefit by the act of oblivion ; let them all be hang'd , and drawn , and quarter'd , and none be found to pity them ; onely let our justice not be blind , and punish the innocent with the criminal ; but the soul that sins , let that dye . or else their opinions are treasonable : and then let the opinions be first singled out , and either publickly renounc't , or the maintainers proceeded against with what penalty you please . but , if their religion ( that is , their faith , not their opinions , ) be clear from the charge of treason , let us honestly stand to our principles , and no longer , upon that account , punish them as traitors . well , though they now have approved themselves good subjects , yet time has been when they were not so . but shall we not cease to punish , when they cease to deserve it ? shall we not take off their fetters when they do well , as willingly as we laid them on when they did ill ? nay , shall we charge them with new and heavier chains now they have given us such evidence of their constant loyalty ? even bedlams themselves are set at liberty , when we see they are returned to their wits . we know all have suffered long for the crimes of a few ; why may they not hope as well to be indulged now for the loyalty of many . time too has been , when others were no good subjects , and that within the memory even of young men ; but the gracious clemency of his majesty has buried all in oblivion ; and may all treasonous rebellions , of what sect or faction soever , be eternally buried , and never rise again to molest us , either in our duty to our king , or charity to one another . but let the lovers of peace do what they can , some will be still delighting to rub over old sores : and immediately they fall upon the gunpowder-treason , and the spanish invasion : as for the last , if we look into our own histories , we shall see , our nation had disoblig'd the spaniard by a long course of sharp unkindnesses , of which he des●●●ng to be avenged , and finding no handsomer pretence then that of relieving the oppressed for religion , he took it 〈◊〉 , and brought it along with him . but in all 〈…〉 the crime of the english papists ? do not our own historians say , they were ready with their service like true englishmen , and desired to take their fortune with the common soldiers ? do not our authors expresly note that the spaniards indeed perswaded themselves they should be seconded by the english roman catholicks , but were utterly deceived ? the truth is , a few english fugitives beyond sea were guilty , and all at home were punish● . and for the other , it was indeed the most devilish and most foolish plot that ever was devis'd . but how many were ge●●ry read the proclamations immediately upon the discovery , and you 'l find the number of their chief contrivers to be about a dozen , and all the forces they could levy , say our histories , were not full fourscore . now if we reflect on the multitude of roman catholicks who faithfully serv'd our gracious king , and his royal father , we shall easily see how far more apt they are to adhere to their prince , then rebel against him . read then the death even of those few desperate men , and you 'l find they heartily repented , at least , most of them : read all their history , the foulest that ever that party was concern'd in , and i am confident , though you 'l continue your just indignation against those who were traytors , yet your anger will be allay'd towards the rest that were innocent ; at least , all revenge will be satisfied , when you have considered how long , and how universally that one crime of a few desperate men has been punisht . mistake me not , i would not have so great a crime forgotten , but i think it belongs to christian charity , that the greatest should at last be forgiven . can there be imagined a more detestable treason then that against our late gracious sovereign , in which , though justice take care to conserve the memory , yet mercy already has pardoned the offenders . and here i cannot but remember some passages among us , that keep alive our animosities , and certainly have more of humour in them , then ingenuity . we call the papists ignorant , and yet fear their subtilty : we cry out of the foggy mysts , and egyptian darkness of popery , and at the same time , rail against their priests and jesuits , as crafty foxes , that destroy the vineyard of the gospel . if they write openly , we say , they grow insolent : if privately , they seek to surprise us : if they say nothing at all , we suspect they are plotting to do the more . even since the late proclamation for banishing priests , a friend of mine told me he heard this captious dilemma made use of . if many go away , then there were many here , and it was time to look to them : if few , then the more are left behind , and still we must have a care of them : if they complain they are afflicted , we say , they are male-contents ; if they take all with patience , we say they are well enough now , if they can be contented . nay , so crosly we interpret one another , that , to my amazement , i have heard some zealous discoursers affirm , the papists were guilty of all our divisions in religion ; because they were striving still to shew that our principles lead to divsion . which if it be true , is no crime in them at all ; if false , let us labour to disprove it ; they who discover the consequences of inconvenient maximes , are not too blame : but they who set up those maximes . therefore methinks our better play in this point is , first to prove the papists in an errour , and then the union and unchangeablenesse they so much boast of , will be the greatest objection against them ; since such union makes an errour apt to deceive ; and such fixedness makes it impossible to be mended : whereas our variety has this advantage , that some may be in the right , while others are in the wrong ; and if to day we mistake , to morrow we may correct it . other accusations we too hastily impose on them , which none but fools and bedlams would be guilty of : as , that whoever is in power and prevails and rules , they still oppose him ; and therefore , at first they were against the all-commanding-long-half-lower-house ; then against oliver : then against the rump : now , against the king : thus some among us still seek to make it be believed , the papists are alwayes against the governing powers , onely that the governing powers may be alwayes against them . sure , if all be true we say of them , our english papists are a strange race of people , every kinde of reformer suspects them to make plots and conspiracies with his particular adversary against him . in the beginning of the late times , they were charged to conspire with the protestants against the presbyterians : in the midst of these miseries , they were accused to conspire with the presbyterian against the fanaticks : now , in the end , some are found to murmur up and down , that they conspire with the presbyterians and fanaticks too , against the church of england . all , i can say to this case is , either we mistake them , or they are mad men , and have no more wit then a weather-cock , that where e're the wind is , still turns his face directly against it . though in all these instances , i think , they are extreamly misunderstood : yet is there one wherein i am not satisfied my self ; and that is , their acknowledging a foreign authority in prejudice of our kings supremacy . and at first sight i easily discern , the controversie has , for a long time , been somwhat mistaken , at least misexprest . the question , i conceive , is not whether the supremacy in matters purely spiritual be in the king , or the pope : but , whether in the arch-bishop of canterbury , or the pope : i shall onely loosen the knot a little , and then 't will unty it self . we know our graver and more learned divines , distinguish between the inward power of the keyes , and the outward jurisdiction by temporal penalties : this they assign to the king , in all causes , and over all persons : that they reserve to the clergy , as neither deriv'd from the civil magistrate , nor dependant on him. and thus much the papists , unlesse i 'm misinform'd , are ready to profess , onely they fasten the toplink of the pure-spiritual chain to the chair of rome , and not to that of canterbury . which of these waies is the more convenient , i cannot judge , but plainly see , if one be inconsistent with monarchy , the other is : and if a subject may be , in any consideration , supream , without derogating from his prince , a stranger may be so too . think on it well , and instruct me , if i erre . but you will reply , if the moderate on both sides so nearly agree in sense concerning the kings ecclesiastical authority , why do the papists refuse the oath of supremacy , and the protestants admit it ? shall i tell you freely my thought ? i believe , if the protestants understood that oath as it sounds , they would never take it , for it gives the king more then they mean ; and if the papist could understand it to sound no more then the protestants mean , they would never refuse it . how then shall this difference be reconciled ? either let both sides be understood to mean as they speak , and then neither of them will take it ; or to speak as they mean , and then neither of them will refuse it . the remedy , if heartily desired , is easie : there needs no more but fairly to frame the words according to the sense : i mean all this while , as far as concerns the royal supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs , not intermedling with the pure spiritual part , which i leave to the discussion of pure spiritual persons . and indeed , the oath it self aims at no more then to assert these two points ; that the supream power in spirituals belongs to the king ; and that none of that power belongs to any forreigner , as is clear by the words of the oath , nor to any other , as may clearly be infer'd from the form of submission made . eliz. . where the submitter is requir'd to testifie in his conscience , that , no other person hath , or ought to have any power or authority over his majesty : which i understand in matters belonging to the church , for those were the cases provided for by that act. i had almost forgot a principal consideration . the papists , 't is said solicited his sacred majesty to publish the late declaration for tender consciences ; and did none solicit but they ? or must it be counted so unpardonable a crime for subjects to beg of their king the performance of his royal word ? at least thus much we must confesse in excuse of the papists , they needed most their princes indulgence , because the lawes were severest against them : they deserv'd it best , because , of all that needed it , they were most faithful to him . they moved in the fittest time , after the common vniformity was enacted , and before the services they had done were forgotten ? yet for all this the general mercy was far more sparingly exprest to them , then to any of the rest . sullen presbyterian , that rather will starve himself , then endure a papist to have a morsel of bread ! 't is true , some withdrew themselves from the publick service upon that declaration : but , was there one papist among them ? why must the papist and none but he be whipt ; when the puritan , and none but he playes truant ? for the papist went to another school before , and therefore though he still be absent from ours , yet cannot he properly be said to play truant . nor can the endeavour of procuring this declaration be suspected ( as our fashion is ) for a popish-plot , and that all the papists conspired in it together ; when i have reasons to be extreamly confident few knew of it till 't was cry'd in the streets . i know 't is easie to be jealous but every one knows 't is uncharitable too ; unlesse we have a cause ; we , that is , some peevish spirits among us , say , that all along the late times , their priests and jesuites were in the enemies army , and ( under the disguises of taylors and weavers , ) preach'd them into rebellion : but if never any one of these were discover'd , on what ground do we say they were there ? and if they were discover'd , by what favour were they protected against the law ? sure nothing can be aid why they were not found guilty , but that they could not be found . but 't is time to conclude ; for my part , let others do as they please , i 'le strive to love my own ▪ religion , without hating another mans ; much lesse will i hate another man for his religion . i conceive him in an errour , and he thinks so of me ; i have some marks of being in the right , and he believes he has as many as i : i reade the bible , and so does he : and after all , our differences continue : what shall we do , but live peaceably together , till it please god to clear the truth among us ; onely this advantage i cannot deny to the papists , that in temporal respects they are incomparably more tolerable , then either presbyterian or fanatick ; in spiritual , though we charge them all with errours , yet those of the papists consists with the being of our church , the other destroy it . excuse this long letter , and believe me ever , sir , your most humble and obliged servant , h. m. york , may , . finis . some sober and weighty reasons against prosecuting protestant dissenters for difference of opinion in matters of religion humbly offered to the consideration of all in authority. penn, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) some sober and weighty reasons against prosecuting protestant dissenters for difference of opinion in matters of religion humbly offered to the consideration of all in authority. penn, william, - . sheet ([ ] p.) printed by g. larkin ..., london : . caption title. attributed by wing and nuc pre- imprints to penn. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng freedom of religion -- england. liberty of conscience -- england. dissenters, religious -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some sober and weighty reasons against prosecuting protestant dissenters , for difference of opinion in matters of religion . humbly offered to the consideration of all in authority . . reas . because the great and mighty god , who is king of kings and lord of lords , hath not imposed matters of religion upon the consciences of men and women by any outward force : god hath not appointed death , nor bannishment , nor imprisonment , nor loss of goods , as a means to bring persons to conform to the way of his worship ; but god hath given his word , and favoured the world with such as can preach it , whose work is to invite , intreat , perswade ; and not in a lordly way to domineer over the consciences of men and women , whether they be rich or poor . . reason , because all sorts of mankind are fallable in some divine matters , even in all countreys ; the princes , the priests , and the people , are yet short of infallabillity in many matters of divinity ; yea the most eminent ministers of the gospel in the primitive time confessed they saw but in part , and they knew but in part ; and said to their fellow christians , that they would not lord or domineer over them , but be helpers of their joy. . reason , because all sorts of persons do desire this as a great good for themselves , even those that are for distressing of , and imposing upon others , would not be so dealt with themselves , but would account it hard measure , yea cruelty , to be forced to such things in religion as are against their consciences , or else to suffer in their purse or persons . as for instance , the episcopal protestant would doom it great persecution to be punished if he would not turn presbyterian , independant , baptist , or quaker ; and why then should the episcopal protestant take pleasure in punishing of , and so force any of the others to be of his mind ? and therefore great and good reason it is to walk by that blessed rule christ hath given , do unto others as you would they should do unto you , and what you would not others should do unto you , do not to them . . reason , because forcing the conscience is the ready way to make men hypocrites ; for if persons conform to any way of worship unwillingly , they cannot serve god acceptably , though the matter and form of worship be never so right , because the heart of the worshippers is not right , the service being performed by by mans compulsion ; god requireth that his service should be performed with a perfect heart , and with a willing mind ; but he that conforms by compulsion , in stead of being gods servant , he is but mans slave : and the conformity is to man , and not to god. . reason , because his majesty did sollemnly promise liberty of conscience in matters of religion , when he was at breda , just upon his restauration to his throne and kingdoms , in april . in these words : we do declare a liberty to tender consciences and that no man shall be disquieted , or called in question for differences of opinion in matters of religion , which doe not disturb the peace of the kingdom ; & that we shall be ready to consent to such an act of parliament as upon mature deliberation shall be offered to us , for the full granting that indulgence . . reason , because the prosecuting the protestant dessenters for matters of conscience , is a great disquieting of the minds of great numbers of his majesties good subjects , and a great hinderance to the trade of the kingdom , the dissenters being a great part of the trading people of this kingdom ; and some thing of this his majesty was gratiously pleased to take into his princely consideration , when he put forth his indulging declaration , by the advice of his privy councel , in march , . after a violent prosecution of that act against conventicles , in these very words : but it being evident by the sad experience of twelve years , that there is very little fruit of all those . forceable courses : we think our self obliged to make use of that supream power in ecclesiastical matters , which is not only inherent in us but hath been declared and recognized to be so by several statutes and acts of parliament ; and therefore we do now accordingly issue this our declaration , as well for the quieting of the minds of our good subjects in these points , for inviting of strangers in this conjuncture to come and liue under us , and for the better incouragement of all to a cheerful following of their trade and callings , from whence we hope by the blessing of god to have many good and happy advantages to our government . . reason , because the lords and commons assembled in parliament , sence those declarations have upon mature deliberation considered the ill consequences of prosecuting the protestant dissenters by the penal laws , and have shewed their willingness to a toleration , and prohibiting of a prosecution of protestants for matters of conscience . . reason , because the french protestants , who are the dissenters from the established worship of that kingdom , are gratiously received by the king , and kindly received and succoured by the people of england , and the french king is highly blamed for persecuting his peaceable subjects ; and therefore much more reason that protestants should not persecute one another , for it is to do the same things that is condemned in others : therefore let the words of the apostle paul be well considered , rom. . . thou art inexcusable , o man , whoever thou art , that judgest another , thou condemnest thy self , for thou that judgest doest the same things thy self ; verse . and thinkest thou , o man , that judgest them which do such things , and doest the same , that thou shalt escape the judgment of god ? . reason , there is a good and great agreement between the conforming , and non-conforming protestants , in the chief things of the protestant religion : as for instance ; . both parties believe in the holy trinity , viz. the father , son , and holy ghost : . that jesus christ is very god and very man , and the only saviour of sinners : . that salvation doth depend upon the miraculous birth , the holy life , the painful death , the wonderful resurection , the joyful ascention , the constant intercession , and the second coming of jesus christ : . both parties believe that the worship of god , and the conversations of men , ought to be according to the holy scriptures , and not according to the inventions of any sort of mankind : . both parties do deny all mediators but only jesus christ , and abhor praying to deceased saints : . both parties deny a purgatory , and do believe and profess a heaven of eternal joy for the godly , and a hell of eternal woe for the wicked . all these things more largely and plainly are made manifest in confessions of faith , printed by the dissenting protestants as well as by the conforming protestants . now the matters wherein they differ from each other being smaller then the former things , and yet such as each partty cannot conform unto without wronging their conscience , and so sinning against god , therefore they ought not to be forced . . reason , because persecution for matters of conscience is a breach of the good rules of humanity , and common civility among all sorts of men , which is carefully observed in smaller matters : as for instance , among the many creatures of god that are food for mens bodies , some things that are very pleasing and comfortable food for some men , the same things are very destructive to the health of other men ; now in this case there is such civility among all sorts of men that they hate and scorn to force one anothers stomacks , looking upon it to be an inhumane practise ; and therefore do friendly , say to each other , pray eat that which will best go down , and agree with your stomack . now for as much as conscience is greater then stomack , and the hurt of the soul greater then the hurt of the body , how much more should persons , especially protestants , be thus friendly one to another in matters of conscience ? . reason , because all protestants ought to behave themselves towards each other as brethren , there being so good and great agreement between them in the chief things of religion ; especially they being all in a like danger of the bloody papists , who if ever the government should fall into their bloody hands , ( which god of his mercy prevent ) then the same miseries that may befal the protestant dissenters , will certainly befal the conforming protestants ; if they prove true to their protestant principles , they will all be deemed hereticks , and must suffer as much in their estates and persons ; and therefore instead of persecuting one another , they should love each other , and pray for each other , and say as abraham said to lot , let there be no strife between me and thee , for we are brethren : and more especially because the popish cannonite and perrizite are now too much in the land. . reason , because the protestant dissenters do not belong to any forraign power , but do abhor , detest , and protest against all forreign power or jurisdiction over the king , the kingdom , or any of his majesties subjects ; neither are they covetous of preferment in church or state , but willingly leave that to his majesties wisdom , and desire only that they may live a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty under authority , as gods word doth direct . london : printed by g. larkin , in scalding-alley in the poultry , . a peace-offering in an apology and humble plea for indulgence and liberty of conscience by sundry protestants differing in some things from the present establishment about the worship of god. owen, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing o estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a peace-offering in an apology and humble plea for indulgence and liberty of conscience by sundry protestants differing in some things from the present establishment about the worship of god. owen, john, - . [ ], p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to john owen. cf. nuc pre- . created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a peace-offering in an apology and humble plea for indulgence and liberty of conscience . by sundry protestants differing in some things from the present establishment about the worship of god. ambigua de religione capita quae plurimum habere videntur obscuritatis , tantis tamdiu animis decertata , apud sapientes hoc fere certum reliauerunt , nusquam minus inveniri veritatem , quam ubi cogitur assensus . hugo grotius . exiguam sedem sacris , littusque rogamus innocuum , & cunctis undamque auramque patentem . london , printed in the year . the infinitely wise and holy god , who disposeth of all things according to the counsel of his own will , having designed our portion in the world unto the latter dayes thereof ; wherein , besides those difficulties which in all ages attend them who are called unto the search and profession of the truths of the gospel , we are forewarned of sundry evils peculiar unto them , rendring them perilous : as it is our duty to apply our selves to serve his good pleasure in our generation , without repining at that station which in his work he hath allotted unto us ; so also diligently to take care , that we add not unto the evils of the dayes wherein we live ; and that , what we may be called to suffer in them according to his will , may not be lost unto his holy ends and purposes in the world , but some way or other redound unto his glory . what shall befall us in the course of our pilgrimage , how we shall be disposed of , as to our outward temporary concernments , as it is not in our power to order and determine , so neither ought to be in our care , so as that we should be anxiously solicitous thereabouts : all things of that nature belong unto his soveraign pleasure , who will make them work together for good to them that love him . resting in his will as to our outward state and condition in this world , with that of the times and seasons wherein our lot is fallen , which he hath put in his own power , we shall endeavour in reference thereunto , to possess our souls in patience , waiting for that day which shall manifest every mans work of what sort it is . and we know that it is but yet a little while , before it will be no grief of heart unto us , for to have done or suffered any thing for the name of the lord jesus , according to his mind and will. for whereas we are well assured , that the old enemy of mankind who is sometimes awake , and sowing of tares whilst men sleep , is never so far asleep , whilst any are endeavouring to sow the good seed of the gospel , as not to stir up an opposition to their work , and to labour the ruine of their persons ; so we believe that every sincere endeavour to promote the holy truths , and wayes of god , according to that measure of light which he is pleased graciously to impart unto any of the sons of men , is accepted and owned by him , who is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him ; which is sufficient to secure their peace and consolation , under all the evils that on the account of their work they may conflict withal . neither is it a small alleviation of any trouble that we may be exposed unto , that no pretence , colour , reason , or arguings for our sufferings , no means , wayes , or kinds of them , no ends unto them , can possibly be invented , proposed , pursued , but what we are fully forewarned of ; that so we might not at any time think our selves surprized , as though some strange thing had happened unto us . this then is our great concernment in the profession of religion , this that which we ought principally to attend unto , namely , to commend our consciences unto god , that in all sincerity and godly simplicity , we exercise our selves in the work that he calls us unto , not corrupting his word , or staining our profession by a conversation unbecoming the holiness of the gospel ; and for what may outwardly befall us , though producing heaviness and sorrow for a season , the last day will manifest to have been unspeakably more the concernment of other men , than our own . it is therefore on this account , and that duty which we owe unto all the sons of men , especially those who in any place or degree have the rule and disposal of us in this world and the things thereof , committed unto them , that notwithstanding the hazard that attends us in the discharge of every duty of this kind , we adventure to represent our condition and desires unto all that endeavour to follow after truth with peace . for as the minds of men are capable of no greater perfection , than what consists in receiving the whole truth of the gospel , nor their souls of greater blessedness , than attends obedience thereunto , so every mistake of it , every prejudice against it , every opposition unto it , or any part of it , are not only in themselves a corruption and debasement of the mind , but are usually attended with consequents of greater evils , in and unto them by whom they are entertained . and this condition oftentimes are men , otherwise upright and wise , cast into ; either by their own ingrafted prejudices , or neglect of that severe disquisition after truth , which all the sons of it are obliged unto ; or by suffering themselves to be imposed on , by the suggestions of others , who perhaps sacrifice their actings in and about the things of god , to some secular ( and it may be very corrupt ) ends of their own . hence truth and innocency , which cannot be oppressed , but when cloathed with misrepresentations and calumnies , have in all ages been forced to suffer the sad effects of their mistakes , who in the mean time professed highly an avowment of them . so in particular , the foundation of all the miseries that ever befell the professors of the truth of christ , since the day that the name of christian was known in the world , and consequently of all that evil and confusion in the earth , which the lusts of men have produced , and the righteous judgement of god inflicted , have lain in general , either in the ignorance of men , of the genuine nature and tendency of the truth it self , or in their credulity , in giving credit unto those misrepresentations of it , which it hath alwayes been the interest of many in the world , to frame and promote . hence the professors of christianity , and every particular way therein , in their respective seasons and generations , have esteemed it their duty , not only unto themselves , to wave their imminent sufferings , if it were the will of god thereby , but unto others also , whom they judged to be engaged against god and his truth , in their persecution of them , to declare freely and fully what it was that they did believe and practise ; and therein plead the equity and reasonableness of that deliverance which they aimed at ; of themselves from suffering , and of others from sinning . and herein had they before their eyes , the example of the great apostle of the gentiles , who with various success did oft times make use of the like defensatives of himself , and his doctrine . nor is it the least prescription of the law of nature implanted in the heart of man by him that made it , that innocency should so far undertake its own protection and security , as to endeavour a removal of prejudicate imputations out of the minds of them , in whose judgement it is concerned . and this law , all men universally yield obedience unto , who intend not to abuse such imputations unto sinister ends , not suitable unto the innocency they profess , and so by deserting their own unblameable defence , contract a guilt rendring them incapable of it for the future . whereas therefore it hath pleased him in whose hand our life , and breath , and all our wayes are , to place us in that condition , wherein by the apprehensions he hath given us of his mind and will , in some things relating unto his worship , we are forced to differ from others , we conceive it our duty for the prevention of farther evils ; openly and candidly to declare both what we profess , and what in all humility we desire thereupon : and we cannot but hope , that when the matters of our difference are known and considered , that they will not be judged of so high a demerit ; as to render a modest peaceable desire of indulgence in our adherence unto them , a new addition of guilt . for their case is miserable indeed , who being prejudged into a condition of sufferings , though not convinced of evil , may not desire relief from those , who alone are able to afford it ; that also being made an aggravation of their misery , by being made an aggravation of their supposed guilt . and in particular , this course is made at this season necessary unto us , from the exasperation of the minds of many , in reference unto what we profess and desire , with the prejudices that are taken up and improved unto our disadvantage and trouble : for although we have with the joynt consent of all our churches some years since , publickly declared what is the faith which we profess , and the way of the worship of god wherein we walk , and did hope that it would not be looked on as an unreasonable expectation , that our confession might have received a christian charitable sedate consideration , before it were condemned , or those that adhere unto it judged as evil-doers for their so doing ; yet considering the sad exasperations of the minds of men , though upon occasions wholly forreign to the matter of our faith and profession , we cannot be without some apprehensions , that far the greatest part of those who are loudest in their cryes for severity against us , have scarce been so faithfull to christian candor and ingenuity , as seriously to examine whether there be in what we believe and practise , a just foundation for that kind of proceeding and acting towards us , which they so earnestly desire to engage our rulers into . if for no other reason than , but to endeavour to call off the thoughts of men from persons , and personal provocations , unto those things which are the pretended foundation of their actions , and with reference whereunto , their account must be made at the last day , when other mens real or apprehended miscarriages will give no countenance to theirs , we cannot but judge it a duty incumbent on us , to remind them what the things are which must give construction unto all that in this matter they shall undertake or perform ; and whereinto , under all imputations whatever of things of other natures , our comfort , be it what it will , true or false , in all our sufferings that we may be called unto , is resolved . and we do know , that they will one day find themselves under a woful mistake , who suppose that their severity against us , will be any further justified , than there is ground for it in the principles which we profess in the things of god ; and this cannot but be evident unto them ( if they will give themselves but the liberty of unprejudiced consideration ) who know that a relinquishment of those principles would instantly cause all those other pleas and pretences to vanish out of their minds , which at present they only make use of . and therefore also shall we not much concern our selves in any other charge that is laid against us , but only as to what we profess , and practise in the ways and worship of god , as knowing that from thence alone all occasion is taken for them . we shall therefore only briefly declare our sense of them , and then proceed to that which is our real concernment . for there is not any new thing herein under the sun. in all ages , where ever any way in religion hath been judged by the most , rightly , or otherwise , to be contrary to the mind of god , as by them apprehended , it hath been immediately charged with the guilt of all the evils that fell out in the days of its profession , though evidently they had other causes and occasions . such was the condition of christianity in general of old , as is manifest from the apologetical writings of justin martyr , tertullian , arnobius , cyprian , lactantius , minutius foelix , augustine , and others . upon every occasion of trouble , the common cry was , christianos ad leones . such was also the condition of the professors of the protestant religion , upon the first reformation , throughout the world ; under which prejudice and imputation , they are yet forced to suffer the wrath of men in many places . what ever disadvantages then on this account we may be exposed unto , we have no reason to complain or think strange of , it being no other than all men in the like condition in all ages have had to conflict withall ; and will have so , whilst sin and darkness continue in the world . to commend our consciences unto god in well-doing , is the only means of peace in our selves , and the whole defensative in reference unto others , which in this case is left unto us . moreover if any who either really make profession of any way in religion , or are generally esteemed so to do , fall into personal crimes and miscarriages , which no way can secure it self against , men justly provoked thereby have scarce the patience to attend unto any plea for the way it self , or those who peaceably and innocently walk therein , though the charge against it be altogether groundless and unreasonable . thus the abominations of the gnosticks of old , was charged upon the whole body of christianity , and the unwarrantable zeal of one man in firing a temple in the kingdom of persia , reflected an imputation of sedition on all the professors of the gospel , to their extirpation out of that empire . but the unrighteousness of this charge is , we hope , evident even to themselves , who would fain make use of it unto our disadvantage ; for no society in the world can give security for the deportment of all individuals belonging unto it , according unto the rules of the whole ; and if they may be charged with such miscarriages , it were easie to demonstrate , that no community , no profession of men in the world , no order , no way can be acquitted from guilt , or thought meet to have moderation exercised towards it . besides , we know not in particular , but that all occasions of reflecting upon our societies on this account , have , by the goodness of god been prevented , for which we are humbly thankful unto his holy majesty . but if to accuse be enough to render any men nocent , none can be long innocent . thiaestaean banquets , promiscuous lusts and incests , must on that ground be thought to be the ends of the , primitive assemblies of christians . if men will take to themselves the liberty of entertaining evil and groundless surmizes , it is impossible for us , or any living , to set bounds to their imaginations . so that we have nothing in this case to do , but to leave the authors of such fake and calumnious insinuations unto that reward , which god and their own consciences will not suffer them to lose ; and our vindication unto the providence of god , over our present and future deportment . it may be thought of nearer concernment unto us , when the late troubles in these nations are objected , and the remembrance of them renewed unto our prejudice . but whether the frequent and importunate urging of them , since by his majesty's clemency and grace they are put into legal oblivion for ever , do tend unto the composure and settlement of the minds of men , which is certainly the duty of all good subjects to aim at , we leave it unto the consideration of those who are wiser than we , and on whom the care of the peace and welfare of the kingdom is in an especial manner incumbent . for our own parts , we shall only say , that whereas they were neither begun , nor carried on , upon the account of that way in the worship of god which we profess ; may the remembrance of them be never so severely revived , we cannot fear any just conclusion from thence , unto a suspition of troubles of the like nature for the future ; as well knowing the absolute freedom of our principles from any such tendency , as well as the providential unravelling of all those interwoven interests and occasions , which individual persons countenanced themselves withall in their engagements in them . magistracy we own , as the ordinance of god , and his majesty as the person set over us by his providence , in the chief and royal administration thereof : in submission unto him , we profess it our duty to regulate our obedience by the laws and customs over which he presides in the government of these nations . so that our practical adherence unto our own avowed principles , is all that in this matter can fall under the most suspicious and uncharitable surmize . that there is any means of giving such absolute satisfaction concerning future events , which depend on the minds and wills of men , as to leave all suspicion concerning them impossible , we know not ; much less to prevent some mens pretending suspicions for ends best known unto themselves . but this we know , that what ways or means soever are warranted , or established by the laws of this land , or may be so , and they are such as mankind must content themselves withall , as incapable of further or greater assurance , or what ever else may be rationally and justly expected from us , we have given , and are ready to give security by , against the evils intimated in this charge upon us ; which being the utmost that our duty calls upon us for , we hope we shall not always suffer for being the unhappy objects of some mens groundless jealousies , which for us to remove is altogether impossible , god himself having not appointed any way or means for us to use to that end or purpose . as then neither we nor others can hinder men from making use of this pretence for some ends of their own , ( though we know , as it is used by them , it contributes nothing to publick tranquility , and the composure of the minds of men ) so we hope that god will so far in his good time clear up the innocency and sincerity of our intentions , and their suitableness unto our declared principles , that no just occasion of reproach be administred unto them , who wait for advantages against us . and what are we , that publick disturbance should be feared from us ? nec pondera rerum , nec momenta sumus : by what way or means , were we never so desirous , could we contribute any thing thereunto ? what designs are we capable of ? what interests have we to pursue ? what assistance to expect or look after ? what title to pretend ? what hopes of success ? what reward of any hazard to be undergone ? we have no form of government , civil or ecclesiastical , to impose on the nation ; nay , no pretence unto power to be exercised on the persons of any of his majesties subjects ; have no expectations from persons or nations , that might induce us to further or promote any sinister aims of other men : the utmost of our aim is but to pass the residue of our pilgrimage in peace , serving god in the way of our devotion . we covet no mens silver or their gold , their places or preferments : our whole desire is that of israel of old to their brother edom , let us pass , we pray , through the country ; we will not pass through the fields or through the vine-yards , neither will we drink of the water of the wells ; we will go by the kings high way , we will not turn to the right hand , nor to the left , until we have passed thy borders . may we thus far prevail , under the protection of god's providence , his majesty's favour , and our own innocency ; we have no principles , we shall have no reason , farther to trouble our selves or others . if it be denied unto us , and we must yet be scattered over the face of the earth , we shall pray for the prosperity of his majesty , and the land of our nativity , patiently bearing the indignation of the lord , against whom we have sinned , and waiting for his salvation . that which of late is principally urged unto our prejudice , is , the prohibition of that way of worship which we desire to walk in , and the establishment of another by law , to whose authority we owe subjection . when this begins once to be pleaded , the real merits of the cause in debate is usually over-seen , and the obedience required by law is only insisted on ; as though that were grown a civil difference by the interposition of a law , which before was purely religious . this paul himself found to be one of the most difficult cases he had to contend withall ; it was objected unto him , that he taught customs which it was not lawful for to do among the romans , acts . . all that doctrine which he had to declare , was antecedently in general forbidden by law ; it being determined by the romans , that no worship of god should be admitted amongst them , not establish'd by publick authority . and had not the light and truth of christianity broken through that opposition , it must have lain shut up in darkness to this day . for our parts , we have only this to say , that there is no reason to urge this as a peculiar objection against us , it being the only foundation of all others , and only occasion of the difference about which we treat . had not a law enjoyned the practice of some things in the worship of god , which according unto our present light we cannot assent unto , without ceasing to worship him , ( for to worship him in our own thoughts , against his mind and will , is to prophane his name and worship ) had it not forbidden the exercise and discharge of some duties which we account our selves obliged unto by the authority of god himself , we had had no need to implore the clemency of our governours , to relieve us against that severity which we fear . this then we acknowledge ; but withall , to state this difference upon its right foundation , do solemnly in all sincerity protest before god , his holy angels , and all the world , that it is not out of any unwarrantable obstinacy that we are conscious of unto our selves ; nor from any disaffection unto , or dissatisfaction in the government that god hath set over us : but meerly from a sense of that account which we have one day to make before jesus christ , the judge of all , that we cannot yield that compliance unto the act for uniformity which it requireth of us . the case then , notwithstanding this prejudice , is still the same ; conscience towards god in the things of his own worship , is still , and alone concerned , whatever other pretences and reasonings may in this case be made use of , ( as many are , and ever were in the like cases , and will so be ) the whole real cause of that severity which we humbly deprecate , and only reason lying against the indulgence we desire , is our profession and practice in the things that are not of this world , but purely relating to the revelation of the mind and worship of god. what-ever therefore men may plead , pretend or urge of another nature , we are so far conscious unto our own integrity , as to be fully satisfied in our minds , that what-ever dangers we may be in this matter exposed unto , or what-ever we may be called to suffer , it is all meerly for believing in god , and worshipping of him , according to what he hath been pleased to reveal of his mind unto us . and as in this case , it is not in the power of any of the sons of men to deprive us of that consolation , which an apprehension of the truth will afford unto them that sincerely and conscientiously embrace it ; so whether any men can commend their consciences to god , according to the rules of the blessed gospel of our lord jesus christ , in our molestation and trouble , we leave it unto all unprejudiced men to judge . and that we may yet farther remove all grounds of mistake , and obviate all other pretences against us , we shall candidly declare the general principles both of our faith and worship , and then leave our condition , what-ever it may be , to the judgment of him , who hath appointed a day wherein he will judge the world in righteousness , of his majesty whom he hath set over us in supream power , and of all other persons whatever , who have any sense of the terror of the lord , the account we must make of serving him according to what he is pleased to reveal of himself unto us , the nature of things known only by divine revelation , or of the infirm frail condition of mankind in this world. for the faith which we profess , and which we desire to walk according unto , we need not insist upon the particular heads of it ; having some years since in our confessions publickly declared is , with the joynt consent of all our churches ; neither do we own or avow any doctrine , but what is therein asserted and declared . and we hope it will not be looked upon as an unreasonable request , if we humbly desire , that it may receive a christian charitable sedate consideration , before it be condemned . may we be convinced of any thing therein , not agreeable unto the scriptures , not taught and revealed in them , we shall be with the first in its rejection . that this hath been by any as yet attempted , we know not ; and yet are we judged , censured and reproached upon the account of it : so far are men degenerated from that frame of spirit , which was in the christians of old ; so far have they relinquished the wayes wherein they walk towards those who dissented from them . nor do we decline the judgement of the primitive church ; being fully satisfied , that we teach and adhere unto , is as consonant unto the doctrine thereof , as that of any church at this day in the world. the four first general councels , as to what was determined in them in matters of faith , are confirmed by law in this nation ; which is all that from antiquity hath any peculiar stamp of authority put upon it amongst us ; this also we willingly admit of , and fully assert in our confession . neither doth the addition of ours , disturb the harmony that is in the confessions of the reformed churches , being in all material points the same with them , and no otherwise differing from any of them in things of less importance , than as they do one from another ; and as all confessions have done , since the first introduction of their use into the churches of god. that which amongst them is of most special regard and consideration unto us , is that of the church of england , declared in the articles of religion : and herein in particular , what is purely doctrinal , we fully embrace , and constantly adhere unto . and though we shall not compare our selves with others , in ability to assert , teach and maintain it ; yet we cannot , whilst we are conscious unto our selves of our integrity in our cordial adherence unto it , but bear with regret the clamorous accusations of some against us , for departing from the church of england , who have not given that testimony of their adherence unto its doctrine , which we have done , and by the help of god shall continue to do . it is true indeed , there are some enlargements in our confession of the things delivered in the thirty nine articles ; some additions of things not expresly contained in them , which we were necessitated unto , for the full declaration of our minds , and to obviate that obloquy which otherwise we might have been exposed unto , as reserving our judgement in matters that had received great publick debate since the composure of those articles : but yet we are fully perswaded , that there is not any proposition in our whole confession , which is repugnant unto any thing contained in the articles , or is not by just consequence deducible from them . neither were we the authors of the explanations or enlargements mentioned ; there being nothing contained in them , but what we have learned and been instructed in from the writings of the most famous divines of this nation , bishops and others , ever since the reformation ; which being published by legal authority , have been alwayes esteemed , both at home and abroad , faithfully to represent the doctrine of the church of england . we have no new faith to declare , no new doctrine to teach , no private opinions to divulge ; no point , or truth do we profess , no not one , which hath not been declared , taught , divulged and esteemed as the common doctrine of the church of england ever since the reformation . if then we evince not the faith we profess to be consonant unto the scriptures , the doctrine of the primitive church , of the four first general councels , the confessions of the reformed churches beyond the seas , and that in particular of the church of england , we shall acknowledge the condition of things in reference unto that liberty , which we humbly desire , to be otherwise stated , than hitherto we have apprehended . but if this be the condition of our profession , as we hope it is manifest unto all unprejudiced and ingenious persons to be , who esteem it their duty not to judge a matter of so great importance before they hear it . we can hardly think that they give up themselves to the conduct of the meek and holy spirit of christ , who are ready to breathe out extirpation against us , as to our interest in this world , for the profession of those principles in the things of god , which they pretend to build their own interests upon for another . the non-conformity then that we may be charged with , being very remote from a dissent unto that doctrine which is here publickly avowed , and confirmed by law , it cannot but seem strange unto us , that any should endeavour to cast us under the same severity with them who utterly renounce it : and would entayl upon their posterity , on the forfeiture of all their publick rights , as english-men , and benefit of their private estates , not only an adherence unto the protestant religion , but a precise and determinate judgement and practice in things of very little concernment therein ; and of none at all , as to publick tranquility . would it not seem strange , that a man might at as easie and cheap a rate , renounce the protestant profession , and the fundamental doctrines of the church of england , in things indispensably necessary to salvation , as to be mistaken , or suspend his assent about things dark and disputable in their own nature , and of very small importance , which way soever they are determined ? so that men in the embracing or refusal of them , rebel not against that commanding light of god set up in their hearts to rule them in his name , in that apprehension which they have of the revelation of his will , which is unto them of great and eternal moment . they are then only things relating unto outward order and worship , wherein our dissent from the present establishment of religion , doth consist ; things about which there hath been variety of judgement , and difference in practice , from the days of the apostles , and probably will be so untill the end of the world : for we find by experience , that the late expedient for the ending of differences about them , by vindicating of them into the arbitrary disposal of every church , or those that preside therein , in whose determinations all persons are to acquiesce ; is so far from accomplishing the work whereunto it is designed , that it contributes largely to their increase and perpetuation . our only guilt then is , our not agreeing with others in those things wherein there never yet was an agreement among christians : nor perhaps , had they all that frame of spirit in moderation and mutual forbearance which the gospel requireth in them , would it ever by any way needful that there should so be . for our parts , about these things we judge not other men , nor do , or ever did seek to impose our apprehensions on their judgements or practice . what in them is agreeable unto truth , god knows , and will one day declare . unto our present light in the revelation of his will , must our practice be conformed , unless to please men , and secure our transitory , perishing concernments , we intend to break his bonds , and cast away his cords from us . and that it may the better appear what is both our judgement and practice , in and about these things ; unto what we have declared in the close of our confession , ( which we suppose they cannot reasonably and with satisfaction to their own consciences , wholly overlook , who because thereof , are ready to reflect with severe thoughts upon us ) we shall now only add , the general principles whereunto all that we profess or practise in these things , is resolved . and of them we humbly desire , that a christian and candid consideration may be had : as supposing that to pass a sentence of condemnation against us for our dissent unto any thing , without a previous weighing of the reasons of that dissent , is scarce suitable unto that law whereby we are men , and engaged into civil societies . as then religion is publickly received and established in this nation , there are many outward concernments of it , relating unto persons and things , that are disposed and regulated by and according to the laws thereof : such is that which is called , power ecclesiastical , or authority to dispose of those affairs of the church with coercive jurisdiction , which relates to the outward publick concernments of it , and the legal interests of men in them . this we acknowledge and own to be vested in the supream magistrate , the kings majesty , who is the fountain and spring of all jurisdiction in his own kingdoms what-ever . no power can be put forth or exercised towards any of his subjects , which in the manner or nature of its exertion , hath the force of a law , sentence , or jurisdiction ; or which , as to the effect of it , reacheth either their bodies , estates , or liberties , but what is derived from him , and binding formally on that sole reason , and no otherwise . hence we have no principle in the least seducing us to transgress against any of those laws which in former dayes were looked on as safe preservatives of the protestant religion and interest in this nation . did we assert a forreign power over his majesties subjects , and claim an obedience from them in some such cases as might at our pleasure be extended to the whole that is due unto him ; did we , or any of us , by vertue of any office we hold in the church of god , claim and exercise a jurisdiction over the persons of his majesties subjects in form and course of law ; or did we so much as pretend unto the exercise of any spiritual power that should produce effects on the outward man ; we might well fear , left just offence should be taken against us . but whereas the way wherein we worship god is utterly unconcerned in these things , and we willingly profess the spring of all outward coercive jurisdiction , to be in the person of the kings majesty alone , without the least intermixture of any other power of the same kind , directly or by consequence ; we cannot but say with confidence , that it will be utterly impossible to convince us , that on this account we are offendors . for the worship of god , and order therein , ( which is purely spiritual and evangelical ) we acknowledge indeed the lord jesus christ to be the only institutor or author of it , and the holy scripture the only principle revealing , the only rule to judge of it , and to square it by . it is not now our design to plead the truth of this principle , nor yet to clear it from mistakes , or vindicate it from opposition : all which are done elsewhere . let it be supposed to be an error or mistake , which is the worst that can be supposed of it ; we must needs say , that it is an error which hath so much seeming countenance given unto it by innumerable places of scripture , and by so many testimonies of the antient and modern doctors of the church , and is every way so free from the production of any consequent of evil importance ; that if there be any faylure of the minds of men , in and about the things of god , which from a common sense of the frailty of humane nature , may rationally expect forbearance and pardon from them , who have the happiness to be from all miscarriage of that kind ( if any such there be ) this may claim a share and interest among them . nor are we able as yet to discern , how any acceptable account can be given to the lord jesus , at the last day , of severity against this principle , or those that otherwise inoffensive , walk according to the light of it . moreover , whereas principles true in themselves , may in their application unto practice be pressed to give countenance unto that which directly they lead not unto ; we have the advantage yet farther particularly to declare , that in the pursuit of it in the worship of god we have no other ordinances or administrations , but what are by the law and church of england . now whatever other occasion may be sought against us , ( which we pray god not to lay to their charge who delight in such practices ) we know full well that we differ in nothing from the whole form of religion established in england , but only in some few things in outward worship , wherein we cannot consent without the renunciation of this principle , of whose falshood we are not convinced . this being our only crime , if it be a crime , this the only mistake that we are charged with , in the things of god ; we yet hope that sober men will not judge it of so high a demerit , as to be offended with our humble desire of indulgence , and a share in that princely favour towards persons of tender consciences , which his majesty hath often declared his inclinations for . we confess that oftentimes , when such dissents are made a crime , they are quickly esteemed the greatest , yea , almost all that is criminal : but whether such a judgment owes not it self more to passion , prejudice , and private interest , than to right reason , is not hard to determine . for our parts , as we said before , they are no great things which we desire for our selves , the utmost of our aim being to pass the remainder of the few days of our pilgrimage in the land of our nativity , serving the lord according to what he hath been pleased to reveal of his mind and will unto us . and we suppose that those who are forward in suggesting counsels to the contrary , know not well how to countervail the kings dammage . that this our desire is neither unreasonable nor unjust ; that it containeth nothing contrary to the will of god , the practice of the church of old , or to the disadvantage of the publick tranquility of these nations : but that all outward violence and severity on the account of our dissent , is destitute of any firm foundation in scripture , reason , or the present juncture of affairs amongst us , we humbly crave liberty , in the further pursuit of our own just defence , briefly to declare and evidence . the great fundamental law amongst men , from which all others spring , and whereby they ought to be regulated , is that law of nature , by which they are disposed unto civil society , for the good of the whole and every individual member thereof . and this good being of the greatest importance unto all , doth unspeakably out-ballance those inconveniencies which may befall any of them through a restriction put upon them by the particular laws and bonds of the society wherein they are engaged . it is not impossible , but that sundry persons might honestly improve many things unto their advantage in the increase of their interest in things of this world , were not bounds set unto their endeavours , by the laws of the community whereof they are members . but whereas no security may be obtained that they shall not have their particular limits and concernments broken in upon by an hand of violence and injustice , but in a pursuit of that principle of nature , which directs them to the only remedy of that evil in civil society , they are all in general willing to fore-go their particular advantages , for that which gives them assurance and peace in all that they are , and enjoy besides . all such conveniencies therefore as consist in the things that are within the power of men , and are inferiour to that good and advantage which publick society doth afford , the law of nature directing men unto their chiefest good , commands them , as occasion requires , to forbear and quit . nor can any community be established without obedience unto that command . but of the things that are not within the power of men , there is another reason . if the law of society did require that all men engaging thereunto should be of one stature and form of visage , or should have the same measure of intellectual abilities , or the same conception of all objects of a rational understanding , it were utterly impossible that any community should ever be raised among the sons of men . as then all inconveniencies , yea , and mischiefs relating unto things within the power of men , are to be undergone and born with , that are less than the evils which nothing but political societies can prevent for the sake thereof : so the allowance of those differences which are inseparable from the nature of man , as diversified in individuals , and insuperable unto any of their endeavours , is supposed in the principles of its being and constitution . yea , this is one principle of the law of nature , to which we owe the benefits of humane conversation and administration of justice , that those differences amongst men , which unto them are absolutely unavoidable , and therefore in themselves not intrenching upon , nor disannulling the good of the whole , ( for nature doth not intersere with itself ) should be forborn and allowed among them , seeing an endeavour for their extinguishment must irresistibly extinguish the community itself , as taking away the main supposal on which it is founded . and in that harmony , which by an answerableness of one thing unto another , riseth from such differences , doth the chiefest glory and beauty of civil society consist ; the several particulars of it also being rendred useful unto the whole thereby . of this nature are the things concerning which we discourse . they relate , as is confessed , unto things spiritual and supernatural : that the will of god in these things cannot be known but by revelation from himself , all men will acknowledge : and we suppose they will with no less readiness consent , that divine revelation cannot be apprehended or assented unto , but according to the nature and measure of that light , which god is pleased to communicate unto them , unto whom such revelation is made : that this light doth so equally affect the minds of all men , or that it is possible it should do so , considering the divers ways and means of its communication , with the different dispositions of them that receive it , that they should all have the same apprehensions of the things proposed unto them , none will judge , but such as take up their profession in these things on custom , prejudice or interest . it will then hence evidently follow , that mens apprehensions of things spiritual and supernatural , such , we mean , as have no alliance unto the ingrafted light of nature , are not absolutely under their own power , or depend on the liberty of their wills , whereunto all law is given . and therefore is the diversity in and about them to be reckoned among those unavoidable differences which are supposed in the law of civil society , and without which supposal , every attempt for any such society would be destructive of it self . among these apprehensions , and the exercise of our consciences towards god upon them , lies all the difference from the present establishment , which we desire an indulgence to be shewed towards ; not at all questioning but that it is lawful for them who have attained unto an agreement in them , so far as they have attained , to confirm and strengthen that agreement among themselves , and render it desirable unto others , by all such ways and means as by right , and the laws of the society whereof they are , they may make use of . and it is , as we humbly conceive , in vain pretended , that it is not the apprehensions of mens minds , and their consciences unto god upon them , but only their outward actings that fall under the penalties desired by some to be indispensably imposed on dissenters from the established form ; seeing those penalties are not only annexed unto actions , which those apprehensions require , as duties unto god , but also unto a not acting contrary unto them , which directly and immediately reflect on the mind and conscience it self : other wayes to reach the consciences of their brethren , it is utterly impossible to find out . and to teach men that their consciences towards god are not concerned either in not acting according to their light in his worship , or in acting against it , is to teach them to be atheists . we cannot therefore but hope that our distance from the present establishment , in some few things relating unto supernatural revelation , ( especially whilst in our agreement with it , there is a salve for all things in the least intrenching on the light of nature , and all things whatever , that even of revelation itself , are necessary to the grand end of it , with security against any thing that may any way incommodate publick tranquility ) being unto us insuperable , and therefore provided for by the fundamental law of all civil societies , that it will not alwayes receive so severe a construction as to deprive us of the good and benefit thereof . for to annex penalties , which in their progress will deprive men of all those advantages in their outward concernments which publick society doth or can afford , unto those differences , without a supposition whereof , and provision for , there could be no such society at all , is to destroy that whose good and preservation is intended . and therefore the different conceptions of the minds of men in the things under consideration , with actings consonant unto them , being not only an unavoidable consequent of natures constant production of the race of mankind , in that various diversity which in all instances we behold , but also rendered farther insuperable , from the nature of the things themselves about which they are exercised , ( being of divine revelation ) they were ever in the world esteemed without the line of civil coercion and punishment , untill it came to the interest of some to offer violence to those principles of reason in themselves , which any outward alteration in the state of things , is capable of rendring their own best protection and defence . and on these grounds , it is , that force never yet attained , or long kept that in religion which it aimed at . and the great roman historian tells us , that it is indecorum principi adtrectare , quod non obtineat ; no way honourable unto a soveraign prince , to attempt that which will never be accomplished . but because what may seem obscure in this reason of things and principles of community , ( which usually affect them only , who without interest or prejudice , give up themselves to the conduct of rational and sedate consideration , with which sort of persons alone , we have not to deal ) is exemplified in the gospel , whose furtherance is on all hands pretended ; we shall thence also briefly manifest , that the way pretended for the promotion of its interest , by severity in external penalties , on the account of such differences as we are concerned in , is both opposite unto the spirit of its author , and contrary to the rules of it , with the practice of those who have walked according to them . as among the many blessed ends of the conversation of our lord jesus christ in the flesh , it was not of the least moment , that he might set us a pattern , and give us an example of that frame of heart , and holiness of life , whereby we may become like unto our heavenly father , and be acceptable before him ; so in his carrying on of that design , there was not any thing that he more emphatically called upon his disciples to endeavour a conformity unto him in , than in his meekness , lowliness , gentleness , and tenderness towards all . these he took all occasions for our good to shew forth in himself , and commend unto others . whatever provocation he met withall ; whatever injurious opposition he was exposed unto , he did not contend , nor cry , nor cause his voyce to be heard with strife or anger . the sins of men indeed , he reproved with all authority , their groundless traditions in the worship of god , he rejected ; their errors he refuted by the word : but to the persons of men , he was alwayes meek and tender , as coming to save , and not destroy ; to keep alive , and not to kill . in the things of man , he referred all unto the just authority and righteous laws of men ; but in the things of god , never gave the lest intimation of severity , but only in his holy threats of future evil in the world to come , upon mens final impenitency and unbelief . coerce , fine , imprison , banish , those that apprehend not aright all and every thing that i would have you instructed in ; are words that never proceeded out of his holy mouth , things that never entered into his gracious heart . and we are perswaded , that it is a thing of marvelous difficulty , for any man seriously to think , that he who was and is so full of compassion towards all the sons of men , even the worst of them , should ever give the least consent unto the punishment , and gradual destruction , of those who in sincerity desire to love and obey him , and do yet unavoidably mistake in their apprehensions of some few things , pleaded to be according to his mind , their love and obedience unto him thereby being no whit impeached . when some of his disciples of old , in zeal as they pretended , unto himself , and the truths preached by him , would have called for fire from heaven , on those who had contumeliously slighted him upon a supposed diversity in religion , for which they thought themselves warranted ( though falsly ) by a president out of the old testament ; he lets them know , that it was an unacquaintedness with their own spirits , causing them to imagine that to be zeal for the truth , which was indeed but self-revenge , and private interest , which had caused them to speak so unadvisedly . now that the same mind might be in us that was in jesus christ , that his example is to be a rule unto us , that we ought all to be baptised into the same spirit with him ; that what from his frame of heart and actings , as revealed in his word , we can rationally conclude that he would approve or disallow , we ought to square our proceedings and judgements unto , none that own his name , can deny . and if men would not stifle , but suffer themselves to be guided by the power of their convictions , they would quickly perceive how inconsistent with it , are their thoughts of rigour and severity towards those which differ from them in some few things relating to the mind of god in and about his worship . certainly this readiness of servants ; who are themselves pardoned talents , to fall with violence on their fellows ( upon the account of his service , though otherwise it may be poor and despicable in the world ) for lesser debts , and those only supposed , not proved real , will appear at the last day , not to have been so acceptable unto him , as some men on grounds and pretences utterly forreign unto this whole business , are willing now to perswade themselves that it is . would men in these things , which are principally his , and not their own concernments , but as his , labour to be alwayes cloathed with his spirit , and do nothing but what they can rationally satisfie themselves , that he himself would do in like case ; there would be an end not only of this debate , but of many other mischiefs also , which the christian world is at this day pestered withal . and it must needs seem strange that men can perswade themselves that they do that for christ which they cannot once think or imagine that he would do himself . certainly setting aside provocations and prejudices , any man who hath but read the gospel , and gives any credit unto it , is a competent judge , whether external force in these things , do more answer the spirit of christ , or that from which he suffered . but we have not only his heart and actings for our example , but his word also , as revealed by himself and his apostles , as our rule in this matter . with nothing more doth it abound as to our duty in this world , than with precepts for , and exhortation unto mutual forbearance of one another in our mistakes and failings . and although there be force and light enough in its general rules , to guide us in all particulars , yet lest any should imagine that the cause under consideration , about different apprehensions and practices in some things relating to the worship of god , might be exempted from them , even that also is variously instanced in ; and confirmed by examples approved by himself . the great apostle , who gives us that general rule , that we should walk together in one mind , so far as . we have attained , and for other things of difference , wait for the revelation of the mind of god unto them that differ , phil. . , . every where applyes his own rule unto the great difference that was in those dayes , and long after , between the jewish and gentile believers . the one continued under a supposal of an obligation to the observation of mosaical rites and ceremonies , from which the other was instructed that they were set at liberty . this difference , as is the manner among the sons of men , wrought various jealousies between them , with disputes and censurings of each other ; whereof the apostle gives us a full account , especially in his epistle to the romans , chap. . . neither did they rest here , but those of the circumcision every where kept their assemblies and worship distinct from the cougregations of the gentile-believers ; hence in most places of note , there were two churches , one of the jews , and another of the gentiles , walking at peace in the faith of the gospel , but differing as to some ceremonial observances . the whole society of the apostles , observing their difference , to prevent any evil consequent in their assembly at jerusalem , assigned to the several parties their particular bounds , how far they should accommodate themselves unto one another by a mutual condescension ; that they might walk in love and peace , as to what remained of difference among them . the jews are taught by them not to impose their rites and ceremonies on the gentiles ; and the gentiles to abstain from some things for a season , whereunto their liberty did extend , whereby the other were principally provoked . their bounds being so fixed , and their general duty stated , both parties were left at liberty , as to their practice in the things wherein they could not yet be recondiled : and in that different practice did they continue for many years , until the occasion of their division was , by the providence of god in the destruction of the judaical church , utterly taken away . these were the rules they proceeded by , this their course and practice , which unquestionably under the lord jesus were intrusted with supreme authority over the whole church , of that kind which is not transmitted unto any of the sons of men after the ceasing of their office and work , and were guided infallibly in all their determinations . coercions , restraints , corporal punishments , were far from their thoughts ; yea , the very exercise of any ecclesiastical power against them who dissented from what they knew to be truth , so that in general they were sound in the faith , and walked in their lives as became the gospel . and whereas they sometimes carry the matter to a supposal of disobedience unto those important things which they taught and commanded in the name of their lord and master , and thereupon proceeded to denounce threatnings against the disobedient , they expresly disclaim all thoughts of proceeding against them , or any power or warrant from christ committed unto them , ( or any others , or that afterward in his providence should so be , so to do ) with external carnal force and penalties ; avowing their authority over all , that was ever to be put forth in things of that nature , to be spiritual , and in a spiritual manner only to be exercised , cor. . , . and because the church might not seem to be disadvantaged by this disclamour of power externally , to coerce such as received not the truth that it embraced , and to be cast into a worse condition than that of the jews which went before , whose ordinances being carnal , were established and vindicated by carnal power : st. paul lets them know , that this alteration is for the better ; and the coercion of miscarriages under the gospel , by threatnings of the future judgment , which would have a special respect unto them , more weighty than the severest penalties that were appointed by moses law , heb. . , , . not that lesser differences in apprehensions of the mind of god in his word , had any punishment assigned unto them under the old testament , whose penalties concerned them only who turned away to the worship of any other god but the god of israel , ( and such no man pleads for ) but that the whole nature of the ordinances and worship of the church being changed from carnal and earthly , to heavenly and spiritual ; so also are the laws of rewards and punishments annexed unto them . these were the rules , this the practice in this case , of the apostles of our lord jesus christ. these rules , this practice , hath he recorded in his word for our instruction and direction . might all those who profess obedience unto his name , be prevailed on to regulate their judgments by them , and square their proceedings unto them , the church of god would have peace , and the work of god be effectually carried on in the world , as in the days of old . and for our parts , we will never open our mouthes to deprecate any severity that may be warranted from the gospel , or apostolical direction and practice ; against any mistake of that importance in the things of god , as our principles and ways may rationally be supposed to be . for although we are perswaded , that what we profess and practise is according unto the mind of christ ; yet because it is our lot and portion to have our governours and rulers otherwise minded , we are contented to be dealt withall so , as the blessed gospel will warrant any to deal with them , who are so far in the wrong , as we are supposed to be . and if herein we cannot prevail , we shall labour to possess our souls in patience , and to commit our cause to him that judgeth righteously . this we know , that the judgment and practice of the first churches after the days of the apostles , was conform to the rules and examples that by them were given unto them . differences in external rites of worship , which were found amongst them , where the substance of faith was preserved , they looked upon as no breach of union at all . a long catalogue of such differences , as were from time immemorial amongst them , is given us by socrates the historian . and he who first disturbed the peace of the churches about them , by dividing their communion , ( victor of rome ) is left branded upon record , with the censures of the principal persons for learning and holiness throughout the world , in those days . nor is our dissent from the present establishment of any larger extent , than such as the general consent of all the first churches extended the bond of their communion unto . impositions of things indifferent , with subscriptions to precise determinations on points doubtful and ambiguous , with confinements of mens practices in all outward ceremonies and circumstances of worship , were things not born in the world for some hundreds of years after the first planting of churches . origen in his third book against celsus pleads expresly , that there ever were differences amongst professors of christianity from the beginning ; and that it was impossible but that there should so be , which yet he shews hindered not their faith , love and obedience . justin martyr in his second apology , declares his forbearance , and the churches of those days , towards those who believing in christ , yet thought themselves obliged to the observation of mosaical rites and ceremonies , provided that they did not impose the practice of them upon others . ignatius before them , in his epistle to the philadelphians , professeth , that to persecute men on the account of god or religion , is to make our selves conformable to the heathen that know not god. tertullian , origen , arnobius , and lactantius , openly pleaded for a liberty in religion , as founded in the law of nature , and their consistence of faith with compulsion , in that extent which we aim not at . the synod of alexandria , in the case of athanasius , condemns all external force in religion , and reproacheth the arians , as the first inventers and promoters of it . it is indeed pleaded by some , that the christians of those days had reason to assert this liberty , because there was then no christian magistrate , who might make use of the civil sword in their behalf , or for the punishment of dissenters from them ; and that this was the reason of their so doing . but the dishonesty of this pretence is notorious . they affirm directly , that no force , coercion or restraint , is to be used in or about the worship of god , nor outward power in a way of penalties , to be exercised over the consciences of men herein . to say they thus pleaded and pretended , meerly to serve their own present condition and occasion , but that upon the alteration of things they would be otherwise minded , is calumniously to reflect upon those holy witnesses of christ , the guilt of the highest hypocrisie imaginable . and men cannot invent a more effectual means to cast contempt on all religion , and to root a due sense of it out of the world , than by fomenting such imaginations . let them therefore rest in peace , under that reputation of holiness and sincerity which they justly deserve ; what ever be the issue of things with us , or those which may suffer with us in the like condition . but neither were they alone : the great constantine himself , the first christian magistrate with supreme power , by a publick edict declared , that the liberty of worship was not to be denied unto any . and until the latter end of his reign , there were no thoughts of exercising severity , with reference unto any divisions amongst christians about the worship of god. after the rise of the arian heresie , when the interposition of civil censures upon the account of difference about things spiritual , had made an entrance by the solicitations of some zealous persons for the banishment of arius , and some of his co-partners ; it is not easie to relate what miseries and confusions were brought upon the churches thereby , imprisonments , banishments , and ruine of churches , make up much of the ecclesiastical history of those days . after a while , arius is recalled from banishment , and athanasius driven into it . in a short tract of time , arianism it self got the civil sword in many places , wherewith it raged against all the orthodox professors of the deity of the son of god , as the synod of alexandria complains . much they suffered in the days of constantius , unto whom the words of hillary in this case are worthy consideration : let ( saith he ) your clemency take care and order , that the presidents of the provinces look to publick civil affairs , which alone are committed to them , but not meddle in things of religion . and again , let your gentleness suffer the people to hear them teaching whom they desire , whom they think well of , whom they choose . god teacheth , rather than by force exacteth the knowledge of himself , and ascertaining the authority of his commands by works of power , despiseth all compelled confession of him. if force be used to compel men unto the true faith , the bishops that profess it would interpose , and say , god is the god of the whole world , he needs no compelled obedience , nor requires any such confession of him . he is not to be deceived , but to be well pleased . whence is it then , that persons are taught how to worship god by bonds and perils ? these are the words of hillary . but the same persons suffered more during the reign of valens , who was disswaded from cruelty against the christians by themistius , a pagan philosopher , on the principles of common reason and honesty ; plainly telling him , that by the way he used , he might force some to venerate his imperial robes , but never any one to worship god aright . but the best emperours in the mean time bewailed those fierce animosities , whereby every sect and party laboured to oppress their adversaries , according as they had obtained an interest in imperial favour , and kept themselves from putting forth their authority against any dissenters in christian religion , who retained the foundation of the faith in any competent measure . valentinianus by publick decree , granted liberty of religion unto all christians , as zosomen testifies , lib. . ammianus marcellinus in his history observes the same , gratian made a law , that religion should be free to all sorts and sects of christians , except the manichees , eunomians , and photinians ; and that they should have their meetings free ; as both socrates and zosomen acquaint us . neither have they been without their followers in those ages wherein the differences about religion have risen to as great a height as they are capable of in this world. nor will posterity be ever able to take off the lasting blot from the honour of sigismund the emperour , who suffered himself to be imposed upon by the council of constance to break his word of safety and liberty , to john hus , and jerom of prague . and what did charles the fifth obtain , by filling the world with blood and uprores , for the extirpation of protestantism ? notwithstanding all his victories and successes , which for a while smiled upon him , his whole design ended in loss and disappointment . ferdinand his brother and successor , made wise by his example , kept constant the peace of the empire , by a constant peace granted to the consciences of men. his son maximilian continually professed , that the empire of conscience belonged unto god alone , wherein he would never interpose . and upon the return of henry the third of france out of poland , he gave him that advice to this purpose , which it had been happy for that prince , if he had understood and followed , before he came to dye . but then even he also , having the severe instruction given him of his own experience , left that as his last advice to his councellors , that they should no more with force interpose in the matters of religion . rodulphus who succeeded maximilian , by the same means for a long time preserved the peace of the empire . and after he had by the perswasions of some , whose interest it was so to perswade him , interdicted the protestants in bohemia the use of their religion upon the tydings of a defeat given to his forces in hungary by the turks , he instantly replyed , i looked for no other issue , since i invaded the throne of god , imposing on the consciences of men : and therefore granted them their former liberty . doth not all the world behold the contrary issue of the wars in france , and those in the united provinces , begun and carried on on the same account : the great henry of france winding up all the differences thereof , by granting liberty to the hugonots , laid a firm foundation of the future peace , and present greatness of that kingdom . whereas the cruelty of the duke d'alva , and his successors , implacably pursuing the netherlands to ruine on the same account , hath ended in the utter loss of sundry provinces , as to the rule and authority that he and they endeavoured absolutely to inthrone , and rendered the rest of them scarce worth the keeping . the world is full of instances of the like kind . on the other hand , when by the crafty artifices and carnal interests of some , the principle of external coercion for lesser differences in matters of christian religion , came to be inthroned , and obtained place in the emperial constitutions , and laws of other kingdoms , the main use that was made of it , was to drive truth , and the purity of the gospel , out of the world , and to force all men to center in a profession and worship , framed to the interest of some few men , who made no small advantage of it . according as the power and purity of religion decayed , so did this perswasion get ground in the minds of men , untill it became almost all the religion that was in the world , that those who submitted not unto the dictates of them who by various wayes obtained a mixture of power , civil and ecclesiastical , into their hands , should be destroyed ; and rooted out of the earth . this apostacy from the spirit , principles , rules , and commands of the gospel , this open contradiction to the practice of the apostles , their successors , first churches , best and wisest emperours , attended with the woful consequents that have ensued thereon , in the ruine of souls , proscriptions of the truth , martyrdom of thousands and ten thousands , commotions of nations , and the destruction of many of them , we hope will not be revived in these dayes of knowledge , and near approach of the judge of all . we trust that it will not be thought unequal , if we appeal from the example of the professors of christianity under its wofull degeneracy , unto the first institution and publick instance of its profession : especially being encouraged by the judgement , example , and practice of many wise and mighty monarchs in these latter dayes . the case is the same as it was of old ; no new pretences are made use of , no arguments pleaded , for the introduction of severity , but such as have been pretended at all times by those who were in possession of power , when they had a mind to ruine any that dissented from them . that the end of their conventicles was for sin and uncleanness ; that the permission of them was against the rules of policy , and laws of the empire ; that they were seminaries of sedition ; that god was displeased with the confusion in religions introduced by them ; that errors and mis-apprehensions of god were nourished in them ; that they disturbed the union , peace , and love that ought to be maintained among mankind ; that they proceeded upon principles of pride , singularity , faction , and disobedience unto superiors ; was from the first entrance of christianity into the world , charged on the professors of it . the same arguments and considerations are constantly still made use of , and insisted on , by all men that intend severity towards them that differ from them . and they are such as will evidently serve alike any party or perswasion , that in any place at any time , shall be accompanied with power : and so have been oftner managed in the hands of error , superstition , and heresie , than of truth and sobriety . wherefore the bishop of rome , observing the unreasonableness of destroying mankind upon such loose principles and pretences as are indifferently suited unto the interest and cause of all who have power to make use of them , because they all suppose the thing in question , namely , that they who enjoyed power , did also enjoy the truth ; found out a way to appropriate the whole advantage of them to himself , as having attained the ascription of an infallibility unto him , in determining what is the truth in all things wherein men do or may differ about religion , or the worship of god. this being once admitted and established , there seems great force in the foregoing pleas and reasonings : and no great danger in acting suitably unto them , but that the admission of it is more pernicious unto religion , than all the consequents which it pretends to obviate . but where this infallible determination , is disclaimed , to proceed unto outward punishment for such conceptions of mens minds and consciences in the things of god , as he is pleased to impart unto them , which may be true and according to his will , upon reasons and pretences , invented originally for the service of error , and made use of for the most part unto that purpose , being more fit for that work than for a contribution of any assistance unto truth , is that which we know not how men can commend their consciences unto god in . besides what is it that is aimed at by this external coercion and punishment ? that all men may be of one mind in the matter of the worship of god , a thing that never was , nor ever will be by that means affected in this world , for neither is it absolutely possible in itself , neither is the means suited to the procurement of it , so far as it is possible . but whom neither the reason of the thing it self will convince , nor the constant experience of so many ages , it is in vain for any to contend withall . in the mean time we know , that the most of them who agree together to press for severity against us for dissenting from them , do differ among themselves in things of far greater importance in the doctrine of the gospel , than those are wherein we differ from them : whence it must needs be evident to all what is the ground of their zeal in reference unto us and others . but all these considerations are quickly in the thoughts of some , removed out of the way , by pretences that the indulgence and liberty desired , will certainly produce all sorts of evils both in religion it self , and in the civil state ; which being mentioned before in general ; shall now be a little further considered . for this is principally , if not solely pleaded for the refusal and the rejection of them . neither doth this course of procedure seem to be unwisely fixed upon ; by those who suppose it to be their interest to manage their opposition unto such an indulgence , wherein yet we hope they will at length discover their mistake . for whereas the arguments to be in this case insisted on , consist meerly in conjectures , jealousies and suppositions of what may come to pass , none knows when , or where ; it is easie for any to dilate upon them at their pleasure , nor is it possible for any to give satisfaction to all that men may conjecture , or pretend to fear . suppose all things that are evil , horrid , pernicious to truth and mankind , and when they are sufficiently aggravated ; affirm that they will ensue upon this forbearance , which that all , or any of them will so do , no man can tell , and this design is satisfied . but it is sufficiently evident that they are all false or mistaken suppositions , that can give countenance unto these pretences . for either it must be pretended , that truth and order , which those who make use of those reasonings , suppose themselves possest of , have lost the power and efficacy of preserving themselves , and of preventing the evils summoned up to be represented as the consequents of indulgence without external force , and coercion , which they have had sometimes and elsewhere ; or that indeed they have all actually followed and ensued upon such indulgence , in all times and places . the latter of these is so notoriously contradicted by the experience of the whole world , especially of sundry kingdoms and dominions in europe , as france , germany , poland , and others , that it may not hope for admittance with the most obnoxious credulity . for the former , it is most certain that the truth of the gospel did never so prevail in the world , as when there was a full liberty , as unto civil punishments , granted unto persons to dissent in it , and about it . and if that which is now so called , continueth not to have the same effect , it may justly be feared that it is not indeed what it is called , or that it is not managed in a due manner . it is then altogether uncertain , that upon the indulgence desired , such variety of opinions will ensue as is pretended , and unquestionably certain , that all such as produce practices contrary to civil society , moral honesty , or the light of nature , ought in all instances of them to be restrained . for the conscience of a man can dictate no such thing unto him , there being an inconsistency in them with that supreme light , which rules in conscience , whilst it may be so called . and it is a hard thing to ruine multitudes at present sober and honest , lest by not doing so , some one or other may prove brainsick , frantick , or vicious , who also may be easily restrained when they appear so to be . and moderate liberty will certainly appear to be religious security in this matter , if the power of it , as well as the profession be regarded . for it is the interest of them who plead for indulgence , to watch and contend against errour and heresie , no less than theirs by whom it is opposed . for professing all material truths with them , they are not to be supposed to value or esteem them less than they . and it may be it will appear , that they have endeavoured as much their suppression in the way warranted by the gospel , as those who profess such fears of their increase . they are protestants only of whom we speak , and to suppose that they will not do their utmost for the opposing of the rise , growth , or progress of what ever is contrary to that religion which they profess , or that their interest therein is of less concernment unto them than that of others from whom they differ , is but a groundless surmise . but it is yet further objected , that the indulgence desired hath an inconsistency with publick peace and tranquility , the other head of the general accusation before mentioned . many fears and suspitions are mustered up , to contribute assistance unto this objection also . for we are in the field of surmises , which is endless and boundless . unto such as make use of these pretences , we can truly say , that might we by any means be convinced of the truth of this suggestion , we should not only desist from our present supplication , but speedily renounce those very principles which necessitate us thereunto . for we assuredly know , that no divine truth , nothing really relating unto the worship of god , can cause or occasion any civil disturbances , unless they arise from corrupt affections in them that profess it , or in them that oppose it . and as we shall labour to free our selves from them on the one hand , so it is our desire and prayer , that others may do so also on the other , which will give sufficient assurance to tranquility . but we are moreover wholly freed from any concernment in this objection , in that , he who is undoubtedly the best and most competent judge of what will contribute to the peace of the kingdom , and what is inconsistent therewith , and who is incomparably most concerned in the one or the other , even the king's majesty himself hath frequently declared his royal intentions for the granting of the indulgence desired , who would never have been induced thereunto , had he not perfectly understood its consistency with the peace and welfare of the kingdom . and as our confidence in those royal declarations hath not hitherto been weakened by the interveniency of so many occasions , as have cast us under another condition , so we hope that our peaceable deportment hath in some measure contributed in the thoughts of prudent men , unto the facilitating of their accomplishment . and as this will be to the lasting renown of his majesty , so it will appear to be the most suitable unto the present state of things in this nation , both with respect unto it self , and the nations that are round about us . and we think it our duty to pray , that his majesty may acquire those glories in his reign , which none of his subjects may have cause to mourn for , and such will be the effect of clemency and righteousness . we find it indeed still pretended , that the allowance of meetings for the worship of god , how ever ordered and bounded , will be a means to procure and further sedition in the common-wealth , and to advantage men in the pursuit of designs to the disturbance of the kingdom . but it were equal that it should be proved , that those who desire this indulgence have such inclinations and designs , before such pretences be admitted as of any force . for our parts , we expect no liberty , but from his majesty's favour and authority , with the concurrence of the farliament ; which when we have obtained , ( as at no time , what ever our condition be , have we the least thoughts or inclinations unto any sedition or publick disturbance ) so having an obligation upon us in the things of our greatest interest in this world , we know not from what sort or party of men , more cordial adherence unto , and defence of publick peace and tranquility , can justly be expected . for where there are more causes and reasons of compliance and acquiescency , than there are on the contrary , it is rationally to be supposed that they will prevail . and to surmise the acting of multitudes , contrary to their own interests , and acknowledged obligation of favour , is to take away all assurance out of humane affairs . neither is there any colour of sound reason in what is pretended , of the advantage that any may have to promote seditious designs , by the meetings of the dissenters pleaded for in the worship of god. for doubtless the publick peace will never be hazarded by such designs , whilst they are managed by none but such as think to promote and carry them on in assemblies of promiscuous multitudes of men women and children , unknown too , for the most part , unto themselves , and to one another . but these things are spoken , because they have been wonted so to be ; other considerations to confirm them are none . conscience , interest , sense of obligations , the only safe rules amongst men to judge by of future events , all plead an expectation of the highest tranquility in the minds and spirits of men , upon the indulgence desired . and there lies a ready security against the pretended fears of the contrivance of sedition , in assemblies of men women and children , strangers to one another in a great measure , by commanding all meetings to be disposed in such a way , as that they may be exposed to all , and be under the constant inspection of authority . as for other courses of severity , with respect to the peace and prosperity of the kingdom , it may not be amiss a little to consider , who , and what are the dissenters from the present establishment . for the persons themselves , they are mostly of that sort and condition of men in the common-wealth , upon whose industry and endeavours in their several ways and callings , the trade and wealth of the nation doth much depend . and what advantage it will be to the kingdom to break in upon them unto their discouragement , fear or ruine , we suppose no man can divine . those who think there are enough for the work without them , and that their exclusion will make room for others , doth gratifie indeed thereby some particular persons , intent upon their own private advantages , which they would willingly advance in the ruine of their neighbours ; but scarce seem to have taken a right measure of the state of the whole . for whereas it may be sometimes , there may in some places be too many of them who manage the affairs of trade and commerce , when their concerns are drawn unto a head , and a readiness for their last exchange , that there should be so of those that do dispose and prepare things also , to bring them unto that condition , is impossible . it cannot then be , but that the continuance of so great fears and discouragements upon men , as those which their dissent from the established way of worship doth at present cast upon them , must of necessity weaken the nation , in that part of it wherein its principle strength doth lie . neither are they a few only who will be found to be concerned in this matter , which is not to be despised . pliny , a wise counsellor , writing to trajan , a wise and renowned emperour , about christians , who were then the objects of the publick hatred of the world , desires his advice upon the account of their numbers , not that they were to be feared , but unmeet to be punished ; unless he intended to lay the empire waste . visa enim est mihi res digna consultatione , maxime propter periclitantium numerum ; multi enim omnis aetatis , omnis ordinis utriusque sexus , etiam vocantur in periculum & vocabuntur ; neque enim civitates tantum , sed vicos etiam atque agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est . so then they termed christian religion ; for the multitude would still keep the name of truth and religion to themselves : the oppressed , the lesser number , must bear the name or title , which they consent or conspire to cast upon them . but the thing it self , as to the persons at present dissenting from the established form , is not unduly exprest . and as it will be an act of royal clemency , and like to the work of god himself , to free at once so great multitudes of all ages , sexes and conditions , from the fears and dangers of those evils , which they are fully satisfied they do not deserve , so any other way of quitting the governours of this nation from those uneasie thoughts , which an apprehension of such an effect of their rule upon multitudes of subjects must needs produce , will be very difficult , if not impossible . shall the course begun in severity against them , be pursued ? what generous spirits imployed in the execution of it , can but be weary at last with undoing and ruining families , of those persons , whom they find to live peaceably in subjection to the government of the nation , and usefully amongst their neighbours , meerly because they dare not sin against god , in transgressing against that perswasion concerning his will and worship , which he hath given unto them ? for they cannot but at last consider , that no man erreth willingly , or believes any thing against his light , or hath other thoughts of god and his worship , than what he apprehends to be from himself , or that any duty is accepted of god , which springs from compulsion . how much more noble and honourable will they discern the work of relieving men sober and peaceable in distress , to be , than to have the complaints , and tears , and ruine of innocent men and their families , continually reflecting themselves on their minds . nor is there any probability of success in this procedure ; for as time hath alwayes made for rule , and incouragements which are solely in the power of rulers , have effected great compliance even in things religious , so force and violent prosecution in such cases have been alwayes fruitless . for it is known how much they are disadvantaged as to success , in that the righteousness and equity of their pretended causes are alwayes dubious to unconcerned persons , which makes them think that the true reason of them , is other than what is pretended . when they see men whom they apprehend as innocent and guiltless as themselves , as to all the concernments of mankind in this world , pursued with penalties equal unto those that are notoriosly criminal , they are greatly inclined unto commiseration towards them ; especially if at the interposition of the name and worship of god in the cause , they judge for ought appears to them , they fear god and endeavour to please him , at least as well as those by whom they are molested . and when they further understand , that those whom they see to suffer such things as they account grievous , and are really ruinous to them and their families , do it for their conscience sake , it strongly induceth them to believe that it must needs be something good and honest that men choose so to suffer for them , rather than to forego . for all suffering for religion , they know to be in the power and will of them that suffer ; and not of those that inflict penalties upon them : for their religion is their choice , which they may part withal , if they esteem it not worth the hazard wherewith it is attended . thus the roman historian tells us , in the first sufferings of the christians at rome . quanquam adversus sontes , & novissima exempla meritos ( for so he thought ) miseratio oriebatur , tanquam non utilitate publica , sed in sevitiam aliquorum absumerentur . nor is it a probable way of dealing with the consciences of men , especially of multitudes who are able to give mutual testimony , and encouragement to one another , yea in such a state of things , dangers of times delight men , and they find a satisfaction , if not an honour in their miseries ; as having sufficient assurance , that it is a glorious and a blessed thing to suffer things hard and dreadful in the world , when they are conscious to themselves of no guilt or evil . and therefore as severity hath hitherto got no ground on the minds of men in this matter , no more is it like to do for the future . and if it be proceeded in , it cannot be avoided but that it must be perpetuated from one generation to another , and a sad experiment be made , who will first be wearied , those that inflict penalties , or those that undergo them . and what in the mean time will become of that composure of the spirits of men , that mutual trust , confidence and assurance between all sorts of persons , which is the abiding foundation of publick peace and prosperity . also what advantages have been made by some neighbour nations , what at present they further hope for , from that great anxiety which the minds of men are cast into , meerly and solely on the account of what they feel or fear , from their dissent unto the publick worship , which to themselves is utterly unavoidable , is known to all . but we have done ! and what are we that we should complain of any whom god is pleased to stir up and use for our exercise and tryal ? we desire in patience and silence , to bear his indignation against whom we have sinned ; and for what concerns those wayes and truths of his , for whose profession we may yet suffer in this world , to approve our consciences unto him , and to leave the event of all unto him , who will one day judge the world in righteousness . we know that we are poor sinful worms of the earth , in our selves meet for nothing but to be trodden down under the feet of men ; but his wayes and the purity of his worship are dear unto him , which he will preserve and vindicate from all opposition . in the mean time as it is our duty to live peaceably with all men in a conscientious subjection unto that authority which he hath set over us , we shall endeavour so to behave our selves , in the pursuit and observance of it , as that whereas we may be evil spoken of , as evil doers , men may be ashamed , beholding our good conversation in christ , and give glory to god in the day of visitation . whatever is ours , whatever is in our power , whatever god hath intrusted us with the disposal of , we willingly resign and give up to the will and commands of our superiours ; but as to our minds and consciences in the things of his worship and service , he hath reserved the soveraignty of them unto himself , to him must we give an account of them at the great day ; nor can we forego the care of preserving them intire for him , and loyal unto him , without a renunciation of all hopes of acceptance with him , and so render our selves of all men the most miserable . may we be suffered herein to be faithfull unto him , and the everlasting concernments of our own souls , we shall alwayes labour to manifest , that there is no way or means of peace and reconciliation among those who profesting faith in god through our lord jesus christ , yet differ in their apprehensions about sundry things some way or other belonging thereunto , that is appointed by him , and may expect a blessing from him , but we will readily embrace , and according as we are called , improve to the utmost . and if herein also our endeavours meet with nothing but contempt and reproach , yet none can hinder us but that we may pour out our souls unto god , for the accomplishment of his blessed and glorious promises concerning that truth , peace , and liberty , which he will give unto his church in his appointed time . for we know , that when he shall rise up to the prey , and devour the whole earth with the fire of his jealousie , he will turn to the people a pure language , that they may all call upon the name of the lord , to serve him with one consent , that the earth being filled with the knowledge of the lord , as the waters cover the sea , his glory shall be revealed , so that all flesh shall see it together , and then shall all his people receive from him one heart , and one way , that they may fear him for ever , for the good of them and their children after them , by vertue of the everlasting covenant . and for our own parts , whatever our outward condition be , we know he will perfect that which concerns us , and he will not forsake the work of his own hands , because his mercy endureth for ever . finis . spiritual order and christian liberty proved to be consistent in the churches of christ and impositions upon the consciences of believers in religious practices found to be antichristian and destructive to both / by r.g. a protestant. gordon, robert, fl. - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) spiritual order and christian liberty proved to be consistent in the churches of christ and impositions upon the consciences of believers in religious practices found to be antichristian and destructive to both / by r.g. a protestant. gordon, robert, fl. - . p. s.n., [s.l. : ] caption title. attributed to gordon by wing, nuc pre- imprints. imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of the original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience. society of friends -- controversial literature. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - taryn hakala sampled and proofread - taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion spiritual order and christian liberty , proved to be consistent in the churches of christ ; and impositions upon the consciences of believers in religious practices , found to be antichristian , and destructive to both . by r.g. a protestant . acts . and they continued in the apostles doctrine and fellowship . — yet rom. . . . let every man be fully perswaded in his own mind ; for what is not of faith is sin. — but — cor. . . let all things be done decently and in order . — yet — cor. . . not that we have dominion over your faith. — for — cor. . . the power given of the lord to us , was not to destruction , but to edification . — therefore — gal. . . stand fast in the liberty wherein christ hath made you free , and be not again intangled with yoaks of bondage . — yet — gal. . . vse not this liberty for an occasion to the flesh , but in love serve one another . to the christian reader , whether bound , or free. could i have satisfied my self in smothering this discourse , it had not appeared in publick from me , now in this my retiredness from the noise of the many debates about rites and ceremonies in religion , which have so miserably rent and divided protestants-societies in separate communions , judging and condemning one another because of different outward practices , and various apprehensions in debatable questions ; wherein , though they differ , each abounding in his own sense , yet they ought to continue as one in the lord , though in several distinct fellowships , and differing in outward practices . but being alaramed with the loud clamour on the one hand of church government , laws , and orders of general and particular meetings of the friends of the ministry , and others ; the necessity of one or more in the church , having power infallibly to determine all matters controverted therein ; to whom all must submit , though unconvinced , or unclear in themselves , or else be branded with the odious names of schismatick , stragler , breaker of the vnity of the body , and many worse appellations , not worth the repeating . and on the other hand , with the groans and struglings of a few , who have not defiled their garments , but are wrestling for their christian liberty under different outward practices against impositions and introduced innovations , contrary to that great principle of conviction and choice , upon which all christians were at first united in distinct societies . and that from among a people separating themselves from ●he communion of all other christians of what denomination soeve● , upon the principle of immediate inward revelation of light and spirit , communicated to every man as he cometh into the world , for his convincement and conduct in all things he is to believe and practice in religion , and condemning in others an imposing ecclesiastical power , as tyrannous and contrary to that inward revelation , they have so often asserted to be in every man , to lead him into all truth . i am constrained in my mind thus to appear in publick , testifying to that spiritual order and christian liberty established by the apostles in the first churches , and recorded in the new-testament , as the only proper means for preserving any christian society from a confused , disorderly licentiousness , and tyrannous usurped imposings . i intend not by publishing this discourse , to enter into a debate with any person ; being resolved , what ever entertainment it may meet with , to possess my soul in patience , committing the issue to the lord. neither would i be understood to be so ingaged in any particular company of protestants , so as to plead for the one against the other : it is the first great foundation principle upon which the protestants separated from those of the roman communion , that is here pleaded for , to wit , that the divine authority of the holy scriptures without us , and the illumination of the holy spirit within us , gives final determination in matters of religion : whereby every christian for himself is restored to his liberty of inquiry & choice , & so freed from the imposition of unscriptural traditions by popes & general councils . therefore what i am , matters not to this discourse , and what others may judge me to be because of it , doth but little concern me ; every man is to give an account of himself to god , and not he that commends himself , or is highly accounted of by others , but he whom the lord commends , is approved . farewel . spiritual order and christian liberty , &c. the apostles of our lord jesus christ having received the promise of the father , and fitted with power from on high , went forth preaching the gospel with great power , giving witness to the resurrection of the lord jesus , and multitudes believed , and great grace fell upon them all : they came not with outward force upon the unbelieving world , neither did they magisterially , as by an unaccountable authority , impose upon believers , doctrines and practises to be received by them , without inward convincement : nay , nay , god who commanded light to shine out of darkness , shined in their hearts ; therefore they knowing the terrours of the lord , perswaded men , they beseeched & prayed men to be reconciled to god , commending themselves in the sight of god , to every mans conscience , by requiring every one in the church to be fully perswaded in himself : whereby they became manifest both to god , and in the consciences of those that believed . whereupon the disciples multiplying , first at jerusalem , and afterwards in other places , they were gathered into several distinct congregations or churches each distinct congregation continuing together with one accord , abode stedfastly in the apostles doctrine and fellowship , the care of whom was upon them , by whose ministry they were first gathered , for their establishment in their most holy faith : who therefore delivered to them , when present among them , and in letters when absent from them , such instructions , as ( being observed ) might preserve them ( though in distinct fellowships ) as the houshould of god , built upon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , jesus christ himself being the chief corner stone , in the vnity of the spirit , in the bond of peace . hence we read in their epistles these and such like precepts ; i beseech you brethren , mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which you have learned , and avoid them : be perfectly in the same mind and in the same judgment ; i beseech you brethren , be followers of me ; for this cause have i sent timotheus , who is faithful in the lord , who will bring you in remembrance of my ways , as i teach every where , in every church : now i pray you brethren , that you remember me in all things , and keep the ordinances as i delivered them to you : know them that labour among you , and are over you in the lord ▪ esteem them highly for their works sake ; exhort , rebuke with all authority ; let no man dispise thee ; let all things be done decently , and in order . thus also the apostles being guided by the unerring conduct of the spirit of god , in discarge of the ministry committed to them , whereof they gave sufficient evidence , to the stopping the mouthes of gain-sayers , could with an infallable certainty preface their determinations , in matters controverted in the churches referred to them , viz. it seemeth good to the holy ghost and to us : which for any person or persons now to pretend to , by an alledged uninterrupted succession from the apostles , or by a revelation to that end , now in this age received , withou● giving the like evidence of their being so sent and conducted , is but a vain empty boast , to make void the certainty of the holy scripture , thereby to establish in themselves an unscriptural ecclesiastick papacy over all in the church . and as the apostles were careful to establish the spiritual order of the gospel in the churches , they were no less careful to preserve their christian liberty , lest under the pretence of order , it should be incroached upon by church-rulers , in whom the form of words might become stronger then the power of godliness ; as after the apostles dayes it indeed came to pass . hence we also find in the new testament , church-rulers required , to be apt to teach , sober , patient in meekness , instructing them that oppose ; no striker , no railer , but in much for-bearance to feed the flock of god , not as lords over gods heritage , but as ensamples to the flock ; not as having dominion over their faith , but as helpers of their joy : for ( saith the apostle ) the authority given us of the lord , is not for destruction , but for edification . the spiritual authority intrusted of the lord with church officers , is to reach the consciences of all in the church , to be manifest there ; and not to exalt man over the consciences of the disciples : church-rulers are not , because of their authority to force by church-orders or laws , every one to submit to every particular appointment they judge necessary to be established in the church : because practices or doctrines imposed upon persons , to be believed and submitted to unconvinced , edifies not , but destroys the work of god in their hearts : the true ministers beareth with the vnclearness of the weak , waiting till their submission to outward appointments be made necessary to them of the lord , by inward convincement : whereas the false minister allows not unclearenss in dissenters , as an excuse for non-obedience , being satisfied in an outward , formal , bodily compliance . those that are to be ruled in the church , are also required in the new-testament , to submit to those that have authority over them in the lord , yet so , as every one is to be fully perswaded in his own mind : christs government is to be exercised in the hearts of his people ; truth is to carry with it conviction in the conscience first , before it be submitted to outwardly : matters of this kind are not to be taken upon trust ; we are commanded to try the spirits , whether they be of god or not , we are to examine doctrines , to hold fast that which is good : christ's sheep they hear his voice , and follow him , a strangers voice they will not hear ; they that are christs , are led by the spirit of christ : this is the main thing in religion : persons are not to be hurried too hastily into the practice of the decent church-orders , but are to wait on the lord , to clear the matter to their understandings : they are to do nothing of this kind doubtingly , but in clearness and faith ; for what is not of faith , is sin : an error here , is an error in the foundation ; because without faith it is impossible to please god. and further , that church-government might not degenerate into tyranny , and to preserve christian-liberty , the apostle tells us wherein the vnity of the church consists : the great end of government is to preserve church-vnity , that there be no schism in the body : christians are therefore required to be of one mind , but in the lord ; their vnity is in the spirit , not in an vniformity of outward practices . we find that in the first churches they walked in different outward practices , some observing a day , and some not observing it ; some eating , and some not eating , and that in one and the same church ; wherein they were commanded by the apostle paul ( as a rule in such cases to all christian societies ) not to judge one another because of them : whence i●s m●nifest , that not outward different practices breaks the spiritual vnity of the church , but judging one another because of them , he that observes a day , or other outward appointment in the church , doing it in the lord , may have unity with him that observes it not , also in the lord : it was so in the apostles times , and it will be so still , where god , and not man , power , and not form is exalted ; for indeed the true ground of unity among christians ; is not that such a person is conform to me in outward practices , but because i find him in what he doth differing from me , walking in his integrity , according to his own understanding in the lord , and this is the stronger band of unity betwixt us , then if we were both ( without inward convincement ) in one uniform practice : nothing is more pleasant to behold in christian societies ( while we see but in part , and every individual is to see for himself ) then different sorts and sizes of christians , every one in their own station , learning their own lessons from christ , to whom they are to give an account , and yet in their different practices , having vnity in the lord one with another : this is indeed lovely to a spiritual eye , though to the carnal eye it seems undecent and disorderly : indeed vniformity in a christian society is much to be desired ; but the lord is to be waited upon to bring people to this : christianity was begun in the spirit , and so it must be continued ; nothing must be received by force of church-authority , or arguments of mans wisdom , but as by convincement the conscience is perswaded thereunto , where the lord alone is to rule , who leads his people into the vnity of the spirit , in the midst of different outward practices . thus without forced or constrained commentaries and meanings , by repeating the very words of the new-testament , its manifest to him whom the power of an outward form of words without life , or the ways of unrighteousness hath not blinded , that both spiritual order and christian liberty were established by the apostles in the first churches . now that this spiritual government and christian liberty are consistent in one and the same christian society , necessarily follows beyond the reach of contradiction , because it was so appointed by the apostles in the first churches ; secondly , because they walked in their church-fellowships in the practice of them , both which is already cleared : neither can any man suppose either that the apostles gave forth inconsistent and unpracticable instructions to the churches , or that even in their own time , while present among them , they were never practiced , though given forth , except he design to lessen their authority in the churches , or the divine authority of the holy scriptures , conveying to us the truth of these things , as i have already shewed . but further , this spiritual government and christian liberty are not only consistent , and was accordingly practised in the first churches , but i● was also necessary that it should be so , because thereby the spiritual vnity and peace of the churches is preserv'd , on the one hand from confusion , on the other hand from tyranny , all things being done decently and in order , and yet in charity , and to edification : therefore the apostle paul finding divisions to be entered into the church at corinth , and to prevent the like at the church at rome , in his epistles to those churches , he leads them to the practice of this spiritual government and christian liberty , as the most proper remedy to recover and preserve them in the peace and vnity of the gospel , which he that will be at the pains to read , may perceive . indeed , under the old covenant , the service thereof stood in meats and drinks , and divers washings , observing times and days , and carnal ordinances , until the time of the reformation ; but now that time being come , under the new-covenant , wherein the lord saith , i will write my laws in their hearts ; in the exercise of church-government among a people under that dispensation , christian liberty is of absolute necessity ; the law requiring obedience , being not in tables of stone , but in their hearts , they were to walk in the order of the gospel , through the convincement of that law in their hearts they were under . and the necessity of the continuation of both these conjoyned together is also manifest , by the sad consequences which have followed there , where church government hath been exalted on the ruines of christian liberty : at this door this dark night af apostacy entred into the church at the first , a mystery of iniquity that begun to work in the days of the apostles , not by a demas that forsook them , but by a deotrephes that sought preheminence among them ; for in the exercise of church-government in christian societies , had the apostles rules of expediency , edification , peace and charity ( the best and only preservatives of gospel order and vnity ) been observed in all ages by church rulers , the many schismes that have rent and divided the churchos of christ , had not entred : and when contrary to christian liberty , innovations are imposed by church-authority , the dissenters cannot in truth be reputed the breakers of the churches vnity , though accounted such by the imposers . but the many schismes , and the sad consequences of them in any christian society , is then most justly laid to their charge , who being church governours , under the name of comely orders , impose vnscriptural traditions of the elders , as necessary conditions of church-communion , upon the consciences of the disciples , unto which they are required to submit , though unclear , or unconvinced , as they would not be accounted breakers of the vnity of the body , and as such , be refused the spiritual fellowshig of the church . which kind of imposition , as it is manifest by what is said already , to be contrary to the doctrine of the new-testament , and tenour of the new-covenant ; so it makes void the foundation principle of protestancy , is contrary to right reason , really destructive both to the spiritual order and christian liberty of the gospel , and last of all , is a direct contradiction to an immediate inward revelation of the spirit , as being a rule to every particular christian for his conduct in all religious practices , and to that end implanted in every man as he comes into the world. first , let the serious protestants examine the first and great foundation principle on which they founded their separation from those of rome ; and they will find , that to assert the divine authority of the holy scriptures without us , and of the illumination of the holy spirit within us ; they protested that neither traditions , councils , popes , nor cannons of any visible church , but the scripture only , interpreted by the holy spirit , gives final determination in matters of religion . which is so wholly at once made void by this kind of church-imposition , if allowed ; that their protestation becomes quite insignificant thereby . secondly , it is contrary to right reason , to allow of such an imposition in a christian society ; because all in such a society are of one joynt voluntary communion ; it is therefore most unreasonable for one or more of that society to impose their final determinations in matters controverted on their brethren unconvinced , and not referred to them ; in respect such societies are to be governed according to their first principle of union , which is , inward perswasion , and therefore is to be upheld by that same principle , least it degenerate into tyranny : uniform outward practices they may be driven into , but they cannot be the bond of their spiritual union ; that being ever one and the same , whil'st outward practices are alterable , so never to be imposed as necessary , but to be perswaded into , as they are found agreeable to the rules of conveniency , edification , peace and charity ; it is man's glory , that he is not religious by any kind of outward force , but that in his worshiping god , he offers up to him a free and reasonable sacrifice ; whereas this kind of church power once admitted , deprives persons of the use of their reason , who by submitting unconvinced , do give the lye to their understandings ; in a word , it leaveth a man neither the use of his reason as a man , nor of his spiritual understanding as a christian ; and therefore cannot be of the god of truth , that hath indued every man with a reasonable soul , and every christian with a spiritual understanding . thirdly , it is also destructive both to the spiritual order and christian liberty of the gospel : this is sufficiently proved in the sad example of those of rome ; where the many unnecessary and unscriptural traditions , rites , and ceremonies imposed , have wholly extinguished the spiritual order of the gospel mentioned in the new testament , and where the bloody inquisition hath buried christian liberty , and will infallibly produce the same event where it is received . lastly , the contradiction betwixt this kind of imposition , and an immediate revelation of the light and spirit of god in every individual , as his unerring rule and conduct in every thing of religion is manifest in this , that this inward revelation is asserted to be therefore given to every man as he cometh into the world , as being of it self sufficient ( if obeyed ) to lead him into all truth , without any necessity of hearkning unto any outward writings or instructions whatsoever , but as this light leads thereunto ; which if it be so , and that a society be united upon that principle in one joynt communion , the uselessness of one or more in the church having such a power , or of general or particular outward laws and instructions to order matters in that society , requiring obedience thereunto : and of the fore appointed standing meetings , weekly , monthly , and quarterly , and the frequenting the set times and places of those meetings , further than it becomes necessary to every individual person of the society , through the inward immediate revelation of the light in his own particular then received , which he is to abide in , hearken unto , and obey , is so very manifest , that indeed it is a deserting the cause of immediate revelation , once so fiercely contended for , to be in every man , to lead him into all truth ; and on 〈◊〉 acknowledgement of the insufficiency of that light within of it self , so to lead them in whom it is , or to preserve them therein . it remains in order to the closing of this discourse , to examine some of the arguments of old , mustered up by those of the roman church against the protestants , and long since refuted by them , and manifest in their consciences to have no force in them against this doctrine of the new testament treated of in this discourse , yet now again raised out of that rubbish , to uphold this little new erected papacy . is the body to be without government ? and if so , will it not turn into the confusion of the ranters , every one having liberty to do what he pleaseth ? is not this rather a carnal licentiousness than christian liberty ? i answer , it is not pleaded for here , that every one , or indeed , any one should do what he pleaseth ; but that none should be constrained , or imposed upon to do what others please , but they should be left free to do what god pleaseth ; they that are christ's , are led by his spirit ; whose conduct cannot introduce confusion or licentiousness , in them especially , who own the divine authority of the holy scripture as their outward rule : indeed such things may enter into a christian society ; but its only then , when the doctrine of the new testament , and the leadings of god's spirit according to them , is departed from . but , are we not to believe as the true church believes ? is not the infallible spirit of god in his church ? if so , what will you believe , if not as the true church doth believes ? i answer , this is the old reasoning of carnal wisdom , whereby christ is justled out of his office , and the divine authority of the holy scripture trampled upon , to introduce an implicit blind obedience ; the strength of which argument is at large solidly refuted , and the deceit lurking under that covering , clearly laid open , by w. pen a protestant , in his book , entituled , an address to protestants , the perusal whereof is recommended to the people called quakers , for their information herein : i am ( saith he ) to believe as the true church believes ; but not because she so believes , but because i am convinced in my conscience of the truth of what she believes ; otherwise my faith may be false , though hers be true . we have the same rule for our faith the true church hath , and the same reasons to induce us to believe , that she hath ; the whole multitude of the believers , who make up the whole church , having the same rule of faith with me in particular ; therefore i believe as the whole church believes , but upon the same principles and motives upon which every one in particular believed , who first made up a christian church , which was conviction and choice : and though i ought thus to believe , as the holy catholick church believes , and that the spirit of god rests in his catholick church , yet i am not therefore blindly , without examination and convincement , to give up my whole concern temporal and spiritual unto any particular society of christians , even though i be ingaged as one among them in church-fellowship , as unto the judgment of the spirit of god in the men's or womens-meetings ; the generality among whom may be in a decay , and the dissenters may be the few who keep their garments undefiled , as most ordinarily in ages past it hath happened actually to be in other christian societies . obj. but was there not a government in the churches in the apostles days ? and were there not governours , and governed ? and should it not be so still ? were not the elders to seed the flock , and rule over them ; and was not the flock to submit themselves to them , and to follow their faith , as they that must give an account of their souls ? and it was not tyranny then to exercise this authority in the church , how comes it to be so now ? i answer , church-government is spiritual , and only to be exercised spiritually in the consciences of the governed , not as lording it over their consciences by an ecclesiastick jurisdiction , but by perswasion and conviction to become manifest in their consciences , waiting till the lord shall reveal it to them : thus was spiritual government exercised in the first churches by their governours , according to the rules of expediency , edification , peace and charity , and thus did the governed submit themselves in the lord , whereby they were preserved in the unity of the spirit in different outward practices ; which being departed from , the government becomes tyrannous . obj. but the infallible judgment , in reference to differences in the church , though it be fixed in the spirit of god according to the testimony of the scriptures , ought it not to be exercised by one , or more , certain person , or persons , in the general meetings of the elders of the body , so long as he or they abide in the conduct of that spirit , and are not in a decay ? and what can be the hazard to say , that in such a church there is still an infallible judgment in one or more so guided , to whom all are to submit ? in respect we are not to imagine , that in a christian society there must be no orders made or executed for the better regulating of the society , or that among them , matters controverted shall never be finally determined . i answer , in such a society , matters controverted , may and ought to be finally determined by persons of the society , to whom they should be referred : and it rests in the power of any one particular church to make orders for the better governing of the church ; the exercise whereof may be committed by the church to particular elders and overseers , to whom in their acts of government they are accountable : but in the framing such orders , and in the exercise of church-government , the rules of expediency , edification , peace and charity are ever to be observed , that the consciences of the desciples may be preserved tender under the feeling of christ's government within them , that obedience be never imposed as necessary upon them , but as the lord shall clear the matter to them : for this being departed from , it ceaseth to be the spiritual government of christ , exercised in his church according to the new testament , and becomes an ecclesiast●cal jurisdiction usurped , and tyrannously exercised over the consciences of the disciples : so that in any particular church , there is no necessity of any person , or persons , one or more , pope or general council's having such a power , though builders in babylon would make it necessary , for preserving in themselves an ecclesiastical supremacy over the scriptures and the consciences of all in the church : the hazard of which doctrine is manifest in the apostacy of those of rome , from the tru●h and order of the gospel upon this very principle , an external judge in the church , one or more to have an infallible judgment , to whom all are to submit , though unconvinced ; the admitting whereof in any christian-church is the readiest way i know of to make void their great principle of union , conviction and choice , and to introduce the necessity of an implicit obedience to all manner of innovations church-rulers shall please to impose , without a possibility in the whole church to remedy it : for to add , so long as he or they abide in the conduct of that spirit in their own particular , and so not in a decay : is no more than what they of rome assert of themselves ; and the great question here remains undetermined , viz. who shall be judge of the life or decay of this one or more ? whether the pope and the council of trent , or the dissenting protestants ? the very assuming such a power in themselves at trent , was a sufficient evidence in the consciences of dissenting protestants , of their decay then , and it is so now . obj. but if there be no infallible judgment to be expected now in the church , how are these words of our lord 's to be understood , lo i am with you to the end of the world , the gates of hell shall not prevail against it ? and how is the church the ground and pillar of truth ? i answer , the necessity of this infallible judgment in one , or more in the church , can no more be concluded from these words , than the pope's supremacy over emperours and kings , and the whole catholick church , from the words of our lord to peter , feed my sheep : these expressions in plainness importing only this ; that jesus christ will be so present with his holy catholick church in the world so long as it shall last , that the gates of hell shall not prevail against it , so as in it the truth of the gospel shall be preserved and prosessed : which is not applicable to any one particular church ; for many that were such in the days of the apostles , are long since so far prevailed upon , by heresies , persecutions , and devastations , that they have lost , not only a church-state according to the order of the gospel , but also their very being in the world , yet christ's presence remains with his church , so as it continues in the world , the ground and pillar of truth , against which the powers of darkness shall never so far prevail , so as it shall not have a being in the world , or shall cease to be the ground and pillar of truth . obj. but if there be no infallible judgment now to be expected in the church , will not both the dissenters , & they that are dissented from , be in the mist , both hitting at random ? and will not religion degenerate into sceptism ? i answer , there is no such hazard , where the divine authority of the holy scriptures , and the illumination of the holy spirit of god in the understanding of them , is owned and preserved : and where people are called upon not to imbrace outward appointments too hastily , but wait the conduct of the spirit of the lord to lead into all truth according to the scriptures ; and this can never be the necessary consequence of this doctrine , however these masters of order would impose such an inference upon it : but we do indeed then hit at random , and are in the mist , blindfolded , when being denyed the use of our reason and spiritual understanding , we are required to submit to outward impositions ; to be first blindfolded , and then led by such blind guides , is the shortest way i know of , to fall into the ditch . obj. but if any through unclearness or disobedience , do not submit , is not the church to deny them her spiritual fellowship ? if in civil corporations or societies they have power to declare the breakers of the fundamental articles of their society , to have forfeited their right in the society , why should it not be so in christian societies , without the brand of tyranny ? i answer , the chiefest liberty pleaded for in this discourse , is not on their behalf who break the fundamental spiritual band of the churches unity , which is the spirit of god by conviction and choice uniting them together in one voluntary joynt communion ; neither is it pleaded for on their behalf , who break the fundamental articles of a christian society , as such , to wit , those who walk scandalously in a disordered prophane conversation , unsuitable to the holiness of the gospel , and those who avowedly maintain , and obstinately adhere unto those damnable heresies , as are manifestly inconsistent with the very fundamental principles of the christian faith , from all such as having a form of godliness , but denying the power thereof , and as having erred concerning the truth , overthrowing the faith of some , in the apostles days the christians were to turn from ; and it ought to be so now in all christian societies , walking according to that pattern , as is clear in the new-testament . but if persons make outward bands of church-unity as necessary conditions of church communion , which was not in the first churches , and impose them contrary to the apostles rules of expediency , edification , peace and charity , obliging all persons in the church , notwithstanding any unclearness in themselves , to a submissive obedience thereunto , as unto the judgment of the spirit of god in the men's and women's meetings , or be denied the spiritual fellowship of the church : in this case , the standing fast to christian liberty , not to be subject to ordinances after the commandments and doctrines of men , is no breach of the fundamental articles of a christian society , but a necessary testimony against introduced innovations , contrary to them : for in any christian congregation , or church , though there be not an uniformity in outward practices , because of unclearness in the consciences of the disciples , in matters that are not plainly manifest to them all , to be of that weight as utterly to dissolve the spiritual union , and break the fundamental articles of all christian societies , as such , the congregation , or church is not to deny the dissenters her spiritual fellowship : christian liberty was thus allowed of in the first churches , and will be so still , where church government is not turned into ecclesiastical , jurisdiction in the hands of a few church-rulers , to uphold their authority over all in the church . neither are christian societies like other corporations , because not gathered on the same grounds ; nor being gathered , & preserved by the same principles , nor governed by the same methods : the ground of their being gathered in societies , is , their being first joyned to the lord by his grace in their hearts , and then a voluntary joyning together for their mutual edification in the holy things of the gospel : this principle which first united them , and that only preserves them in one joyn● body , in the exercise of that spiritual government , that is consistent with christian liberty in different outward practices : which principle of union , and method of government , no civil corporations pretend to . many more are the cavils and clamours that are raised by babylon's builders against this doctrine treated of in this discourse , which are easily confuted by such as will consult the new testament ; from the plainness and simplicity whereof , some men of learning , & masters of sects in their deep wisdom finding it their interest , to depart , making indeed a show of wisdom in will-worship , and humility , and neglecting of the body , have intangled themselves in many inventions , beginning even in the apostles days ; so early did the mystery of iniquity in the churches begin to work ; at first indeed under a form of godliness , but denying the power thereof ; which once being departed from , by degrees they come to make shipwrack , both of faith , and order of the gospel , as it was at first delivered by the saints . in which apostatized state , the church-rulers puffed up with pride and covetousness , never rested until by crafty , sinister , and wicked means , they had established in themselves an ecclesiastical jurisdiction and supremacy over emperours and kings , and the consciences of all persons in ( as they pretended ) the whole catholick church ; whereby under the names of church , ministry , ordinances , and order thereof , the true church-state , spiritual order , true ministry , and ordinances of it were quite lost , and the image of those things , in a carnal , worldly , politick , ecclesiastical church-state , erected in the stead thereof : against which in several times and seasons , as it pleased god , he raised up faithful witnesses , who sealed their testimony against some or other of these introduced abominations with their blood : after whom others arose through their ministry and sufferings , who running too hastily in their own wisdoms to build up the ruines of zion , out of the rubbish of babylon ( which , as accursed stuff , should have been utterly rejected ) god in his infinite wisdom divided them in their understandings ; so that instead of building one uniform ecclesiastick structure after the pattern of that of rome , they were scattered into several parties and sects , each pitching a tabernacle for themselves , and confining god to their way , or party . among whom here is a sad instance of them , who having condemned this kind of imposition as babylonish and antichristian in others , are nevertheless casting after the same copy : yea , behold here the very same persons , testifying of themselves , that they were raised as instruments in god's hands , to gather his people out of babylon , out of the many divided sects in christendom , have fixed themselves in one particular sect , bounded by , and limited unto outward observances , and thereby established in themselves preheminence over all their little flock , who , altho they have no authority from the scriptures , nor the law of the nation , yet burden their consciences with unscriptural inventions , under the pre●ence of the comely and decent orders of the church ; being deluded with this errour , that they , and they only of that particular company and denomination , are the only true church and people of god , and that there is no further dispensation of light to be expected from the lord , in bringing his people out of babyl●n , than that measure they are settled under ; hence boldly judging all o●hers , ( not having their outward mark in their foreheads ) as out of the truth ; as if any further appearance of god in his people were to be avoided as new light , which thereby they become tempted to resist and oppose : not considering that whatever outward dispensation of light god hath once gloriously appeared in , yet he is not limited thereby : the life of god in every outward administration is one and the same , the administration being but the outward garment that he chuseth and refuseth at his pleasure ; gathering his people , not out of one sect , or path only , but out of various administrations into himself , who is love , and in his love comprehending all the upright hearted , however distinguished from one another ; who therefore cannot be tied to any one form ; the form being for ever to be subject to the power of god in its various appearances : there is therefore no certain knowing of the power of godliness by any outward form it hath manifestly once appeared in ; the outward form being to be known and owned , as the power manifests it self in and through it ; and this the lord doth , that no flesh may glory in his presence ; that god alone , and not man , may be exalted in delivering his people out of all the streets of that great city babylon . i shall conclude this discourse with the words of our lord to his desciples in a day when a lofty spirit was exalting it self in some of them ; which be excludes out of his church , to have no place in his ministers ; mat. . , , , , . ye know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise lordship upon them : but it shall not be so among you ; whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister ; and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your servant : even as the son of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister . the end . postscript . the writing hereof did ease and lighten my mind very much ; and i have peace in casting in my mite in behalf of zion's friends , against the builders of babylon , whose spirit , under various disguises , god hath in mercy revealed to me , and made me a witness against the appearance of this beast ( fore prophisied of , and rightly described in the spirit by the apostle john , rev. . from the th . verse to the end of that chapter ) among the quakers , under the government and order of — against — in the year : at which time i foresaw what is brought forth among them , and now known to the sad experience of many precious souls under that denomination : and i expect no other measure ; for if our lord was judged and rejected by the sect-masters and form-builders in the days of his ministry , for not observing the traditions of the elders ; what can those of his family look for from opposers and gainsayers in this day , brought under the power of forms and outward observances , as the band of their church-communion , since it was ever , and will be so in all generations , the sons of the bond-woman will judge and persecute the children of the free-woman ; but i rest satisfied in the will of the lord , waiting the day of zion's redemption , when the scattered of the lord's flock through many outward forms , shall be brought under the power of that one great gospel truth , that the union of the whole israel of god walking under various outward practices , because of different apprehensions , is in the lord only , in whom they are one , even then , when they are found in different observances about outward circumstances . note , reader , this above postscript was not annexed to the discourse , but is part of a letter to a friend ; who apprehending it might be of service to many of the scattered ones of the true fold ( who are despised and rejected by the proud and self-righteous pharisees , the sect-masters of this people ) hath therefore inserted it . finis . an answer to a paper importing a petition of the archbishop of canterbury, and six other bishops, to his majesty, touching their not distributing and publishing the late declaration for liberty of conscience care, henry, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an answer to a paper importing a petition of the archbishop of canterbury, and six other bishops, to his majesty, touching their not distributing and publishing the late declaration for liberty of conscience care, henry, - . p. printed by henry hills, printer to the kings most excellent majesty ..., london : . written by henry care. cf. nuc pre- . 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quam cum cognovisset pater , ait , tunica filii mei est , fera pessima comedit eum . gen. xxxvii . ver. , . with allowance . london , printed by henry hills , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , for his houshold and chappel ; and are to be sold at his printing-house on the ditch-side in black-friers . . an answer to a paper importing a petition of the archbishop of canterbury , and six other bishops , to his majesty , &c. not to amuse my reader with any reasons or excuse for this undertaking , let this suffice for both ; that several copies of this paper , instead of distributing his majesty's declaration for liberty of conscience having been privately dispers'd thro' most counties of england , i thought it every man's duty , and ( among the rest ) mine , to undeceive them who have not the same brains , but more honesty and loyalty , than those that sent it , and bestow some ink upon the tetter , that it spread no further . in order to which , and that every man may at once see the whole before him , and thereby come to the truer conclusion , i shall take my rise from the occasion of this paper , and thence proceed to the matter of it . now the occasion was thus . his majesty finding it had been the frequent endeavors of the four last reigns to reduce this kingdom to an exact conformity in religion , and how little the success had answer'd the design , but rather destroy'd trade , depopulated the country , and discourag'd strangers ; and being resolv'd to establish his government on such a foundation as might make his subjects happy , and unite them to him by inclination as well as duty , on the th of april , . issued his most gracious declaration for liberty of conscience , thereby declaring , that he will protect and maintain his archbishops , bishops , and clergy , and all other his subjects of the church of england , in the free exercise of their religion , and full enjoyment of their possessions and properties , as now established by law , without any molestation , &c. — that all execution of penal laws for matters ecclesiastical , as nonconformity , &c. shall be , and are thereby suspended . — that all his subjects have leave to meet and worship god in their own way , without disturbance . — and forasmuch as the benefit of the service of his subjects is by the law of nature inseparably annex'd to , and inherent in his royal person , and that no one for the future may be under any discouragement or disability , by reason of some oaths or tests usually administred ; that no such oaths or tests shall be hereafter required of them ; and that he would dispense with them , &c. and because several endeavors had been made , to abuse the easiness of the people , as if he might be persuaded out of what he had so solemnly declared , his majesty , as well to stop the mouth of gainsayers , as to shew his intentions were not changed since the said th of april , by a second declaration of the th of april last past , enforces and confirms the said former declaration , conjures his loving subjects to lay aside all private animosities and groundless jealousies , and to choose such members of parliament as may do their part to finish what he has begun , for the advantage of the monarchy over which god hath plac'd him , as being resolv'd to call a parliament that shall meet in november next at furthest . this declaration was forthwith printed , and by order of council required to be distributed , published , and read in the respective churches thro' the kingdom : and in that it was not enjoyn'd to be read in any the congregations thereby permitted , what greater evidence can there be of his majesty's real intentions to the church of england , when , however he suffer'd others , he own'd not yet any establish'd national church but the church of england ? upon this the ensuing paper was on the th of may following ( between the hours of nine and ten at night ) presented to his majesty by the six bishops the subscribers . to the king 's most excellent majesty . the humble petition of william archbishop of canterbury , and of divers of the suffragan bishops of the province , now present with him , in behalf of themselves , and others of their absent brethren , and of the clergy of their respective dioceses . humbly sheweth , that their great averseness they find in themselves to the distribution and publication in all their churches of your majesties late declaration for liberty of conscience , proceedeth neither from any want of duty and obedience to your majesty , our holy mother the church of england being both in her principles , and constant practices , unquestionably loyal , and having to her great honor been more than once publickly acknowledg'd to be so by your majesty ; nor yet from any want of due tenderness to dissenters : in relation to whom , they are willing to come to such a temper , as shall be thought fit , when that matter shall be consider'd and setled in parliament and convocation . but among many other considerations , from this especially , because the declaration is founded upon such a dispensing power , as has been often declar'd illegal , in parliament , and particularly in the years , , and in the beginning of your majesties reign , and is a matter of so great moment and consequence to the whole nation , both in church and state , that your petitioners cannot in prudence , honor , and conscience , so far make themselves parties to it , as the distribution of it all over the nation , and reading it , even in god's house , and in the time of his divine service must amount to , in common and reasonable construction . your petitioners therefore most humbly and earnestly beseech your majesty , that you will be graciously pleas'd not to insist upon the distribution and reading your majesties declaration . canterbury . st. asaph . bath and wells . chichester . peterborough . ely. bristol . and here also for methods sake , and before i come to the matter of it , i hold it requisite that i speak somewhat to the persons the subscribers , and the time of their presenting it . as to the first , the holy scripture styles bishops , the angels of their churches ; and by the common law of england the archibishop of canterbury is primus par angl. the bishops , lords ecclesiastical secular , — and sit in parliament jure episcopatus , which they hold per baroniam . — the statute ( pro clero ) calls them peers of the realm . — that of queen elizabeth , one of the greatest states of the realm . — they have jurisdiction in ecclesiastical causes , and are not bound to obey any mandate but the king's : and by reason of all this , presum'd to have a more than ordinary influence upon the people . our saviour calls his disciples , the salt , and light of the world. and why ? but that they should season others with their doctrin , and guide them by their example , into the way of peace . his name is , the prince of peace : his sermon on the mount was , the gospel of peace : the blessings in it , are to the poor in spirit , the meek , the merciful , the peace-makers , &c. his life was one continued practise of it ; and his last legacy to his disciples , was peace . he gave to caesar the things that were caesars ; and that tribute , which yet was the product of an absolute power , he not only paid it without disputing the authority , but commanded it to others : and tho' the imperial power after his death was of the same absoluteness , yet st. paul says not , the senate had declar'd it illegal , but calls it the ordinance of god , and enjoyns subjection to it . what the apostles in their time were , the same ever , and now challenge the governors of all churches ; next , and under kings , they are in the stead of god to the people ; and where they make a false step , what wonder if the unthinking people forget the precept , and take after the example ? they see nothing but ( sub imagine lusca ) by twilight , and conceive according to the colour of those rods are cast before them ; they hear a noise , but know not whence it cometh , or whether it goeth , and run away the cry , without so much as laying a nose to the ground for 't . what made the people set up adoniah against david's disposition of the crown to solomon ? abiathar the high priest was in the head of them . what made the nobles break the yoak ? the prophets had prophesi'd falsly , the priests applauded it with their hands , and a foolish people lov'd to have it so . or what made the jews who had so often acknowledg'd our savior , turn head against him , and crucifie him ? the chief priests , the scribes and elders had possess'd the people , that the romans would come , and take away their city . thus we see what influence great men have upon the heedless multitude ; and therefore how wary ought they to be , how they give them the least example of disobedience ; for it is seldom seen , but where the one disputes , the other cavils ; and where their leaders make but a shrug at the government , the people think it high time to be mending it : our own histories are as one example of it ; or if they run narrow , tacitus may be believ'd of his , erant in officio , qui mallent mandata . imperantium interpretari , quam exequi . there were ( saith he ) some in power , that were more for commenting , than executing the emperor's directions . nor are disputes or excuses of less danger ; for it is a kind of shaking off the yoke , and an essay of disobedience ; especially if in those disputings , they which are for the direction speak fearfully and tenderly , and those that are against it , audaciously . and if by such means a fire break out in the state , 't will want no fuel , when 't is kindled from the altar . and for the time of their presenting it , i shall consider it as it may respect the present circumstances of the kingdom , or that half scantling of time they gave his majesty to consider of their excuses . as to the former , the glut of reformers in edward the sixth's time was great , and the qualifications so indifferent , that the church of england has ever since labor'd under it , and the same elements that compounded her , half destroy'd her : for as the laws , not the doctrin , brought them first together , they no sooner found themselves streightned in the one , than they made it up with the other , and themselves somewhat in the broils , that were otherwise nothing in the peace of the state. these humors , during her , and king james's reign , lay fermenting in the body , but in his son 's broke out into a pestilence . the crown sell , the church follow'd it , and the most diligent enquirer might have sought england in her self , yet miss'd her ; till at last it pleas'd him , whose only it is to still the raging of the sea , to say to the madness of the people , huc usque , nee ultra . his late majesty king charles the second was restor'd ; and so little averse were the catholic lords to the church of england , that their votes , which otherwise might have kept them out , brought them once more into the house of peers : nor were they scarce warm in their seats , before the act of uniformity was pass'd , and driven with that violence , that it had like to have overturn'd all agen . the dissenters were not fit for employ , they had mony in their purses , and the world was wide enough : the catholic lords were less to be trusted , they cumber'd the ground , and 't was but fit they were down : there remain'd nothing but to cast out the heir , and then the inheritance would be the easier divided . and here also it pleas'd god to appear in the mount : he pluck'd him out of the deep waters , and set him on the throne of his ancestors : and as he came to the crown thro' the greatest of difficulties , he has been preserv'd in it by no less a providence . he stifl'd two serpents in the cradle of his empire , and in a three-years government conquer'd all example , in his own . and now , when our troubl'd waters had begun to settle again , what need of whistling up the winds for another storm ? when the wounds of the kingdom were almost clos'd , what charity was it to unbind them too soon , or under pretence of easing the patient , to set them bleeding afresh ? in a word , when the brands of our late rebellions lay smother'd in their almost forgotten embers , what prudence was it to rake them into another flame ? i see little of the dove in it , and am loth to say , too much of the serpent . and for that half scantling of time they gave his majesty to consider of their excuses , it seems here also , that the spirit of direction ( like baal in the kings ) was some way or other out of the way . the declaration was no new thing , it had been published the th of april , and his majesty had receiv'd the general acknowledgments of the kingdom for it ; which argu'd their satisfaction in it . the corn was in the ground , and now , if ever , was the time to sow tares ; and therefore , to prevent their choaking it , his majesty the th of april , ( which was one full year , and three weeks after ) enforces his first declaration , and commands it to be read in all churches within ten miles of london , on the th and th of may , and in all other the churches thro' the country , on the d and th of june following ; time enough ( one would think ) to have consider'd the matter , so as to have given the king some time to have advis'd . whereas on the contrary , they make no scruple of it , till the th of may , about at night , and then ( the th being a day appointed for hunting ) they present the paper before mention'd , as well knowing , that if his majesty had an inclination of countermanding his declaration , he was so straitned in time , that he could not do it , for it was to be read the day after . and what can be rationally interpreted from it , but that they had been all that while numbring the people , to see whither the party were strong enough ? and i am the rather inclin'd to it , for that since the time of the first declaration , the doctrin of non-resistance has not been so much in vogue , as it was formerly ; it would keep cold for another time , and to have pressed it now , who knows but the people might have believ'd it ? in short , nathan , zadoc , &c. had some pretence for opposing adoniah ; me thy servant , and zadoc the priest , he hath not called . so core , dathan , and abiram , were ecclesiastical princes , and thought they might have as much right to govern as moses : but when the church of england ( founded on the law of england ) acknowledges the king supreme in all causes ; themselves , infra aetatem , & in custodia domini regis ; when the king by his declaration has secur'd them in their religion , possessons and properties , and by vertue of his royal prerogative ( and for the quiet of the nation ) only indulg'd it to others , ( yet making no doubt of the parliaments concurrence in it ) is it just that their eye be evil , because the king 's is good ? or must the kingdom of heaven be confin'd to a party ? i never heard that disobedience was any qualification for it ; and therefore , if they will not enter themselves , why do they shut it against others , that would enter ? but perhaps the petition ( if yet there can be any reason for the breach of a duty ) may give us the reason of it . the title says , in behalf of themselves , and others of their absent brethren , and of the clergy of their respective dioceses . which makes good what i before hinted , that instead of distributing and publishing his majesty's declaration to be read in their respective dioceses , as in bounden duty to their supreme ordinary the king , they ought to have done ; and the clergy , in respect of their canonical obedience to them , must have obey'd under the pain of suspension , and in case of contumacy of deprivation : they had been feeling the pulse of their clergy , and finding little return from them , but speak , lord , for thy servant heareth , they concluded the flock would follow the shepherd ; and consequently , if the party were not strong enough , the multitude of the offenders might make it dispunishable ; whereas it has been seen , that a ferry-boat's taking in too many passengers , to increase the fare , has been often the occasion of sinking all together . and if the loyalty of the church of england receive any blemish by it , what can she say , but that she was wounded in the house of her friends ? for by the same reason that a metropolitan refuses the injunctions of his supreme ordinary the king , by the same reason may a diocesan refuse his metropolitan , and every inferior clergy man his diocesan ; and when the chain is once broken , you may dispose the links as you please . but the petition says , it was neither from any want of duty and obedience to his majesty . no ? then why was it not comply'd with ? shew me thy faith by thy works , saith st. james ; nor will it be possible to clear that son of disobedience , that said i go , but went not . a bishop ( as before ) is not bound to obey any mandate but the king 's ; which exception proves the rule , and that he is inexcusably oblig'd to obey the king's : for all bishops are subject to the imperial power , who is to be obey'd against the will of the bishop . mauritius the emperor ( says bishop taylor ) commanded st. gregory to hand an unlawful edict to the churches ; the bishop advis'd the prince , that what he went about was a sin , did what he could to have hinder'd it , and yet obey'd . it was the case of saul and samuel : the king desires samuel to joyn with him in the service of the lord ; he , with the liberty of a prophet , refus'd at first , but afterwards joyn'd with him : whereupon the said bishop in the same place further says , that even the vnlawful edicts of a lawful prince may be published by the clergy : how much more then those that are lawful ? and that this declaration is such , i shall shew presently , when i come to speak to their word illegal . in short , the archbishop of canterbury is ordinary of the court , and a bishop's private opinion may be warrant enough for him to speak when he is requir'd , but not to reprove a prince upon pretence of duty . our holy mother the church of england being both in her principles and constant practises unquestionably loyal . nor have they hitherto appear'd other ; and , if not religion , moral gratitude must have oblig'd them to it . all the bishoprics of england ( but sodor in man , which was instituted by pope gregory the fourth ) are of the foundation of the kings of england , and those in wales of the prince of wales : nor is it less than reason , that they look up to the hand that fed them ; or to whom more justly ought they have paid the tribute of obedience , than to him that took them from the flock , and sate them among princes ? in a word the late war was bellum episcopale ; and if king charles the first would have confirm'd the sale of church lands , he had sav'd himself : and why then do they reproach the king his son with their loyalty , when they instance the contrary in so small a trial of that obedience ; especially when , were the matter doubtful , the presumption were for obedience , and even unjust commands may be justly obey'd ? for as we fear the thing is unjust , so have we reason to fear the evil of disobedience , for we are sure that is evil ; and therefore we are to change the speculative doubt into a practical resolution , and of two doubts take the surest part , and that is to obey ; because , in such cases , reumfacit superiorem , iniquitas imperandi ; innocentem subditum , ordo serviendi : the evil ( if there be any ) is imputed to him that commands , not him that obeys , who is not his prince's judge , but servant ; and they that are under authority are to obey , not dispute ; nor shall any thing done by vertue thereof be said to be contra pacem . david commanded joab to put vriah in the head of the battle , to the end that he might fall by the enemy : joab obeys ; vriah is kill'd ; and yet not joab , who might have prevented it , but david , who commanded it , is charg'd with the murther . in a word , to pretend loyalty for a common principle , and yet make disputing and disobedience the practice of it ; what is it , but a drawing near with the mouth , when the heart is farthest from it ? the voice ( perhaps ) may be the voice of jacob , but the hands are the hands of esau . and having to her great honor been more than once publickly acknowledg'd to be so by your majesty . and do's his majesty less than acknowledge it in this declaration ? he has in the word of a king secur'd to them their religion , possessions and properties ; and why ? but to assure them , he repented not the character . and it was their interest , if not duty , to keep it up ; nay , the honor of their church depended on it , inasmuch as men value things , according to the present good or evil they do in the world ; and what advantage can that religion give us to another life , when it shall be found mischievous , or destructive to this ? they have ( i said ) the word of a king for their security ; but if they force him in his own defence , to secure against it , whom can they blame but themselves , who first made the challenge ? abiathar's service to david , was acknowledg'd by solomon , but when he once began to boggle , he forgave , but remov'd him . and our bishop bonner , tho' he got his bishoprick by thwarting the pope , yet he lost it agen by opposing the king. in a word , the holy spirit in the apocalyps , acknowledges the good works of the seven churches of asia , but bids some of them remember , whence they had fall'n , and repent , and do the first works , or he would remove their candlestick . nor yet from any want of due tenderness to dissenters . no ? why then have those penal laws been executed with so much rigor against them ? or why are they so averse from having them eas'd at present ? what brought them into this kingdom , i have touch'd before , and what turn'd them out again , and our trade with them , is demonstrable enough in the late protestants of france . i will not say but they might have been kept out at first ; but being settl'd , and embodied into a people , it may seem ill policy to remove any greater number to gratifie a lesser . it is not the nobility , or the gentry , that are the traders ; nor is it the gown that enriches more than particular persons : but the trade of the merchant , and the industry of the middle sort , that enriches a nation , and without which vena porta , let a kingdom have never so good limbs , it will have but empty veins . it was trade gave england its first credit abroad , and the manufacture at home found mater to it ; the one drein'd other kingdoms to water our own , and the other brought a ballance to it , in making the export come up to the import , and both together secur'd the dominion of the sea , and made the wealth of either indie a kind of accessary to it ; and all this carry'd on by the middle-sort of people . take our sea-ports , and the sea-man is but here and there a true church-of - england man : the merchant that employs him not much better at heart : the artisan thro' the kingdom has more than a spice of the disease ; and the body of the people not least infected with it . however , let them be quiet within themselves , and they dispute no authority ; but when they are uneasie , and mew'd up at home , what wonder if they change it for a freer air ? what makes us complain of the want of trade ? that our neighbors have gotten into our manufacture ? that our ships are not so well mann'd as formerly ? and the rents of lands fallen ? the reason is obvious : our selves have cut off our own hands . the merchant sits down with what he has , or turns builder ; the work-man carries his art with him ; the sea-man will have his opinion , as well as his pay ; and the lump of the people their consciences , or good-night landlord ! whereas , since his majesties late indulgence , trade is visibly encreased , building stops of it self , the kingdom begins to people agen , and the numerous addresses on this occasion , speak so general a satisfaction , that if such be the dawn , what may there not be expected from its full day ? and is there no equity , that the catholic also come in for a share , tho' the word dissenter seems not ( in proper speech ) to comprehend him ; for neither the law of england , or themselves , ever knew him by that name ? however , that some tenderness might be due to them , may be gather'd from the english litany . the church of england knows , the king professes the faith of rome ; and therefore when they beseech god , that it may please thee to keep and strengthen in the true worshiping of thee , in righteousness and holiness of life , they servant james our most gracious king and governor , what do they mean by it ? if after the way which some of them call idolatry , so worships he the god of his fathers , and they beseech god to keep and strengthen him in the true worshiping of him , they imply that worship to be a true worship ; and if they do not believe it , and yet use the words , how will they avoid a sin ? for whatever is not of faith , is sin. in a word , the king has made a general indulgence to all his subjects , the catholics fall under no particular exception , in it ; and therefore , the law of reason , as well as the law of the land , gives them the benefit of it . in relation to whom , they are willing to come to such a temper , as shall be thought fit , when that matter shall be consider'd and setled in parliament and convocation . what the temper hitherto has been , is but too sensible already , and what it is like to be for the future , may be guess'd by what 's past . the king ( who by the law of england is supremus in ecclesiasticis ) has thought fit , consider'd , and setled the matter ; and were a parliament now sitting , the king is sole judge , all the rest but advisers . the royal prerogative is a part of that law of the land , and by that authority , the king has setled it ; and therefore it becomes no man to be wiser than the law. nor is the advice of ignatius to his clergy forreign to it , nolite principes irritare ut acerbentur , ne ansam detis iis qui illam contra vos quaerunt . provoke not princes ( saith he ) to become bitter , lest ye hand an occasion to those that seek one against ye . but supposing it a matter only cognisable in parliament , why could not they have held till then , and in the mean time obey'd ? especially , when the king had by the same declaration , declar'd his resolution of calling a parliament in november next at farthest ; and our law says , extra parliamentum nulla petitio est grata , licet necessaria . no petition , how necessary soever , is grateful out of parliament . or how then could the convocation be concern'd in it ? for ( besides that the matter is meerly political , and singly respects the quiet of the kingdom ) if the king , who is supreme ordinary of all england , may by the ancient laws of this realm , and without parliament , make ordinances and constitutions for the government of the clergy , and deprive them for non-obedience thereunto , as has been more than once resolv'd , he may ; what have the convocation to be consulted in it ? especially when they have so often , in henry the third , edward the second , and edward the third's time , been commanded by the king 's writ , that as they love their baronies , ( which they hold of the king ) that they intermeddle with nothing that concern'd the king's laws of the land , his crown and dignity , his person , or his state , or the state of his council or kingdom : ( scituri pro certo quod si fecerint , rex inde se capiet ad baronias suas ) willing them to know for certain , that if they did , the king would seize their baronies . and by the statute of henry the eighth it is provided , that no canons or constitutions should be made , or put in execution by their authority , which were contrariant , or repugnant to the king's prerogative , the laws , customs , or statutes of the realm . in a word , the king has commanded , they have disobey'd , and by their ill example perverted others , and are yet very uncondescending ( for so the people word it ) themselves . and what would henry the eighth have done in such a case ; made use of his last argument , or thrown up the game for a few cross cards ? but among many other considerations , from this especially , because the declaration is founded upon such a dispensing power , as has been often declared illegal in parliament : and what were those considerations ? if a man should put an ill construction upon them , it may be said , their lordships never intended it ; and if they intended not to amuse the people , why did they not speak plain english , and specifie those considerations ? inasmuch as all petitions ought to contain certainty , and particularity , so as a direct answer may be given to them ; which could not be here : for whatever the king's answer might have been , somewhat more also might have been hook'd in from the words ; and alexander would have given it a short answer , ( aut ligna inferte , aut thus. ) either made it a chimney or an altar . but it seems it mov'd in sundry places , tho' the best scripture for this pretended illegality , be a declaration in parliament : their lordships instance nothing beyond their own time ; but i conceive it not impossible to bring them those of elder times , that have been so far from doubting the king's dispensing power , that they held it unquestionable . the stat. . h. . cap. . says , the king is contented to be concluded by the wise men of his realm , touching the estate of him and his realm ; saving always the king's liberty , i. e. his prerogative of varying from that law , as he should see cause . in the parliament-roll , h. . n. . the statutes against provisors are confirm'd ; and that the king shall not give any protection or grant against the execution of them : saving to the king his prerogative . and what was meant by that , may appear by a prior roll of the same year , n. . where the commons ' pray , that the statutes for the putting aliens out of the kingdom may be held and executed : the king consents , saving his prerogative , and that he dispense with such as he shall please . upon which the commons answer , that their intention was no other , and by the help of god never shall be . queen elizabeth had dispens'd with the ancient form and manner of investing and consecrating of bishops , and the parliament of the th of her reign , cap. . declares it lawful , as being done by her inherent prerogative . and when by the same prerogative or privilege , and royal authority , ( for so it is worded ) she dispens'd with the universities , &c. so popish a thing as latin prayers , and which their lordships the bishops still use in convocations , though it be directly contrary to the statute eliz. c. . for using the common-prayer in the vulgar tongue only : what is meant by it , but that the queen might lawfully dispense with that statute ? for if otherwise , there is no ecclesiastical person in the kingdom , but would have found the temporal censures too heavy for him , when it had been too late to have ask'd a parliamentary consideration , whether legal or not . and in particular in the years and , and in the beginning of your majesty's reign . as to the first of which , matter of fact stands thus : king charles the second , by his declaration from breda , had declar'd liberty for tender consciences , and that no man should be disquieted for difference in opinion in matters of religion , which did not disturb the peace of the kingdom . and in his declaration of the th of december following stood firm to it , but that no such bill had been yet offer'd him . while it thus lay , an act of indempnity , and one other of uniformity , were pass'd : the first regenerated themselves ; and the second , with the old ingredient , the growth of popery , was a probable way to exclude others . the th and th of february the commons come to some resolves against that , and dissenters ; which , with the reasons of them ( wherein yet they declare not the declaration illegal ) they present his majesty on the th in the banquetting house . the king complies ; and it was too soon after a rebellion to have done otherwise : however , if they had declar'd it illegal , it was but the single opinion of the commons , wherein the lords made no concurrence : and therefore to say , this dispensing power was in the parliament of declar'd illegal , when ( in common and reasonable construction ) a declaration in parliament is intended of both houses of parliament ; why may it not be as well urg'd , that those other votes and resolves of the commons , touching the bill of exclusion , were a legal declaration in parliament , when yet the lords swept their house of it ? then , for that other of , the king in the interval of parliament was engag'd in a war with the dutch ; and , to secure peace at home while he had war abroad , had put forth a declaration for indulgence to dissenters : the parliament meet , grant a supply of twelve hundred thirty eight thousand seven hundred and fifty thousand pounds ; and , without charging the declaration with illegality , pray his majesty to recall it . the argument prevail'd , and the king did it : which shews , that it was in the king's option not to have done it , or done it . and lastly , for that other in the beginning of his majesty's reign . that also ( without declaring it illegal ) was but some heats of the commons . there were at that time two open rebellions ; the king ( who is sole judge of the danger of the kingdom , and how to avoid it ) had granted commissions to certain persons not qualified according to the statute car. . the commons offer to bring in a bill for the indempnifying those persons : the king knew his own authority , and ended the dispute . and if any man doubts the legality of the king 's dispensing with that statute , a subsequent judgment ( in the case of sir edward hayles ) has determin'd the point ; and that the power of dispensing with penal laws , upon necessity , or urgent occasions , of which the king is sole judge , is an inseparable prerogative in the king , not given him in trust , or deriv'd from the people , but the ancient right of the crown , innate in the king , and unalterable by them . and that this has been the ancient judgment of the judges from time to time , i shall meet with the occasion of shewing it in the next paragraph . and is a matter of so great moment and consequence to the whole nation , both in church and state. and so indubitably is it , that nothing can be more : for the best of laws being but good intentions , if a prince should be ty'd up to such unalterable decrees , as in no case whatever he might vary from them , it might so happen , that what at one time was intended for the good of church and state , may at another prove the destruction of both , if not as timely prevented . the present case is a pregnant instance of it : one would have thought , that the frequent endeavors of the four last reigns , for the reducing this kingdom to an exact conformity in religion , might have answerd the design ; but ( if his majesty in his declaration had not told us his thoughts of it ) our own experience might have taught us , the effects thereof have in a manner brought the kingdom to nothing : and what should the king have done in this case ; sate still , and expected a miracle , or interpos'd his royal authority for the saving it ? the question answers it self : and if the power of dispensing with penal laws , were not inseparably and unalterably in him ; how could he have done it ? what elder parliaments have declar'd in it , i have already shewn ; and that the judges successively have gone with it , is , or may be , obvious to every man. such was the resolution of all the justices in the exchequer-chamber , r. . . and that the king might grant license , against a penal statute . and what is that , but a dispensing with it ? in like manner , by all the justices in the same place , h. . . that the king may grant a non obstante to a penal statute , tho' the statute say , such non obstante shall be meerly void ; and such was the case there . — the h. . . to the same purpose . — allow'd for good law. plowd . com. . — confirm'd by sir edward coke , coke . — and coke , . and lastly , by a judgment in his now majesty's reign , of which before . and if so necessary a part of the government , so solemnly determin'd by parliaments and judges , is fit to be slighted , or not obey'd , which amounts to the same , i leave it to every man. that your petitioners cannot in prudence , honor , and conscience , so far make themselves parties to it , as the distribution of it all over the nation , and reading it even in god's house , and in the time of his divine service , must amount to in common and reasonable construction . and on the other hand i conceive , that both in prudence , honor , and conscience , they were highly oblig'd to it : for what is prudence , but the active faculty of the mind , directing actions morally good to their immediate ends ? that this declaration is morally good appears by the purport of it ; and that is , his majesty's desire of establishing his government on such a foundation , as may make his subjects happy , and unite them to him by inclination as well as duty . and what greater prudence could there have been , than by their lordships distributing that declaration as enjoyn'd to them , and by their pastoral authority requiring it to be read in all churches , &c. to have directed it to its immediate ends , which were the establishing the government , and making the subjects happy ? or , if wisdom must come in for a share , the offices of that are election and ordination ; the choice of right means for , and ordering them aright to their end. the right means of quieting the nation was before them ; and i think it no question , whether their lordship 's not distributing it , has order'd it aright to the end . the king had enjoyn'd it to be publish'd , and wisdom in this case ( like scripture ) is not of private interpretation , but lies in him that has the power of commanding , not in him whom conscience binds to obey . in a word , if obedience in subjects is the prince's strength , and their own security , what prudence or wisdom could it be , by weakning the power of commanding , to lessen their own security ? then for honor and conscience , tho' in this place , they seem to mean the same thing , and may be both resolv'd into nil conscire sibi , — yet i 'll take them severally . and how stands it with the honor of the church of england , both in principles , and constant practises , unquestionably loyal , and to her great honor , more than once so acknowledg'd by his majesty , to start aside in this day of her trial ? both the last armagh's , usher , and bramhal ; bishop sanderson , bishop morley , &c. have all along by their doctrin , and practices , beat down that other , of resisting princes , in that the church of england held no such custom : nor have the most eminent of her clergy , dr. sherlock , dr. scott , and others , until this last uncomplying , compliance , taken any other measures . and ought not their practise now , to have made good their principles ? or that advice of the present bishop of ely to the church of england , to have been consider'd , and follow'd ? let her be thankful ( saith he ) to god , for the blessings she hath , and unto the king , under whom they will be continu'd to her ; and take heed of overturning , or undermining the fabrick , because she cannot have the room that she would choose in it . and what greater assay to it can there be , than disobedience ? inasmuch as he that thinks his prince ought not to be obey'd , will from one thing to another , come at last to think him not fit to be king. nor must the anniversary of the now bishop of chester , be past in silence . tho' the king ( saith he ) should not please , or humor us ; tho' he rend off the mantle from our bodies , ( as saul did from samuel ) nay tho' he should sentence us to death ( of which , blessed be god and the king , there is no danger ) yet if we are living members of the church of england , we must neither open our mouths , or lift our hands against him , but honor him before the elders , and people of israel . and having instanc'd in the examples of the prophets , our saviour , his disciples , and christian bishops under heathen persecutors , and demanded , whether ever the sanhedrim question'd their kings ? nor must we ( saith he ) ask our prince , why he governs us otherwise , than we please to be govern'd our selves : we must neither call him to account for his religion , nor question his policy , in civil matters ; for he is made our king by god's law , of which the law of the land is only declarative . in a word , this and the like has been the doctrin of the church of england , and when on that ground , his majesty has more than once acknowledg'd her loyalty , who in honor more oblig'd to make it good , than those that serve at her altar ? unless ( perhaps ) they coin a distinction to salve it , and that the church may be of one opinion , and the church-men of another . and then in conscience , their obligation was higher ; for besides what i said before , that the people are apter to follow example than precept , every man ( and even their lordships with the rest ) is party , and privy , to an act of parliament , and bound in conscience , to the observance of it : nor is there either bishop , or clergy-man in the church of england , who has not subscrib'd to the lawfulness of this declaration's being read in the church , during the time of divine service . as thus : every clergy-man at the time of his institution , subscribes ( in a a book kept for that purpose ) that the king's majesty under god , is the only supreme governor of this realm : and that the book of common-prayer containeth nothing in it , contrary to the word of god. now , the book of common-prayer , as it is now used in and thro' the church of england , is enacted by authority of parliament , to be read in such order and form , as is mentioned in the said book : and the rubrick , i. e. the order and form , how those prayers shall be read , is to all intents and purposes , as much enacted as the book its self ; and in that rubrick , next after the nicene creed ( in the communion service ) follow these words : then shall the curate declare ●nto the people what holy-days , or fasting-days are in the week following to be observed , &c. and nothing shall be proclaimed or published in the church , during the time of divine service , but by the minister ; nor by him anything , but what is prescribed by the rules of this book , or enjoyned by the king , or by the ordinary of the place . now when all clergy-men have subscribed , that the book of common-prayer , containeth nothing in it , contrary to the word of god ; and that the king has enjoyned , that his declaration be read in all churches , during the time of divine service ; these subscriptions of theirs ( besides the authority of king and parliament ) conclude themselves , from offering any thing against the lawfulness of reading it , as it had been enjoyn'd to them , and the rubrick , requir'd of them . and being so , what excuse can there be , why they did not read it ? or suppose that clause , or enjoyned by the king , had not been in the rubrick , ( as it was first inserted in this act of uniformity , and every man that was of the convocation of , knows by whom : ) were none of the king's declarations ever read in churches ( and that , during the time of divine service ) before that time ? i think there were , and ( amongst many others ) that of the declaration for sports , for one . or that the ordinary of the place had enjoyn'd the contrary , ought not the king , the supreme ordinary , and as their subscriptions farther acknowledge , the supreme governor of this realm under god , to have been first obey'd ? i think he ought ; for the authority of the greater , supersedes the lesser ; nor is there any power in his dominions , but what is deriv'd from him . and whatever station the king has given them in the church , it is not to be presum'd , he thereby lock'd out himself . nor must a remark of the said bishop of chester , in his sermon before mention'd , be forgotten here : the jews ( saith he ) say , that the keys of the temple were not hung at the high priest's girdle , but laid every night under solomon ' s pillow , as belonging to his charge . the moral of it holds true ; for when a prince shall have little authority in the church , it is not to be expected he should have much better in the state. and lastly , for their lordships so far making themselves parties to it , as the distribution and reading of it , &c. must amount to , in common and reasonable construction . a clergy-man's meerly reading the common prayer in his church , is no giving his assent to it , unless after his so reading it , he shall publickly , and openly , before the congregation there assembled , declare his unfeigned assent , and consent , to all and every thing contained , and prescribed in and by the said book , entituled , the book of common-prayer , &c. which necessarily implies , that neither the distributing , nor reading it , &c. can in common and reasonable construction amount , to the making the publisher , or reader of it , a party to it . the apostle says , submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lord's sake . and upon this , the bishop of hereford grounds his judgment , for the reading this declaration . the king ( saith he ) expresly commanding it to be read in all churches , without requiring him that reads it , to declare either his consent , assent , allowing , or liking it ; i would gladly know how this is contrary to the word of god ? shew it me . or , if , as it is said , this dispensing power be contrary to the laws of the land , as is declared in the parliament , and , is it contrary to the law of god ? shew it me . ( pag. , . ) or that to read any thing in the house of god , is declaring my consent to it ? ( pag. . ) no certainly ; ( pag. . ) for in the reading this declaration there is no doctrin taught , only matter of fact declared , and perchance , to try my obedience . ( pag. . ) and done out of pure obedience to my king , upon god's command , and to so good an end , as the preserving truth and peace among us . which if we lose on this occasion , they will have much to answer for who are the authors of it . ( pag. . ) besides whom , there are several other bishops of the church of england , who have obey'd his majesty's commands in it , albeit they may not have so publickly declar'd it . and having said so much to the matter of the paper , i think i may well pass the prayer of it , that his majesty will be graciously pleas'd not to insist upon the distribution , and reading that declaration . and therefore upon the whole , if this declaration had not been thought fit to have been distributed , as enjoyn'd , less ought the said paper to have been dispersed privately , and by such previous disposition , stoll'n the form of the design into the matter it was to work on : and considering the evils we had pass'd , and that the kingdom wanted a lenitive , not a corrosive , least of all ought the people on the wall to have been har'd with new jealousies : the people ( i say ) who need more a ballance than a fly , somewhat to moderate , not multiply their motion . in short , trust is the sinew of society , which is the right object of true policy ; and distrust , a disbanding of it . the king , as he has more than once acknowledg'd the church of england ' s loyalty , has as often declar'd , that he will protect , and maintain , his archbishops , bishops , and clergy , and all other his subjects of the church of england , in the free exercise of their religion , as by law established : and in the quiet , and full enjoyment of all their possessions , without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever . the king has said it , and shall he not perform it ? he has pledg'd his royal word , and shall we doubt the truth of it ? it is not with god , that he should lye ; nor with his vicegerent , that he should be chang'd . and therefore , let us ( as his majesty by this his declaration conjures us ) lay aside all private animosities , and groundless jealousies : let us fear god , and honor the king , and not discover the falsness of our own hearts , by distrusting our prince's . in a word , let every man in his station , contribute ( his mite ) to the peace , and greatness of his country : let him shew his love to god , in his obedience to his prince : and let no man , by setting up conscience against duty , run the hazard of dashing the first table against the second . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e inst . . idem . e. . c. . eliz. c. . . inst . . lord bacon's essay of subjection . glan . l. . c. . tract . l. . . ductor dub . fol. . heylin's life of a. b. laud. . id. ductor dub. . inst . . inst . , & . id. duct . dub. f. , & . coke . coke . e. . . stan. pl. cor. . inst . . epist . . inst . . crook jac. . moore . inst . . h. . c. . serj. rolle's abridg. part . ti ' . prerog . . id. tit. prerog . trin. . jac. . in b. r. his coronation sermon , pag. . his sermon on that occasion , p. , . ecclesiastical canons ●● . art. . pag. . vid. act of uniformity before every common-prayer-book . par. , . his late discourse on this occasion . liberty of conscience, asserted and vindicated by a learned country-gentleman ... care, george. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) liberty of conscience, asserted and vindicated by a learned country-gentleman ... care, george. [ ], p. printed for jonathon robinson ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. preface signed "g.c.", doubtfully identified by halkett & laing and by the mcalpin and bm catalogues as george care. attributed to george care. cf. wing. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - taryn hakala sampled and proofread - taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion liberty of conscience asserted and vindicated . by a learned country-gentleman . humbly offered to the consideration of the lords and commons in this present parliament . london , printed for jonathan robinson , at the golden lion in st. paul's-church-yard . . the preface . courteous reader , my purpose in the following treatise is not to satisfy all the questions which may be put , as , what if any one should preach in the pulpit ( in terminis ) that jesus is not the christ , or against the resurrection of the dead , or any other article of our faith , which all who call themselves christians do acknowledg ? or affront the minister at the communion , and pull the cloth and vtensils off the table ? such things by the place and manner of doing them , may be reduced to moral impiety , and punished as crimes against natural light. but my business is to assert a just liberty in such controversial things of religion , as they who have forsaken the church of rome do differ in , and have , as they suppose , some able and learned , sober and godly men of their persuasion , supposing that in the mean time they behave themselves peaceably , and live without any civil injury : for my own part i am so sar from thinking that any of these sects ought to be punished , that i believe they might communicate each with other , notwithstanding any opinion in religion which they hold , ( if that be all ) had they but charity enough to bear with , and forbear one the other : for he who believeth that jesus is the christ , is born of god , john . . and is built upon the rock , matth. . , . although i will not deny but i should prefer a purer church before a less pure , and perhaps one that is not of my own persuasion before one that is , for other causes ; but i cannot communicate with any church , which will require me to subscribe to , or by my practice and gesture , to justify any the least thing which i judg to be unlawful , or else i shall not communicate ; for example , the baptism of infants is not so material a thing either way , as that men should break communion upon it ; for there is for it neither precept nor precedent : on the other side it is not forbidden , but if he who thinks it unlawful to baptize his infant , shall not communicate except he doth , he cannot lawfully communicate ; and the schism is on their part , who will force it as a necessary condition of communion , for they cause divisions , rom. . . i think there are in our church others who deserve toleration less than any dissenters whom i know , as notorious prophaners of the lords day , haunters of ale-houses at unseasonable times of the night , or when according to their consciences , they should be at church : and other debauched persons whom we hear daily in the streets cursing and swearing , bidding god to damn themselves and others . now that they are grosly mistaken , who tolerate such persons as these that offend against their own consciences , and yet severely punish dissenters in matters of mere religion , will be sufficiently proved in the following discourse . g. c. of liberty of conscience . qvi bene distinguit , bene docet ; it will therefore be requisite to premise a word or two for distinction's sake . and first , we need not trouble our selves to define conscience logically , but taking that word grosly , and as it is vulgarly understood , we mean by conscience any man's perswasion of what he is to believe and practise , which may be of two sorts ; . either first , of such things as may be known by the common light of nature : or , . such things as are known only by divine revelation . and these are of two sorts : st . such as concern the revealed will of god under the old testament , which is called the law : or , dly . the revealed will of god under the new testament , which is called the gospel . and , secondly , by liberty we mean an immunity from punishment , and that is either , . divine , viz. the just judgments of god. . humane , and those are twofolde ; ( . ) civil and temporal punishments , by loss of life , limb , or estate , &c. ( . ) ecclesiastical , by the admonitions and spiritual censures of the church . these things being premised , the truth concerning liberty of conscience will be cleared by the proof of the following propositions . i. first then , if the conscience be erroneous by any great fault against the common light of nature , we cannot assert any freedom to it : for god will punish it , and the king will punish it , and so should the church too by her spiritual censures : and the greater the error is as to the clearness of the light , against which it is committed , or as to the mischief and malignity of it , the more punishable it is ; for else we should introduce a liberty for professed atheism , blasphemy , murther , adultery , theft , &c. for catilines and ravilliacks , &c. for punishments in such cases may be proper and more likely to amend the delinquent , and save the community from such mischiefs as such errors tend to bring upon it . yet do not good magistrates write all their laws in blood , but decree capital punishments only against capital offenders , and especially for such offences as are against the second table , which magistrates are better able to judg of , and strike at the root and being of civil societies , as murther , paricide , &c. i mentioned gross errors in the proposition , for as aquinas saith in his summes , all faults against natural light belong not to the cognizance of the civil magistrate , who is a publick person , but are to be corrected by oeconomicks and ethicks ; so for the most part the faults of children are to be corrected by their parents . besides , some gross errors may be excepted as they may be circumstantiated or over-ruled by education and religion , therefore the christians did not persecute the heathens as the heathens persecuted them , although the idolatries of the heathens were contrary to common light , nor do the protestants persecute the papists as the papists persecute the protestants , though some of the errors of the papists , as transubstantiation , are grosly against the common light of reason and sense it self ; but more tolerable as errors meerly , than paying peter-pence to the pope is in civil government . ii. prop. such jews as lived in the times of the old testament were not to have the liberty of their consciences as to humane punishments , though a great part of that law consisted only of the revealed will of god ; for god's will was likewise revealed that they should be punished . now these ordinances unto which the jews were bound , were mostly concerning the outward man , and very clearly revealed : besides , the jews had their vrim and thummim , their priests and prophets , whom god according to his promise , deut. . . raised up from time to time for their direction , whom the people were bound to hear under penalty of excision ; neither were the strangers that dwelt in the land , and were but proselytes of the gate , to be tolerated in blasphemy , lev. . . in idolatry , deut. . , . in sabbath-breaking , exod. . . so numb . . . it was revealed that he who gathered sticks upon the sabbath-day should be put to death ; though for other things god did not bind the gentiles to the like obedience to the law with the natural jews : neither did the jews require it of them , nor do they now ; from whence it appears that is a great paralogism to argue from what was done by kings and princes under the old testament , to the like under the new , as if a man should now argue from elijah's slaying baal's prophets , . kings . . or from that in zech. . . thou shalt not live , for thou speakest lies in the name of the lord , as some have argued from asa's covenant to put men to death , chron. . . what a hideous deal of mischief might an ignorant zealot be perswaded to do from ill managing the old testament ; as i have heard some in the pulpit to argue from thence for the observation of the lord's day , as would prove the saturday sabbath , and not lawful now under the gospel to kindle a fire upon saturday . but some will say , that the equity of that law obligeth still , giving to kings and princes power to reform the house of god. i answer , be it so ; but what that equity is must not be taken as every man shall imagine of his own head , but from the law of nature , and from the positive law of christ : placeus says that those kings were all typical ; and it is probable that in the spiritual sense , not kings , but prevalent parties in the christian church are to be understood , so hierom ad paulinum , haereticorum bella adversus ecclesiam declarantur . a magistrate may do much for the propagation of the christian religion against such errors as are meerly against the gospel , by protection of the orthodox , by his munificence , encouragement , direction , example , and against moral errors and impieties by due coercion ; for where these are carefully look'd to , no fear but the gospel will thrive well : but that the magistrate is to punish errors and heresies meerly concerning the faith of christ , where there is not sufficient mixture of moral impiety , proved by sufficient witnesses , that this i say is any part of the moral equity of that law , i deny , affirmanti incumbit probatio . iii. my third conclusion is this , errors and heresies against the faith of christ , only and meerly as such , are not to be punished with civil punishments by the christian magistrate . i shall prove this proposition by these arguments following . i. first i reason ab authoritate divinâ negativè , which no logician can reasonably deny in this case . i reason therefore thus , our saviour christ hath neither by himself , nor by his apostles , commanded any such thing ; therefore no such thing ought to be done . to meddle with the estates , liberties , limbs or lives of men is no indifferent thing , but a matter of great consequence , and therefore our saviour christ , who was the great law-giver of the christian church , and was faithful to him that appointed him , who spared not to threaten and denounce the judgments of god , and knew very well that the christians would one day gain the imperial crown ; i say , he would not only have commanded all christian kings and princes in a thing so important , ( as mahomet bids his disciples to fight for the faith , with promise of great reward ) but have given them plain and particular rules to guide them , that they should not draw the ruin and blood of men upon them where 't is so dangerous to mistake and exceed . our saviour foresaw the grand and general apostacy of the christians from the purity of the faith , and was therefore very unlikely to put such knives into the hands of apostates , or men imperfectly reform'd : we see what work they have made for their abominable heresies , thinking to do god service in burning men alive ; which is enough to satisfy any man of a true christian spirit of the antichristianism of the opinion which i oppose , since all errours are not equal , neither ought the punishment : what rule hath our saviour left , or can any man imagine by which to proportion the punishments which are of many sorts and degrees ; indeed the pope , as if he would supply what christ left defective , makes his own definitions and decrees , the rule whereby to judg of heresy ; and his own arbitrary will , the standard of its punishment ; being in that directly antichrist , i. e. contrary to christ . now if christ hath not commanded , they are surely too officious that will offer violence to any man for his sake , and may expect their reward from him that set them on work , non amo nimiùm diligentes . but to prosecute this argument further , it is clear that there is nothing to be alledged from the current of the gospel , so that the adversary is constrained to glean up a scrap or two ; i think there was hardly ever any thing alledged from our saviour's own words , except some few have trifled from those words , luke . . compel them to come in ; which are part of a parable , and according to the scope of it to be understood of importunate preaching ; for surely the apostles were not masters of the temporal sword ▪ the word is in the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is best understood of urgent invitation , and most proper to bring such as are there spoken of to his supper . paul useth the same word of perswasion and example , gal. . . why compellest thou the gentiles to live as do the jews ? so likewise little is to be alledged from the apostle's words , but from some general expressions , and by consequence , as thus , it may be objected , that though the apostles could not punish so , as being no magistrates , yet peter denounced god's judgments against ananias and sapphira , acts . . i answer , first , that is without the state of the question ; for that was in a criminal cause , of lying , dissembling , purloining , sacriledg , vow-breaking ; and i will not deny but hereticks may be punished for the like faults , when they can be proved against them , as they use to be against other men : ananias and sapphira might be orthodox enough as to any point of doctrine . . what peter did by extraordinary inspiration and miraculous infliction upon some particular persons , is no rule for uninspired men to go by in ordinary cases magistrates being sometimes young men and women , and of small learning in the scriptures , and which is worse , often wicked men and hereticks themselves by ill education , interest and practice . this may answer to that which was said of them who were delivered over to satan , and that paul saith of the judaizers , i would they were cut off that trouble you , gal. . , . viz. as dr. duport expounded at st. maries in cambridg , that god would cut them off , which yet may be meant of excommunication , as in ver . . and the apostle who was no magistrate , and ver . . suffered perfecution , was very unlikely to perswade the galatian magistrates to persecute . 't is also certain that those judaizers were men full of moral impiety , and persecutors of others . the same answer may serve for them who were blamed , rev. . . for suffering jezabel the false prophetess to seduce ; but to what ? viz. to fornication and idolatry . moreover , what toleration is here blamed , is easily proved by this , that the christians were then no magistrates , but were by sound doctrine to have stopped the mouths , and convinced gain-sayers by the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god ; and if the seven churches be prophetical , as hath of late been very well proved , we know who they were that had the temporal sword , and how well they managed it in the thyatirian interval ; they were certainly damnable hereticks , and such as deserved to be punished for their innumerable crimes , if they had had their due . as an appendix to this argument , let it be considered , that the apostles and primitive christians being accounted hereticks by the generality of men , were very unlikely to have put such a sword into the hands of their enemies , as to teach them that hereticks were to be punished by the civil magistrate . and our saviour christ laying the foundation of his church in his own blood , and the blood of his apostles and disciples , was very unlikely to prescribe a way for the shedding the blood of his enemies by a judicial trial in humane courts , for that wherein their consciences were thorowly satisfied as true and good , and therefore must needs think themselves honest and innocent , and the christians unjust and inhumane , notwithstanding all their preaching up of meekness , and the example of the most meek and merciful jesus , who endured such contradiction of sinners against himself ; what had that been but to disgrace the glory of christian martyrdom , as when our saviour biddeth peter to put up his sword , matth. . . he giveth this reason , for they that take the sword , shall perish by the sword ; intimating nothing of real worth and excellency in the sufferings of christians by the sword , if themselves should take the sword as a matter but of quid pro quo . he wanted not more effectual souldiers to have made use of against his persecutors , viz. whole legions of angels . ii. i argue from divine authority affirmatively , our saviour doth condemn persecution in meer causes of religion in that parable of the tares , matth. . and so chrysostom , austin , and others both ancient and modern have expounded the place . the reapers are to be angels , not men ; those words , let them grow together , cannot forbid excommunication , and therefore , let them grow together , must forbid temporal excision ; and if that should be taken only to signify eventually , that there would be tares to the end of the world , yet there is a good argument in the caution , ver . . lest while ye gather the tares , ye root up the wheat also ; for though men may think that they can distinguish clearly enough betwixt . tares and wheat in some cases of heresy , yet as wise men as they have found themselves deceived , acts . . and let men give way to judicial proceedings in this kind , and the ignorance and rashness of men will pluck up ten orthodox professors for one heretick , i am sure they have hither to pluck'd up many more ▪ now in civil causes there is not the like danger , wherein the criminals own consciences accuse them for the most part , and they cannot deny the justness of the law , but deny their own particular fact ; which made st. cyprian say to demetrian , proconsul of africa , torqueri enim debui si negarem — nunc autem cum sponte confitear , &c. quid tormenta admoves confitenti ? . consider also how our saviour rebuked his disciples when they called for fire from heaven upon the samaritans who received him not when his face was as though he would go to jerusalme , luke . . ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of ; i. e. how unsuitable these killing spirits or dispositions of yours are to the times of the gospel , or that the times of the gospel require you to be of other dispositions ; see dr. hammond in loc . it is manifest that our saviour opposeth not fault to fault , as if the samaritans fault was less deserving punishment ; nor doth it appear that he opposeth the private passions of his disciples , as desire of revenge , or the like , to the publick spirit of elias , but he opposeth the severity of legal times to the eminent and extraordinary grace of the times of the gospel , as appears by the words following , ver . . for the son of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them ; as if he had said , ye must not be so prodigal of mens lives , now the saviour of the world is come to lay down his own life for the ransom of other mens . . some also argue from those words of the apostle , cor. . . for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal ; where tho the word carnal doth signify weak , as the word flesh is often used 〈…〉 gnify weakness , yet the words do imply that the christians weapons are spiritual and of another sort distinct from those which worldly souldiers use . iii. my next argument is drawn à regulâ fidei , from the rule of faith , viz. the scriptures ; it is not proper to say that the scripture is judex controversiarum , the judg of controversies , but it is norma fidei , the rule of faith ; this i take here for granted . now this rule is too hard to be understood to be introduced into humane courts for civil coaction by temporal punishments ; for unto the right determination of many questions in religion the scriptures must be well translated , various copies must be consulted , figures of speech must be known , and the idiom or properiety of language with many obsolete customs , the analogy of religion , the context and coherence of words , comparing scripture with scripture , are to be minded , besides many prejudices from diversity of interpretations , authority , education and company , &c. must be considered ; all which make it so easy for a man to be mistaken , as to exempt his error from the cognizance and animad version of humane courts by civil coercion ; they who are the great persecutors , when they please , and it serves their turns , can make large declamations of the obscurity of scripture , even to little better than blasphemy and atheism , saying it is but a leaden rule , a nose of wax , and yet see not what a horrible folly and detestable impiety it is to quote scripture to an fro , whether a man shall be burnt ? as many poor , honest , innocent men , yea even women , were in queen mary's days , after the doctors had disputed of hoc est corpus meum : and whether hoc was an individuum vagum or no ? if these things had been only ridiculous , they might have been born , but tending to so much mischief and murder , they were intolerable . here it 's like some will say , that although some things are dark and hard to be understood , yet other things are plain and easy , namely fundamentals . i answer , many things may be evident enough to make men obnoxious to god's judgment , which is always according to truth , and yet not make men liable to mens judgment , who sometimes are very apt to swim with the stream of the times , and call every little thing heresy , and who cannot as yet agree what is fundamental , and how many fundamentals there be . some say that in the christian religion there is only this one , viz. that jesus is the christ , and such other things are only necessary , without which this article cannot be retained ; but what they are is hard to say . neither can we tell how far god will forbear mens mistakes about things which in themselves are damning : so was circumcision , if retained as necessary , even to the jews ; for paul says , gal. . , . if ye be circumcised , &c. for i testify again to every one that is circumcised , that he is a debtor to the whole law ; yet was this error tolerated a great while , and some judicious men think that paul never intended this sentence to be so comprehensive , as to anathematize universally all , even weak jews , who might mistake out of tenderness and infirmity . add to this , that many understanding and charitable men have thought and do think , that negative unbelief even of that capital article , doth not certainly exclude all the heathens from salvation , tho ( 't is true ) they are therefore out of the way , viz. the road-way , the authorized way of salvation , to say nothing that ( acts . ) there were some called disciples , who did not know whether there was any holy spirit or no ; which take it in what sense you will , was requisite to christian baptism ; and we do see as much difficulty , and there hath been as much controversy in articles thought fundamental , as in others remoter from the foundation ; and 't is certain by pet. . . that some scriptures are hard to be understood , which yet are of that moment , that mens salvation are concerned in the right understanding of them . iv. my fourth argument shall be taken à naturâ fidei , from the nature of faith , and the things which are revealed , which are spiritual and supernatural ; faith is in an eminent manner the gift of god ; and the natural man receiveth not spiritual things , for they are spiritually discerned , and so far transcending mens ordinary reason , that they cannot be the matter of humane courts : for example , take the great article of the resurrection of christ : our saviour's own apostles , who had conversed with him , and seen all his miracles , and although he had told them before of his resurrection , yet were very slow to believe them who had seen him after he was risen ; and thomas would not believe except he might see , therefore these things cannot be the matter of the magistrates courts : for who will say that a man is to be punished for denying that which is so very hard to be believed by by a meer animal man , and much less ought a man to be punished for believing it may be , but part of a great spiritual truth ; i instance in this article , because it being one of the principal articles of our religion , my argument holds à fortiori , in matters of lesser consequence , the truth and virtue whereof for the most part depend upon this article and the belief thereof ; which it self depended in great part upon the testimony of faithful men , and still must be supposed harder in that respect for them who never saw nor spake with the apostles themselves , who did so testify , therefore our saviour saith , blessed are they who have not seen , and have believed . thus baptism and the lord's supper can signify nothing except the resurrection of christ be supposed true and certain , and if a man be supposed to deny the resurrection of christ , he may be supposed to deny the use of baptism and the lord's supper , as wholly signifying nothing ; and of no use or benefit to him ; and much less are men to inflict temporal punishment upon him , if he misbelieve only as to some circumstances of them : shall misbelief of christ's presence in the lord's supper be punished , and unbelief of christ's presence in heaven not punishable ? as one said wittily , that the italians would burn a man for not believing christ's real and bodily presence in the sacrament , whenas themselves did not believe him to be in heaven . it is much which evagrius saith , lib. . c. . that synesius was desired by the christians to accept of the priestly function , although he did not admit the article of the resurrection , nor would be brought to believe the same out of charitable hopes for the future , that he would discern the truth after a while . much more are men to be suffered to enjoy their lives and liberties , how indisposed soever they may seem to believe out of charitable hopes ; when as they may be very skilful to till the ground , or exercise some mechanical trade , and so be very useful to the commonwealth , and fit to live in it . education indeed tends much to make the truth easy to be believed ; but it will do as much for an error , and so far as a man believes meerly for that cause , his faith must needs be of little avail , however i will not deny but that with other circumstances , as divulging before such persons , in such time , in such place , with such impudence and effrontery , may turn a man's fault into a crime , and make it reducible to an error against natural light ; possibly a man may be justly punished for preaching the truth , as suppose to rail against transubstantiation in a sermon before the king of spain , or call mahomet a damnable impostor to the grand signiour's face . though the jews are not within the design of this treatise , yet i think this argument proves that they are to have their liberty if they live peaceably , without impudently affronting the christians . as an additional supplement to this argument , let me add these two things . . first , that faith is the substance of things hoped for , the evidence of things not seen ; and god would have our faith to contain in it these difficulties , without which it would lose its real worth and value , the object whereof would not be as now it is , a touch-stone and trial of true grace and godliness before god who searcheth the heart and reins , and whose judgment is according to truth , and to whom it is therefore fit the judgment of matters of faith should be remitted . . the other is , that no man hath been thought fit to be punished , for not performing the supernatural and perfect precepts of christ in the most perfect way of charity , in giving and forgiving , which yet is more necessary to salvation than faith is ; and therefore why should any man be punished for not believing , or believing amiss , concerning the supernatural doctrines of christ . as for that which some say of forcing the external not internal acts of faith , i shall speak to that afterward . v. my fifth argument is drawn ab axiomate ; viz. from that received axiom , dominium non fundatur in gratiâ , that dominion is not founded in grace ; which i know to be chie●ly understood of soveraignty : but there is a gradual parity of the reason upon which that axiom is founded , which may be reciprocally applied to subjects : for pagans though they canno● be lawful dispensers of the mysteries of christ , nor heirs of the kingdom of heaven , yet they may be lawful kings , and lawful subjects , lawful husbands , lawful masters , and lawful possessors of their lives , liberties and estates . christian religion doth not allow servants to deny obedience to their masters according to the flesh , except they may be made free ; nor masters to turn away their servants contrary to their covenants ; nor ought christian magistrates to deny protection to whom it is due , though they be not christians , and perhaps was due before either of them was christian . what might a good moral heathen say , if your christianity stirreth you up either to tyrannize or to rebel sor causes of mere religion : malo venusinam quam te cornelia mater ; — si cum magnis virtutibus affers , grande supercilium . — indeed errors in religion may have such intolerable injury mixt with them , as may excuse if not free both the one and the other , but i speak of merely religious errors . it is true wicked men want the blessing of god to them upon what they possess ; they have not a sanctified use of things , but they have a lawful title , and 't is as much theft to steal from them as the best godly men in the world. and therefore heresy can be no sufficient ground to dispossess any man of what he hath , for that can only denominate a man not godly or gracious , or to be no excellent person ; but men are not to be punished by the civil sword , because they are not excellent persons . it is generally thought that soveraign authority , be it as absolute as it will , is founded at least in implicite pact or trust , which was necessary in all nations before christianity came into the world , and when it did , it was not in the christian power to betrust that , nor is it likely that the community would trust their temporal rights with the contingent opinions of their governours , and therefore that bloody persecuting opinion must needs it self be an heresy with moral impiety mixt with it , and intolerable , as being at inlet to thievery and tyranny on the one hand , and rebellion on the other . and we see by experience that the principal hyperaspists and defenders of the bloody tenent , i mean the papists , do not stick to rebel against , to depose and murther heretical princes merely for religion , as they are encouraged to do by the decrees of their popes and councils , by which whether kings or subjects they are bound the one to persecute , the other to rebel in case of heresy , though no civil injury be offered , whatsoever oaths they may have taken . here it may be objected , that what persecutors do now is according to law. i answer , no humane authority can justly make such acts of sequestration or confiscation , or impose fines , much less such unreasonable fines , as they are wont to do for things merely religious ; what is that else but to establish iniquity by a law ? then they say they do not force men to embrace the faith , but punish relapsers . i answer , that men are forced into opinions by law and fear of punishment , or are surprized by education and custom before they are able or fit to judg , or are deceived by the plausible reasons of abler men , without hearing what other men could say to the contrary . and then if any man was to be free from punishment before he turned , he ought to be as free to return , except some sufficient cause in nature or reason could be shown to dissolve his right in the one case more than in the other ; to relapse indeed for any by , or worldly ends , is a great sin in the sight of god , and fit for him to judg of , whose judgment is according to truth . there are a great many things both in doctrine and discipline for which some are very zealous , but the greatest part do so little understand or apply their minds to understand , that they may turn and return ten times over , for what they know , and yet the zealots will engage them to be of their sides ; as for the great persecutors their talk of relapse is but a pretence , for they persecute all of all sorts . again it may be objected , that now the ministers ecclesiastical preferments may be endangered by heretical doctrine , which preferments are settled by law. i answer , that that settlement cannot be good so far as it abridgeth any man , or deprives him of that right which is vested in him by the law of nature , which is for the parishioner to have his freedom in matters of religion , as well as the rector of the parish , who turns a just reward into oppression and bribery , when he useth it to another mans wrong , what ever declamations or defamations such men may make for their own ends . i answer further , that the ministers spiritual title is founded in grace , viz. for a certain spiritual use , which when the office proves needless or vain , the title falls of it self , because the foundation is sunk away from it . now though in the present objection we suppose the office well founded and terminated in a good use , yet in those offices which are not essential to civil government , in order to the temporal weal of the publique , but founded in grace for spiritual ends , the usefulness whereof is best judged by such as are spiritual , the right is likewise best judged by them also , and to be reputed but as doubtful and disputable as to others , and consequently it cannot be an offence so great , and of the same nature to deny that right , to oppose it or undermine it as it is to oppose civil natural right , which is all the world over unquestionable , especially when that religious right is but remotely endangered , and not actually opposed by sedition or other endeavours without the command of the soveraign authority , paying all dues in the mean time according to law. if a petition was preferred to the parliament that our prelates who in this latitude of diocess are indeed arch-bishops , might be made without any new ordination , by patent or commission only ; and before they enter upon their offices , be bound to declare that they do not hold their jurisdiction in that latitude to be jure divino , viz. as distinct from presbyters or such parochial bishops as watch over the souls of the people ; and that the means of the church might be brought into a common stock , and more equally distributed , as they in their wisdom shall think fit : the petitioner in the mean time paying their duties till such determination of the soveraign authority . i see not how they could be justly blamed for such a petition . vi. my sixth argument shall be drawn ab absurdo , from the absurd consequences which follow that detestable opinion of forcing mens consciences , to say nothing that the national churches are yet very imperfectly reformed , and therefore very unlikely to manage the sword well , some of them punishing one thing and some another , and some of them in the same church in divers times punishing diversly , as several parties accidentally get into authority . the sword will cut only the honest and consciencious who dare not dissemble ; the rest for the most part will temporize and run home again , when they see their opportunity , and revenge themselves upon them who were so rough with them , and shamed them so much ; and this temporizing and turning , merely for lucres sake and to save themselves , makes religion very ridiculous , and weakens the repute and authority of the professors , as but atheists and men of no real religion ; as truly the atheists have the advantage of all men in this regard , for to be sure their consciences are not so scrupulous , but they can subscribe to every thing , they can dissemble and comply for their own ends with all times and parties , yea and under the disguise of religion help to make all true religion odious , by persecuting men as hereticks and schismaticks , not because they have no religion , but because they have ( as they think ) too much , and are religious in good earnest , and then these men applaud themselves , and think they have got a great argument for their atheism , when they see other men make religion but a daunce after the pipe of the times . then to force men to the service of god makes often but hyprocites , whose presence there should be voluntary , or else it is neither acceptable to god , who requires the heart ; nor to good men , who must needs desire the greatest unanimity and freedom of consent that may be , in their joynt addresses to the throne of grace , which in worldly things is otherwise ; for if a man doth not pay his debts with a good will , it matters not , so the creditor be paid , he is satisfied . again , except the persecutions be more severe than good natures can endure to execute , and the sectaries but few , they either make sects or make the sectaries obstinate , who otherwise might come to the publique assemblies , were they not exasperated by the violence of them , who would bring them thither and their rigioties , when they come there . now how should they worship god together , who are persecutors one of another , who bite and devour each other , and for that reason can hardly think one another to be christians , as indeed a persecutor will have much ado to defend himself to be a true christian , as great a zealot as he may take himself to be for the christian religion . likewise persecution gives way to the rabble to deride and insult over men much better than themselves , and to other men to get some part of a base livelihood by informing , or to vent their private malice and revenge upon old grudges , and the heats and inflammations of disputation , that so they may have their wills over them whom they could not overcome in controversy also to the cruelty of covetous men , who are too timerous of losing their own preferments , or lurch a 〈…〉 other mens . then it often makes magistrates but the ministers executioners , and that in things which they neither understand , nor have reason to understand from their age , sex , manner of education , meanness of parts , passion , employment , &c. and which they who study all their lives ( and as far as we know without prejudice ) cannot agree about , and in things which magistrates have no reason to trust other men , as they may in physick , and civil causes . in what a horrid manner was q. mary abused by the priests ? and i have read in the life of king edward the th , that when archbishop cranmer urged him to sign the warrant for the burning joan butcher an arian , the king vehemently refused , but at last yielded through much importunity , saying it was cranmer's doing , and he should answer for it , which the historian saith brought him under censure , he being afterward burnt himself for an heretick . if they make themselves suspicious who choose to sell their wares in a dark shop , what do they do who sell them by the light of such fires ? the lord falkland and dr. hammond excuse the protestants from much of this barbarous cruelty , confessing a little to be too much . to this head i may reduce an argument ab incommodo ; as that it makes the magistrates to make themselves parties in the factions of their subjects , and many times run needless hazards from the ill humours of their people ; and makes the several parties to bandie against one another , and against the government ; which will make work enough for the wisest man in the world , to know how to govern such unruly people , who are always striving to get the civil sword into their hands , not for common defence , but to oppress their antagonists , often quarrelling about questions , in themselves perhaps not very material to religion , which have been long disputed , and may be disputed sine fine , as the controversies about free-will , election and reprobation have been . nor is it for the magistrates interest , that men who might live usefully in the common-wealth should be kept in jails for disciplinary notions in religion , which are uncertain , or manifestly false , supposing men to be churches , or pure churches , which are not so : like making shoes for all men by one last , and the same prayers to serve for men of contrary tempers , and in contrary circumstances , as we have lately experienced . it destroys trading , when men cannot go freely about their business , and lay out their stocks with security ; nor dare neighbours freely lend monies to others , for fear they should be beggared by religious fines . lastly , it could not reasonably be expected that reformation from such a huge mass of errors and confusion should be perfected simul & semel ; but though all reformers cannot agree in their judgments about some weighty things in doctrine and discipline , yet except they make account all to be destroyed by the common enemy , it is most certainly the interest of all who have departed from the roman pontific , to join all together as one man , ( so far should they be from persecuting one the other ) and say , i am as thou art , my horses as thy horses , &c. which i say , not to propagate the true faith by force , but by such honest and lawful means as god hath wonderfully put into their hands , to defend themselves against their bloody and implacable adversaries , who have lately appeared in their colours , and gone about to destroy all the northern hereticks with a vengeance , as it is phrased by a late learned author of a treatise concerning civil and ecclesiastical laws , who hath displayed the cruelty of their decrees and canons , and clearly proved that there is no trusting to their words , promises or oaths . vii . my seventh and last argument shall be taken ab authoritate ecclesiae affirmativè , from the authority of christians both ancient and modern ; the antient christians generally denied the persecution of hereticks , for at least well nigh the first years : for which there are well-known testimonies cited out of tertullian , lactantius , &c. that faith is to be perswaded , not forced . st. austin is very express contra cresconium gra 〈…〉 maticum , l. . c. . nullis bonis in catholicâ hoc placet , 〈◊〉 usque ad mortem in quenquam licet haereticum saeviatur ; it pleaseth no good men in the catholick church , that hereticks should be put to death . this testimony sheweth not his private opinion , but the judgment of the univers●l church ; which no man knew better than he , and strongly proves that the papists are neither the catholick church , nor good men , for he saith , nullis bonis hoc placet , & in catholicâ ; but it is no wonder for apostates to alledg the whole primitive church as for them , when it is all against them . this place is quoted by bishop jewel , apol. c. . div. . p. . who cites also chrysostom homil . . in matth. num ovis persequitur lupum christianus haereticum ? &c. doth the sheep persecute the wolf ? no , but the wolf doth persecute the sheep : doth the christian persecute the heretick ? no , but the heretick doth persecute the christian . and again , whomsoever you see rej●icing in the blood of persecution , he is the wolf , and wisheth that god would kill the heretick with spiritual darts , and the two-edged sword of the spirit . eusebius relates in vitâ constantini , that constantine decreed , that they which erred should have equal fruition of peace and quiet with the faithful ; and that we may know constantine was in earnest , he puts it into his prayer , l. . c. . it is true he banished arius , but he banished likewise athanasius , and neither of them for their opinions , ( which he accounted trifling : and bp. jewel saith , in apol. c. . div. . p. . was thought to encline in his own opinion , rather to arius ) but for other causes and immoralities , and unchristian contentions , not to be reconciled by the emperours tears , letters , and the mediation of his legate hosius bishop of corduba . this is certain , that athanasians , arians , and novatians , were all suffered in the same cities , to have churches and bishops of their own , whose successions are delivered in ecclesiastical history , till pope celestine banished the novatians out of rome , deprived them of their churches , and constrained rusticula their bishop to raise private conventicles , anno . socrates schol. l. . c. . for now he and cyril of alexandria were grown ●reat , having gone beyond the bounds of priesthood , and gotten the temporal sword. he that would see more of antiquity may consult mr. daillé of the right use of the fathers , and read the comments of the fathers upon the parable of the tares , &c. — ye know not what spirit ye are of . i shall add some modern testimonies of our own country-men . the apology of the church of england , set out by authority , p. . mihi . as for us we run not to the fire , as these mens guise is , but we run to the scriptures ; neither do we reason with the sword , but with the word of god. indeed the writ de haeretico comburendo , is now out of doors , and i hope his fellow de excommunicato capiendo , will follow him ere long : see dr. hammond in his defence of my lord falkland , who writes very fully to this purpose , but especially see his last words about paedobaptism in his six queries . his words are — and god forbid we that desire to reduce dissenters — should ever think of damning , killing , or persecuting any that dissent in this or any other particular . — and i think it but duty to pray against that treacherous prosperity , which should be able to infuse any greater degree of unkindness or roughness into the minds of men , whether sons or fathers of the church , than what i here avow to be strict duty in every christian . dr. taylour , since bishop of down and conner , wrote a whole book de libertate prophetandi ; the like hath been done by several conformists in their pleas for nonconformists . mr. hudson who rode with king charles the first in disguise , in his treatise of monarchy , &c. dedicated to the king , asserts liberty of conscience boldly , and perhaps too boldly ; but that it was mr. hudson , who carried his life in his hand , and at last lost it in the king's cause . see what dr. more in his appendix to his antidote against idolatry , saith — p. . of nadab and abihu's offering strange fire before the lord , lev. . . where he compares it with luke . . john . . and saith — whether protestants or papists that kill one the other for conscientious difference in religion , as thinking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to make an oblation of divine worship to god thereby , do turn the living god of the christians ( who is love it self ) into the foulest idols of the heathens , who used to be worshipped with the bloody sacrificing of men. this holds good in proportion against religious robbery , by fines , or confiscation of goods . mr. day on isa . . . saith , that to take away mens livelihood is there called murther . lastly , to name no more , dr. burnet hath written very learnedly and solidly in defence of liberty of conscience , in his preface to the history of the persecuting emperours . now from what hath been said , appears the vanity of those men who are content to give a private liberty , but no● to ) assemble ; which signifies little to many men , who think themselves bound to do so from heb. . . and not to live like atheists . others will give men liberty , if they will hold their tongues , and distinguish betwixt the outward exercise or profession of faith , and the internal acts of faith , which they say are not to be forced ; thank them for nothing , did the primitive church only tolerate the thoughts of hereticks ; and who can think any sober man should dispute of mens private thoughts , which as such no man can know , or if they be declared and punished , yet cannot a man certainly say that they are forced , viz. that his thoughts are altered , for that may be dissembled , but all men have hitherto supposed that mens consciences are capable of being forced , that is punished , taking the inward and outward acts together as they ought in this question : some i see would give such a liberty as antichrist never denied . now it may be fit to answer the principal arguments , which are produced by the adversaries : . from rom. . where magistrates are said to be a terror to evil-doers , &c. i answer , that text only authorizeth the magistrate to punish civil injuries and moral evils . he may punish treason , rebellion , murther , &c. such heresies are works of the flesh , and against the light of nature , such as the apostle mentions , gal. . . and what they are may be known by their companions there enumerated ; that the apostle doth not speak of errors in the faith , is plain , because the magistrates were then heathens , and he seems to speak of the present powers , when he saith ( the powers that be , &c. ) though 't is true he speaks of them rather according to what they ought to be , than according to what they were , as may appear by those words , he is the minister of god to thee for good , which some in alledging this scripture do little consider ; doth the apostle make caligul● , and nero , and commodus , with the whole tribe of usurpers judges of the faith of christians ? and therefore paul could appeal to caesar only , whether there was any immorality or crime in him deserving death , as the jews caluminated . . it is objected , that the king is bound to serve god , not only as a man , but as a king. i answer , it is true , and that may be done without violation of conscience in matters of faith : he may punish immoralities , impieties , and such as sin against their profession and conscience ; he may serve god by protection of his church , by his treasure , munificence , praising and encouraging good christians , without bribing men by extravagant rewards , and wages , which bear no proportion to the work , by good perswasions and advice , by his wisdom in calling councils , and presiding in them ; and by defending even honest and well-meaning hereticks from such cruel men , as put honest men into bear-skins , and then set the dogs on them , and care not what censure they pass upon dissenters : so lavish are they in calling every little thing heresy , blasphemous and damnable ; of which chrysostom complains as too rife in his time , in his comment on matthew ; but these men learnt that language of antichrist the old anathematizer . some urge the power of the kings of israel , in . chron. . . that whosoever would not seek the lord god of israel , should be put to death . but this is already answered in propos . d. . some say , if liberty of conscience be granted , there will be confusion . i answer , this is a selfish objection , for i dare say the objector would not use it , if he stood in need of liberty himself . unity and uniformity are good things , but we must come honestly by them . i am for unity , but as bp. latimer said , unity in verity , and not in popery . there is unity enough amonst mahumetans in spain and muscovie , and yet in reality there is the greatest babylonical confusion , ( that is ) mixture of truth and error , which is the mother of the greatest dissension ; for whensoever the force shall be taken off , ( as is fit ) there must of necessity be the greatest differences ; when men shall use their own judgments from proper arguments , and not as now one judg for them all , right or wrong at adventures : then it will appear that he who pretends himself most infallible , and other men to be hereticks , is most deceived and the greatest d●ceiver and heretick of all , as 't is usual with them to be ; who most of all cry out upon other men as hereticks and s●hismaticks , to be indeed such themselves ; and if hereticks were to be punished , they deserve most of all to be punished . . some say , if liberty of conscience be granted , that then there can be no national church . i answer , was there then no national church for the first three hundred years before the emperor received the faith ? it is true , there can be none with coercion to it , nor should there be any such . what national church can there be where the major part of the nation are infidels or papists ? what parochial church , where the major part of the parish are such ? what national churches can there be , where the soveraign authorities are infidel or popish ? must they appoint the bishops ? they are ( sure ) like to be good ones ! constantine would set up no such national church , but suffered arians , novatians , and others to have their churches and bishops . and mr. heylin saith there were bishops in poland , but no man forced by the civil sword , and bishops could uphold , when the emperours were against them : but now we think as good no bishop , if all that live within such a part of the country be not forced to be subject to him , as being in his diocess . that church may be said to be national , when the most are of it , and especially when the soveraign authority doth countenance it , doth establish and encourage it by favourable laws and priviledges . the best way to make a national church , was by such healing principles as these . for magistrates to command as little as may be , and people to obey as much as they can ; besides the test against popery , to require as little to be subscibed to as is possible , and that in the words of the scripture . to let the parishes where the fault is committed to examine and censure gross and notoriously scandalous offendors ; and order the needful rites and ceremonies of their own church , without chargeable travelling , tedious suits , crafty pleadings , quirks of law , and pettefoggeries , fees and charges , extortion and barretry in forreign courts , who indeed have nothing to do in such matters not easily to impose a pastor upon a parish without their consent ; nor a president bishop upon his clergy without their consent . and he with the chief of them to ordain ministers , and see that they who receive the magistrates maintenance , do the work accordingly . i am so far from being against bishops , that where there is one , i would there were many more . . others say , why do they then deny the papists liberty ? ( . ) because the papists are gross idolaters against natural light. ( . ) because the papists will give no liberty . and if they do promise it and swear it , by virtue of the decrees of popes and councils , they must not perform it longer than the pope pleaseth , if they will be true to their religion . ( . ) because the papists introduce a foreign power , viz. the pope with his locusts , to burthen the land , and emunge the people , and cheat them of their money ; and therefore no more tolerable than regraters or forestallers , &c. ( . ) because the papists , where they get full power , are unmeasurably cruel . bishop bramhall against militeir saith , that they have equalled , if not exceeded , the heathens in cruelty , and now of late they have outdone themselves , witness their dragooning in france and savoy , and the like in other places . otherwise , the papists are not to be punished as hereticks : queen elizabeth and our kings do expresly deny , that they punished them meerly for their religion : indeed our laws were very cruel against them , but never executed in any very high degree ; and as to any great violence or severity , i wish they were so moderated as to be fit to be executed , and with consideration of all mollifying circumstances , and not one man to suffer for the offence of another . iv. my fourth and last conclusion is this , an erroneous and heretical conscience is not free in things meerly religious , from the judgments of god , nor from the censures of the church by admonition and excommunication , in causes purely ecclesiastical , where there is any gross scandal or danger by the leaven of infection ; for these two were the chief causes of excommunication in the primitive church , and that chiefly in case of moral impieties , which now are or should be carefully look'd to by the christian magistrate ; and therefore we have now so much the less need of excommunication , our neighbours who may be offended , being also christians as well as we ; as likewise neither have we so great need of deacons and deconesses , now our sick and poor are provided for by the christian magistrates ; however it is still of very good use , if it be managed by the church where the crime is committed , and who are best able to judg , and not by forreigners , nor buoying men up to obstinacy for every little thing , for fees and groat-matters . now though excommunication be concerned only in gross things , yet the conscience is bound to obedience , not only to the ordinances of christ , but even to the laudable rites and orders of that particular church , where a man liveth or converseth , or to the churches as associated for order and concord-sake , without infringement on the rights of particular congregations or churches , or to the customs of the church , whi●h are useful , at least not — hurtful , as is undeniably proved from st. paul's discourse of womens vailing their faces , cor. . and by his discourse of speaking with tongues , cor. . and truly if a man doth not profess himself unsatisfied as to the lawfulness of such customs or ceremonies , which are pretended to be but for the decency of the administration of the service of god , i for my part take it to be a peevishness and crossness not to observe them ; and to be over-scrupulous , is but to be superstitious , on the one hand , as some under pretence of obedience to authority in indifferent things , have been too rigorous , offending as grosly against rom. . as the papists by latin prayers do against cor. . these following rules i think would do well to be observed concerning indifferent things . . that we entertain them but as alterable things , in which authority may use their liberty to change or abolish them , as the peace and edification of the churches shall require , without fear of offending the papists in making use of our liberty , which tends rather to do them and some carnal protestants good ; for they are in manifest slavery to their customs ; or however may do our own people good , viz. that they may never come to be enslaved so bad as papists are . vide theses arminii . . they be not oppressive by their multitude , as augustin complained of them in his time . . that they be not dubious , nor subject to breed scruples in mens minds , and factions amongst them . . not savouring of superstition ; thus the primitive church was troubled with judaizers and gentilizers , according to the several schools out of which the christians came . . not wholly needless , but such as have some convenience . for indifferent may be considered two ways : ( . ) absolutely , as opposite to convenient ; as to say it is indifferent , that is , it hath nothing good nor bad in it at all , such things scarce fall under deliberation ; and surely no prudent governours will command any such things in religion , though in civil things possibly they may , as captains , meerly to try their souldiers obedience . ( . ) comparatively , it is indifferent , that is , it is not unlawful by any law of god commanding or forbidding it ; and it may be another thing might serve the turn as well , yet there is some convenience in it without doubt ; governours may command in such things ; and all people which are concerned and satisfied of their lawfulness , are bound to obey , or else all government would be vain ; yet are such commands even of magistrates as far as they are concerned ( except there interpose some circumstances which may superadd a civil or moral consideration ) but directive and paternal , as were those of the christian bishops and councils under the pagan emperours : the civil magistrate by becoming a christian ipso facto , acquires a right as the head of all political authority , in the national churches , concerning matters of prudence and concord , being parens patriae , and pater-familias ; and may in that regard be called the bishop of his kingdoms , as constantine was called the universal bishop of the empire ; and as we commonly say , that every master of a family is a bishop in his own house . but in such cases there is no necessity to think that such kind of magistrates commands must always be back'd with civil punishments , or else authority is despised : for god himself , as many authors do say from cor. . . doth counsel us to do better , when he is yet pleased if we do well , and doth not punish us for the breach of all things which he commands us . . they should be such as agree with the analogy of the christian religion , with the plainness and simplicity of it , &c. not such as are fitter for theatrical shows and pomp , to feed the carnal eyes and ears of the people , more than for the decent administration of the service of a crucified saviour . . we must have a care not to content our selves with a meer formal and customary way of serving god in a road of outward and bodily observations , so to flamm off our consciences , rather than to study real godliness , mortification , true faith , love and charity toward god and man , above which if any man advanceth rites and ceremonies , let him boast what he will of his obedience , he turneth lawful things into pharisaism : washing of hands was no unlawful thing of it self . . i conceive that they are not to be made conditions of communion , so as men may by their contumacy be buoy'd up to excommunication ; for that is to declare a man to be no christian , but as an heathen , which is too censorious to , say of one , who for ought you know may be really unsatisfied of the lawfulness of things propounded , ( which are indeed indifferent ) or else he would willingly observe them ; indeed if they be very perspicuously indifferent , 't is a shrewd suspicion of a factious mind ; but proof , and not suspicion , must be the ground of punishment . thus have i pro modulo , through god's goodness , satisfied such questions as do appertain to liberty of conscience . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the antients thought it fit the crime should be judged where it was commited . a discourse concerning liberty of conscience in which are contain'd proposalls, about what liberty in this kind is now politically expedient to be given, and severall reasons to shew how much the peace and welfare of the nation is concern'd therein. by r.t. pett, peter, sir, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p a estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ; : ) a discourse concerning liberty of conscience in which are contain'd proposalls, about what liberty in this kind is now politically expedient to be given, and severall reasons to shew how much the peace and welfare of the nation is concern'd therein. by r.t. pett, peter, sir, - . dury, john, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for nathaniel brook, and are to be sold at his shop at the angel in cornhill, london : . r.t. = sir peter pett. author attribution from wing. "a discourse representing the liberty of conscience, that is practised in forreign parts. by n.y." (i.e. john dury) has separate dated title page; register and pagination are continuous. part identified on umi microfilm (early english books, - ) reel as wing ( nd ed.) d . item at reel contains only part of bodleian library copy. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- early works to . dissenters, religious -- early works to . religious tolerance -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse concerning liberty of conscience , in which are contain'd proposalls . about what liberty in this kind is now politically expedient to be given , and severall reasons to shew how much the peace and welfare of the nation is concern'd therein . by r. t. london , printed for nathaniel brook , and are to be sold at his shop at the angel in cornhill . . a discourse concerning liberty of conscience , &c. i am not ignorant that it is the fate of those who propound modells concerning affaires of state or religion , to be usually look'd on as knaves or fools , and as such who either do not know the incurable defects of humane nature , or by pretending to cure them , would only mend their own fortunes . leaving therefore the makers of plat-forms about morall things to such censures as attend them , i shall not here in this following discourse of liberty of conscience , so much resemble him that draws the modell of an house , as one that applies an engin to quench one a fire . and indeed the security of the nation is so concerned in the granting of this liberty , that any who shall by the contrary practice pretend to promote that , will most truly deserve the name of a projector . moreover , i know that in nothing more then about liberty of conscience querulous persons have shewn a childishness in their complaints , without telling what the very thing is that troubles them , and how far they would have it removed ; and so complaining for want of liberty of conscience in generall , have been as ridiculous as a plaintiff would be , that brought his action about anothers owing him money in generall , or a judge that accordingly order'd some money in generall to be paid . when therefore any subjects have exprest the due liberty their consciences need , then is a king in a capacity to shew a god-like benignity and power in granting the things they ask , as far as they conduce to his honour and the peoples good . nor is it rationall that this liberty should be granted on other termes : for a king that gives to all men all the liberty of conscience they beg from him this day , will be forced to beg it from them the next . as i shall therefore decline such an offer of the ways of securing liberty to the consciences of the severall parties among us , as might amount to the exactness of a modell , and seem to impose upon the magistrate , and tempt other men into an opposition of those methods whereof they were not the inventors , so shall i likewise avoid the error of those who cry out for want of liberty , before they know their own minds fully in this affaire , or take care that the magistrate shall know them otherwise then by inspiration . nor shall i at all in these papers consider what liberty to the consciences of others religion , but purely what politicall interest prompts us to give . it is , i confess , none of the most renowned principles for nations to preserve a fair entercourse with one another , and with their respective members , because 't is their interest so to do ; but 't is a thing much more shamefull for a people to be so infatuated , as not to see their interest when it is most obvious to them ; as in this case of the due liberty of conscience it so eminently is , that it can be the reall concernment of none but souldiers of fortune to oppose it . 't is pity but those miseries which some mens pedantick incivilities to the consciences of others have formerly overwhelm'd the nation with , should be so instructive to us , as to convince us of the necessity of setting out the true bounds of liberty of conscience , as the egyptians of old by the overflowing of their nile were forc'd upon the study of geometry , that so the certain bounds and proprieties of lands might afterward be retrived . i shall therefore without any more prefatory words addresse my self to the proposalls about the freedom that is now fit to be given to the severall protestant parties , differing in lesser matters of religion among us ; whose perswasions being different from those own'd by the reverend divines of our old hierarchy , do put them in a present necessity of having some liberty granted to them . first then i shall propound , that ( if there be not a coalition of those that are call'd the presbyterians , and the assertors of the former hierarchy among us , into the same form of church-government , and thereby the presbyterians so call'd be put in a capacity to divide the highest preferments of the church with others , ) however no ministers may be devested of their present livings , or be made uncapable of being presented to other , meerly because they have been ordain'd by presbyters without bishops . secondly , that any publick preachers of the independent perswasion , may not meerly because of that discriminating opinion of theirs , be render'd uncapable of being lecturers in any parish where the major part of the parish , and the minister shall desire them so to be . more liberty is not desired in their behalf , because , according to their principles , it is not lawfull for them to take tithes , and to do the usuall offices of a minister in a parish . the reasons why i judge it convenient that the pastors and teachers of independent churches should thus ( if nothing be alledged against them but their particular opinion ) be permitted to preach publickly , are , because as to the doctrinall part of religion , they concur with the . articles of the church of england , and they are generally men of strict lives , and are such as have been bred up in the universities ; and if they have not the liberty allow'd them to preach publickly , it will necessarily occasion their preaching to their churches in private meetings , which may be of worse consequence to the magistrate then their publick preaching can be . and again , their opinions about church-government , though possibly not true , are not unworthy of good and learned men ; for by such they have been own'd , as namely by ames , ainsworth , and cotton of new-england . thirdly , that those of these perswasions that are not ministers , i mean gentlemen and tradesmen , presbyterian or independent , may not for their opinions sake as to church-government be debar'd of any civil employment in the nation they are otherwise capable of . fourthly , that anabaptists may not be punish'd meerly for their opinion of administring baptism as they do , and their meeting to pray and preach , and take the sacrament of the lords supper together . for though those of that perswasion were in germany as so many fire-ships among the states of the empire , it doth not follow that others here must necessarily prove incendiaries in the same manner : 〈◊〉 the acts of reasonable creatures may much more vary in severall places , then lightning and thunder happen to be more hurtfull in some countreys then other , and some plants more or less poysonous in severall places . fifthly , that the quakers may for a while be tolerated , till we have seen what effects their light within them will produce . a present and a speedy punishing so numerous a party would not be prudent , because the persecution of one party would alarme all the others , and make them fear that their turnes would be next . this is a party that none have reason to fear as long-liv'd according to the course of nature ; for it doth not cherish the hopes of its followers by any sensuall pleasures in this world , nor can its principles assure men of any reward in the world to come ; because the quakers having degenerated from the light of the scripture to that within them , they can have no grounded assurance of any good terms in another world. those of them that are idle , and go from town to town , neglecting their callings , may without any injury or provocation to the rest of the parties he compell'd to work . and i am confident that these poor enthusiastick people , by hard labour and diligence in their callings , might be at once curd of their melancholy and errours , and be thus induced no longer to call a bad spleen a good conscience . undoubtedly any enthusiast that had been tired in some mechanicall trade by very hard labour in the day , would find little gusto in reading iacob behmon's works at night . sixthly , that those who professe the belief of a fifth monarchy , that is , of christs reigning personally on the earth a thousand yeares , and draw no consequences from thence about their duty in promoting that fifth kingdom , by being active in dethroning any magistrates , or devesting bishops and ministers of their places , because they are said to be of the fourth , may not for that opinion be liable to any punishment . for as ill uses as this opinion hath been put to in our dayes , it was believed by almost all the fathers of the church before the first nicene councell . and therefore i do so state this sixth proposall , that only those now that believe a millennium , and draw no more consequences of rebellion and sedition from it then its primitive assertors did , may have the benefit of liberty . as for those who by this innocent opinion would occasionally disturb civil societies , it is fit they should be dealt with as enemies of mankind , and as such who would found the fifth monarchy in a colluvies of more vile people then romulus did the fourth , and would multiply confusions and disorders in the world , by destroying propriety , and producing innumerable swarmes of hypocrites ; in so much that if the devil were to reign personally on the earth , he would not fill the world with more prodigious impieties . for 't is likely that he would not take away more mens lives then they , but rather be willing that severall generations of men should still succeed one another ; and that he would account the most provoking indignities that could be offer'd god in the world , were only to be shewn by those men who would advance their temporall designes by religion ; it being a greater affront to a king to be put to servile and ignominious uses in his kingdom , then to be banish'd from it . till any factious assertors of the fifth monarchy can shew gods warrant for their having donations from him of our estates , as the israelites could for their seising on those of the egyptians , we have reason to look on them as the nations exterminated by ioshuah out of their countries did on him , who , as procopius saith in the second book of his vandalics , caus'd pillars to be erected with words on them in the phanician language , which he thus renders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i.e. we fly from the face of ioshuah the thief , the son of nun. but without doubt these mens design is not to claim our goods by such a right as gods people , the israelites , ( who yet were weary of the theocracy they liv'd under ) did the egyptians first of all , but as the mammelucs did since , whose government is the true example of theirs who would rule us by a nation within a nation . and indeed those men may be asham'd to ask liberty of conscience , who in their principles proclaim they will never give it ; from whom all the favour such as are not of their opinions can hope is to be kept so well in heart , as to be able to hew their wood and draw their water for them . moreover , their abusing those words of the saints inheriting the earth , or , which is all one , founding dominion in grace , would leave us still in a state of war. for every man pretending to have grace , nothing can decide the controversie but the sword where there is no infallible judge . among the papists there is a pretended one , and so the opinion of giving the ballance of land to the party preponderating in grace , where there is a steady hand to hold the scales , is not among them so mischievous as here it would be . seventhly , that neither the old discipline , nor the ceremonies of the church of england , nor an acknowledgment of the lawfulness or expediency therof be obtruded on any of the fore-mention'd parties ; nor that any censures from ecclesiasticall courts , by fines or excommunication may be extended against them for non-conformity . for though excommunication from a church which a man doth not own as true , or having authority over him ; doth terrifie him no more then predictions of thunder from almanacks , yet it makes that tremendous punishment of the the gospel , that judgement precursory of the last , cease to be formidable . but truly according to the custom of our church , and much more according to the church of scoland , an excommunicate person is some way obnoxious to outward punishments . and as our barbarous custom is for the lord of a mannor to seize upon all the goods of any shipwrack'd persons that were thrown up by the sea on his ground , so in scotland often the goods of those men who fall as wrecks on the shore of the church , accrue to it . and thus accidentally trouble is created to the magistrate about tempering the rigour of the church by his power : as one not many yeares since excommunicated in scotland , procur'd his excommunication to be taken off by a counsell of war ; and so it was revers'd errante gladio , as laid on possibly errante clave . having thus presented the proposalls to be considered , and therein occasionally given some reasons for liberty of conscience , as it concerns some of the respective parties among us ; it remains now that more generall reasons be produced , and such as are comprehensive of the concernments of all or most of the parties differing in lesser matters of religion : to prove how much a due liberty granted to them will conduce to the peace and safety of the nation , and what publick inconveniences will follow from the contrary . the first reason shall be taken from the necessary connexion between civil liberty , and that which is spiritual ; and therefore they that would devest any of their spirituall liberties , do alarm them with just causes of fear about their losing civil liberties by the same hands . for , first , it must necessarily be presumed that such persons intend to be judges how far mens civil and spirituall liberties reach , and what are the frontires of both . nothing we see is more common among the romish priests , then to pick the pockets of the people , in ordine ad spiritualla . and 't is most certain that he who doth impose any thing upon the people under the species of religion , would not leave them a power to judge whether it be in order to it or no. for if they are the judges of it , they will say that any thing in religion which displeaseth them opposeth their civil liberty , and so nothing at all will therein be enjoyned . secondly , those that take away from others their spirituall liberties , shew that they can take away part of their civill at least , or else the whole of them , accordingly as they valued their spirituall liberty . if it be said that mens civil liberties are thought more important then their spirituall , yet it may be replyed , that in the thoughts of very many men their spirituall liberties are as considerable as part of their civill : so that the totall destroyers of spirituall liberty shew that part of the civill is at their mercy . and if they are able to take away one part of mens civill liberties , they are by that means in a better capacity to take away another ; just as he that is able to take away one limb from a mans body , is the more able to take away another , because by the losse of that a man hath the less strength to defend himself against a further assault . but although in some parts of the world men have not the same high esteem for spirituall liberty as for civil , just as the par or proportion of silver to gold in severall countries doth differ , it may be affirm'd that in this nation generally they have . 't is true that broken-fortun'd men do not value civil liberty , nor men of debauch'd consciences spirituall ; but neither of these qualifications hath produced a generall undervaluing of either sort of liberty among us . as to what may be objected concerning some popish countries , as venice , &c. where they have not a proportion of esteem for spirituall liberty equall to their civil ; i answer , that their religion obligeth them to perform a servile obedience to the bishop of rome in things sacred , and they looking on him as infallible , have no reason to prize a liberty of not obeying him : yet even in those places obedience to the roman catholick religion is not maintain'd by the severe discipline of an inquisition . the policy of the french nation is in this respect exactly good , the liberty of the gallican church being so cautiously asserted in order to the liberty of the gallican kingdom , where their courts of parliament in case of appeals do declare void and null the popes bulls and excommunications ; and forbid the execution of them when they are found contrary to the liberty of the french church , and the kings prerogative . nor without cause were the severall european princes jealous of the popes designs to invade their civil liberties , when , as mr. selden observes in his dissertatio ad fletam , innocent the second being very earnest with them to admit the canon law into their territories , they received the civil law , to keep out the canon . in which law the bishops of rome have severall titles , de emptione & venditione , de locato & conducto , and severall other titles that concern temporall affaires between man and man. thirdly , they engage themselves to be in readiness by temporall power to maintain their conquests over mens spiritual liberties : for he that takes away a feather out of a mans hat , is obliged in interest to take away his sword from his side . if it be said that a man may think himself bound in conscience to oppresse people in spiritual things , but not in civil ; i answer , most certainly then his conscience will lead him to put them out of a condition to assert their spiritual liberties so opprest . it is with restraining the freedom of conscience as the denying a mare liberum to neigbouring nations , which any prince that doth must not trust to prescription of long time , or imaginary lines in the heavens whereby the compasse of his dominion of the sea may be determined , but to powerfull fleets . fourthly , they give men just cause to think that they will be willing to invade their civil liberties , whenever their consciences or their interests shall prompt them to it . from what hath been said in this first reason about the connexion of civil and spiritual liberty , and mens concernednesse in the valuation of both , i shall occasionally affirm , that the next best way to liberty of conscience for the preservation of the publick peace of a country , where spirituall liberty is regarded in any high measure by the people , is an inquisition . but he hath much to learn in politicks , who thinks that an inquisition is practicable among us as 't is in spain , where one religion hath had quiet possession in the countrey so many yeares . the second reason to prove that the peace and safety of the nation will be very considerably advanced by the allowance of freedom to mens consciences , shall be this ; as long as there is such a due liberty of conscience granted , 't is hardly possible for any civil wars to happen on the account of religion , which for want of this freedom may . if there are but two parties in a nation that differ from one another in religion , 't is not unlikely but that a civil war may arise on the account of religion , though the one doth tolerate the other ; because either of them that thinks its share in the chief magistrates savour least , may for that reason attempt a forcible suppression of the other : but any such war can hardly be where the parties differing in religion are many ; for they are not likely to know the exact strength of one another , and their severall animosities will keep them from joyning together against any one that doth not invade their liberty in generall . nothing but extreme necessity can bring them to meet amicably and consult together . for the nearer they seem to one another in opinion , the sharper their mutuall hatreds are ; just as people of severall countreys that live in the frontires of each , do hate one another with a greater vehemence then those more remotely situated do . besides , 't is probable that if any one of the parties tolerated should go about to make it self uppermost , ( which design only could make it fly out into a civil war ) the rest would immediately joyne to suppresse it . for they are not sure they shall have that from the conquering party , after all the horrors of war , which they already possesse , to wit , a fair liberty . which if it be competently allow'd to the severall parties , seditious persons at home , and the ministers of state to our enemies abroad , will be deprived of their old benefit from our divisions in religion , which they accidentally made use of as a handle to draw us into civil war ; just as by the spanish counsells formerly the kings of france have been excited to persecute the huguenots sometimes , and the huguenots been fed with money and advice to resist their persecutors ; and as in like manner richelieu is thought to have encouraged the last arch-bishop of canterbury to increase his severity toward the puritans , and to have animated the scotch and english puritans to do as they did . i grant that in respect of forreign invasion it is somewhat dangerous for a prince to tolerate any religion in his countrey that his neighbours are of , and those potent , and likely to invade him . for then such an invader would expect assistance from those of his opinion in religion , who would promise to themselves the advantage of having their opinions the paramount state-religion upon the invaders success . and for this reason we are obliged to be wary in the toleration we allow papists . we have no reason to be afraid of the toleration of calvinists , because the united provinces in the low countries are of that perswasion , for they are not a common-wealth of increase by armes but trade . nor would they take our countrey if we should offer it them , for they would not know what to do with it , as their affaires at present are , and likely to be . in this second reason i consider , that as there is hardly a possibility of a civill war arising on the account of religion , if there be a fair liberty of conscience established ; so there is danger in this particular from the severall parties if there be no such liberty . i grant that 't is the principle and practice of some of these parties , and especially those call'd presbyterian ( by far the most considerable of them ) to suffer for religion , rather then to resist meerly for it ; and therefore we have no reason to charge them with taking up of armes purely for religion . but yet i think , had it not been for religions sake , and for the greater freedom of their consciences , they would not formerly have pretended that necessity or lawfulnesse to take up arms on a civil account as they did . for though their right in civil things was , as they pretended , the constituent cause of the war , yet religion was the impulsive , or that which inclined them to make use of the other ; of which though they thought lawfully they could , yet but for this impulsive cause they would not have made use . and truly any man that considers the addictednesse of the english nation to religion in generall , will not wonder at mens being stimulated thereby to do what in civill things they think they lawfully may . of this propension of the english not onely to religion , but vehemence in it , barclay doth well take notice , who saith of them , nec quicquam in numinis cultu modicum possunt ; and afterward speaking how ridiculously narrow in their principles our severall sects were , saith , they thought unos se coelestium rerum participes , exortes caeteros omnes esse . i. e. nor can they in the worship of god do any thing without excesse , they think themselves the only sharers of heavenly things , and all other persons to be no way concern'd in partaking of them . nor is the strong and passionate inclination of this kingdom to religion , a humour bred lately among us since the introduction of protestancy ; for the greatest part of the decretal epistles in the books of the canon-law were sent to the english as rescripts occasioned by their addresses to the pope , for his determination in several matters of religion . besides , it may be attributed much to the efficacy of religion in general among us , that no epidemical vice is charged upon our nation , as upon others . but that which is most important in the confirmation of the tendency that the liberty propounded hath to promote the safety and peace of the nation , is the consideration of the prevalent interest these severall parties have therein , and consequently ability to do harm or good ; which i shall make use of as a third reason of the above-mentioned assertion . now here i shall begin with the sort of divines call'd presbyterian , ( though more truly meriting to be styled those that are for moderate episcopacy ) and shall consider their interest and strength . and first , the whole kingdom of scotland is united in a solemn league with them : nor is the federall union likely to be dissolved between that nation and them , because they have submitted to the form of primitive episcopacy described by the bishop of armagh , their covenant binding them only against that high prelacy formerly in use among us . secondly , the way of their preaching being very practicall , and accompanied with zeal and vehemence , doth leave generally deep impressions on the minds of men , and consequently creates among the people a reverentiall esteem for their persons . and indeed so many preachers as there are of the moderate episcopall or presbyterian way , there are so many orators , whereby they influence the people more then if they were so many postillers . every one of them almost doth , as tully saith , aculeos relinquere in animis audientium . their way of preaching is not whining , like that of the sectaries ; and though far from being in most of them conformable to the rules of rhetorick , yet i count it suitable to oratory , because it doth perswade . 't is beyond dispute , that this way of puritanicall preaching hath insinuated it self much into the affections of many , by that civility and emendation of manners it hath proselyted them into , and so hath obtain'd respect both from them and their relations . nor can it but be supposed that the common sort of men , i mean such as live by trade , whose being either rich or beggers depends much on the honesty of their servants , should like that sort of preachers best , who are most passionate and loud against vice , and the appearances of it . and the impressions of this practicall way of preaching are the more permanent in their hearers , because these preachers do propagate the belief of the morality of the sabbath , and do oblige their hearers to discourse on that day chiefly of religious things , and to pass their time in prayer , and repetition of the sermons then preach'd . thirdly , they are highly esteem'd by a great part of the people for the strictnesse and austority of their lives . and by nothing more then unstain'd lives can ministers attract reverence for their persons and doctrines . how much mens affections cool toward a religion many of the teachers whereof are debauch'd , appeares by that common observation of travellers , that the people who live at a great distance from rome are more superstitious then those who live in rome , where they see so much prophanenesse among the grandees of the church . fourthly , being for the most part of them not much immerst in the studies of school-divinity , and indeed more polite literature , as philology , &c. they are enabled to preach oftner , and have more sermons of practicall divinity to print , then the reverend divines of the old hierarchy ; and by this means to adde to their repute and credit with the people . fifthly , they converse more generally with one another , and with the common people , then the reverend divines that are for the former prelacy do . and indeed men that are resolved students , and habitually bookish , have regrets against conversation , especially that of those men they can gain no knowledg by . nor indeed is the company of illiterate lay-men ordinarily acceptable to any scholars , but such as pursue knowledg in mechanicks . now so great and generall is the conversation of the divines call'd presbyterian with one another , that not one of them can come to live in any countrey , but in a few weeks is known to all the ministers of that party there , whom he meets at lectures , or publick fasts . on the other side , it is usuall for the divines of the former prelatical perswasion , to admit only those to a freedom of converse with them that are in ecclesiastical or civil dignity equal to them . moreover , the divines call'd presbyterian do more then the others converse with their hearers , and by this means have the interest of confessors among lay-people , from whom they hear related the most secret passages of their lives and consciences , and of the spiritual maladies and desertions they languish under . and here it may be observ'd how the non-conforming divines were heretofore necessarily more then the other obliged to be much in the company of their lay-hearers ; for by being so , most of them got those church-preferments they had : their opinions causing them to be put by from fellowships of colledges in the universities , they betook themselves for shelter to the lay-puritans in several parts of the nation , and so compass'd the being lecturers in corporations and market-townes . and hereby they became of more active tempers , saw more of the world , were more harden'd , either for the resisting what troubles they could , and bearing what they could not resist , then others that in quest of knowledg and the highest dignities of the church , had been long in universities accustom'd to private and sedentary lives . sixthly , by their dis-esteem of ceremonies and external pomp in the worship of god , they are the more endear'd to corporations , and the greater part of persons engaged in trade and traffick , who hate ceremonies in generall , that is , forms and set behaviours that are not necessary , as being not at leisure for them , and as they are expenceful , and as contrary to their genius and education . and indeed men that live amidst the continual dispatches of business in a way of trade , do naturally grow into a hatred of what doth unnecessarily take up time . we see therefore in holland , that funerals ( the last solemn offices the dead can have paid them , and of which the observation in less trading countries doth with its ceremonies devoure so much time ) are there to be celebrated before two i' th' afternoon ; and for every houre that a herse is kept in a house after that time , somewhat what is paid to the state. nor can it otherwise be , but that the same persons who nauseate ceremonies in civil things , will loath them likewise in religious : just as a man that hath an antipathy against muskadine in his parlour , cannot love it at the sacrament . the fathers , upon whose writings those that would now recommend ceremonies to the church do build their assertions of them , were such as did live in the southern parts of the world , where ceremonies are more lov'd in civil and religious things , then by us northern people they are . and besides , the people there being of sharper wits then among us they are , the artifices of ceremonies are requisite to raise mists before their understanding faculties , and to detain them from as much knowledg as they can by admiration , lest they should become the less obedient by being the more knowing . the eminency of the southern wits above the northern appeares to us from the constant and just complaints of northern nations , that the southern have still over-reach'd them in treaties , after they had defeated their armies in the field . and what i here observe concerning these nations , is attested by bodin in his fifth book de republicâ : where he shews what his observation of the genius and subtle understandings of southern people was , and how it was fit they should be awed into the doing of things by a solemn and pompous managery of religion . 't is further observable concerning northern nations , that they are more addicted to trade then southern ; which they are necessitated to be , because the things that of their own accord , that is , without industry , grow out of the earth , are fewer among them then southern ; and because they are more populous : and while they are more then the other nations addicted to trade , they must needs be less addicted to ceremonies . the hollanders may serve as an instance to evince the truth of this , who having scarce any native commodities , & being a populous countrey , for their quantity of ground , and being forced to advance trade , can hardly abstain from markets on the lords day , and do account it a piece of devotion to cover their wares in sermon time . much less could they , or indeed any trading countrey , admit so many holy-days as our church of england did abound with . the lutheran religion being profest chiefly in countries that subsist by trade , though it owns an episcopall form of church-government , hath annex'd to it but few ceremonies ; and i think except bowing at the name of iesus , and standing up at the creed , none considerable . nor are there in any church of calvin's perswasion responsalls to be used by the people in their liturgies , as in ours : nor in the lutheran churches , do any but the chatechis'd boys mind them much . and in holland the lutheran church doth admit men to the sacrament without private confession and absolution , which in less trading places it strictly requires . while i am now inquiring into the disposition of trading countries , i shall by the way observe , that the interest which the protestant religion hath in them , is its greatest visible security and defence . for though princes of the popish religion do command a greater quantity of ground then protestant princes , yet they have not an interest in maritime townes and trading places equall to them . and and as the present state of christendom is , he that commands the sea commands the shore , and the dominion of the sea through gods mercy is in protestant hands . but to return from whence i digrest . if we reflect on those that did most love ceremonies heretofore in our nation , we shall find them to have been persons of the greatest rank and quality among us , who did affect ceremonies in civil things ; or of the poorest sort , who did get their daily bread by the charity of the other . the midling sort of men , and especially the substantial trades-men of corporations , did generally disgust them . so natural is it for men to paint god in colours suitable to their own fancies , that i do not wonder at trading persons who hate ceremonies , that they thus think god in respect of this hatred altogether such as themselves . and therefore almighty god designing his worship from the jewish church to be full of ceremonies , and such as were typical of his son , did divert that nation from the utmost promoting of trade . to this end they were not planted , except a few of them by the sea-side , but in in-land places , and thereby were the better enabled to advance shepherdry , and the multiplying of various kinds of cattel in order to their sacrifices . they were forbid to take use money of one another , not that there was any reall evil or injustice in usury , but that it would have drawn them on to the advancement of trade , and consequently have interrupted the course of their solemn rites and ceremonies : religion would then have suffer'd by trade , whereas the contrary thing hath since happen'd from it . for beside those vices that are concomitant of idleness , which trade repels , the increase of navigation must necessarily propagate the knowledg of christian religion , as well as humane arts and sciences . thus , multi pertransibunt , & augebitur scientia . if in opposition to what hath been said about trading persons , being generally disaffected to ceremonies in religion ; any shall urge , that in the popish republicks trade and ceremonies are both us'd : it may be answer d , that the many ceremonies there are rather endured then loved , and that if mens understandings were not there mis-guided by a belief of their being necessary to salvation , the practice of them would quickly be abated ; just as we see the motion of a lock to be alter'd when the hand is removed that held back the spring . let but the protestant religion get ground there , and so consequently the tributes of their time be no more demanded for their present ceremonies , and we shall soon find how unwilling they will be to pay them . i shall now briefly speak of the other parties , as the independents , &c. and take notice of their considerableness , and hopes of bidding fair for an interest in the hearts of any of the people . and here i shall observe , that if these sects had got no ground in the nation , that yet they want not their likelyhoods of doing it ; and that first by reason of the ready inclination of many among us to mutability , in nothing more then their opinions about controverted things in religion . for opinions held by the english are held by islanders ; and therefore bodin in his methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem , and fifth chapter of it , doth very judiciously shew how people are to be moderated by different laws , according to their climates and situations , which he confirmes by mentioning the severall vices and vertues of countries remotely distant from one another ; saying , how that ventosa loca ferociores homines & mobiliores reddunt , quieta verò humaniores & constantiores . i. e. countries disturb'd with frequent winds make men more fierce and mutable ; but countries that are free from such , do make men more civil and constant . and secondly , because the protestant religion doth indemnifie us in the court of conscience , for believing in matters of religion according to the dictates of our private judgements , or rather oblige us to it . doubtless , if it be not lawful for every man to be guided by his private judgement in things of religion , t' will be hardly possible to acquit our separation from the romish church from the guilt of schism . the genius of the protestant religion doth make it as naturall to us to weigh and consider any notions , though recommended to us by our ministers , as 't is to tell money after our spiritual fathers , which we shall be as ready to do as after our naturall . nor can the decisions of synods and generall councils terminate our inquiries in religion , or keep single divines from recommending notions de fide . and therefore as any judge is concern'd to be wary how he gives sentence in a cause , or inforceth the execution of it , when there lie appeales from his to severall other judicatories ; so doth it likewise import synods or conventions of divines to be cautious in their deciding matters of faith , since every such cause is to be carryed from their bar to the examination of more then ten thousand chancellours , as many being judges of the cause as there are rational men . it hath been long since observ'd by many , that christian religion hath moderated the extremity of servitude as to civil things in the places where it hath been receiv'd . and certainly it is much more consonant to that religion , and especially that form of it which hath asserted its spirituall freedom from the impositions of others , to allow spiritual liberty to others . nor doth it seem worthy of christ , who hath left us a religion full of mysteries , and not any visible judge of them , to have design'd about those any visible executioners . if any man thinks otherwise let him say so . i might further shew how these sects caresse the vulgar , in giving the power of the keys to the people in their gather'd churches ; and how likely 't is that many busie men , and of good natural parts , who have not learning enough to procure any good church-preferment from the old or modern episcopall men , and it may be any such learned men as have been repuls'd by them as to preferment , will be gathering churches . but this present inquiry concerning the interest the severall sects among us have in the hearts of many , needs no further prosecution . we find too many places swarming with them : and such is the peculiar temper and complexion of most people of these perswasions , and the melancholy of them more fix'd and sharp then that of any other party , that this concurring with religion ( of which i doubt not but very many of them have a true sense ) will incline them to persist in their present practises . of the heighth and setledness of these mens discontents we had experience , in their voluntary removal out of the nation , carrying their estates with them , some to holland , and others to new england ; when the other more sagacious party of non-conformists , since call'd presbyterians , chose to weather out the storm at home , and to get for themselves as good terms as they could . the fourth reason that i shall urge to prove how much the peace and security of the nation will be advanc'd by the liberty propounded , may be taken from the inclinations of orders and degrees of other men among us , and such as are not much engaged in these parties ; who account it their interest to be free from any religious impositions of the clergy , and to have the power of bishops so moderated , as that they may not be able to make any suffer for not being of their opinions in lesser matters of religion . and here i shall observe , first , how the judges of the land and the lawyers generally have been ready to curb the excess of power in any bishops . the bishops judging of ecclesiastical causes according to the canon law , ( a law of which albericus gentilis , that renown'd civilian , saith in the th . chap. of his second book de nuptiis , sed hoc jus brutumque & barbarum sane est , natum in tenebris seculorum spississimis , productum a monacho tenebrione , &c. ) was an occasion of our lawyers contrasts with them . and what may well create suspicions , that the bishops keeping of courts as they did was not according to law , may be had from those words of the arch-bishop of canterbury , in his epistle dedicatory to the king before his speech in the star-chamber . i do humbly in the churches name desire of your majesty , that it may be resolv'd by all the reverend iudges of england , and then publish d by your majesty , that our keeping courts and issuing processe in our own names , and the like exceptions formerly taken , and now renew'd , are not against the law of the realm , &c. and how ready the lawyers have been to check the severity of ecclesiastical courts , their innumerable prohibitions shew . in the dayes of popery the prelates could awe the judges with excommunication , for such crimes as the church call'd so . but how little of terrour the application of that censure hath had since , appears from the frequent denouncing of it against the same man. and therefore that learned lawyer judge ienkins , in the second part of his works , saith , that for opposing the excesses of one of the bishops , he lay under three excommunications . secondly , the substantial body of the gentry heretofore was , and is still likely to be for the moderating the exercise of episcopal power , and for the opposing its extravagance . the oath ex officio , and commuting for penance , and other such kind of things , cannot but be thought troublesome to them . but that which i shall here chiefly take notice of , is , how a considerable part of the gentry of england is grown more inquisitive in matters of religion within these late yeares then formerly . where this inquiring temper is not , no opinion so horrid but may be universally believ'd . thus the turks may be induced to think that there is a devil in the juyce of grapes , and the papists that there may be a god therein . but when men are neither by religion or temper restrain'd from searching into the causes of things , they will not in civility to other mens understandings believe propositions to be true or false . and that which makes me ( beside my own observation ) to conclude that many of the gentry of late are grown more inquisitive in religious things then formerly , and are likely so to continue , is , because they are more then heretofore inquisitive in civil things . as when the polish'd knowledg of philologie had obtain'd a conquest over the insignificant learning of the school-men , no man was thought worthy the name of a scholar but he who understood the greek tongue ; so since the late introduction of reall learning into the world by galilaus , tycho brahe , my lord bacon , gassendus , & des cartes , neither the knowledg of elegant words , or nice speculations , wil yield any man the reputation of being learn'd that is altogether rude in mathematicks ; which as they were formerly counted the black art , and their professors , such as roger bacon , conjurers , so may possibly school-divinity and school-divines hereafter be . having thus asserted the present searching disposition of a great part of our ingenious gentry , it may well be hence inferr'd that liberty of conscience may be of high use to them , and that if any ecclesiasticall persons determine any thing contrary to their reasons , they will not believe them , or , if against their safety , not obey them . i think therefore by the way , it was very politickly done of the consistory of cardinalls to imprison galilaeus for affirming the motion of the earth , since that notion of his might fill the world with several new debates and inquiries , and so ignorance the mother of devotion be destroy'd . to prevent which , effectuall care is taken by the iesuites , as appeares by the instructions given them in the directory of their order , call'd directorium exercit . spirit . ignatii loyolae , part . p. . where there are , regulae aliquae tenendae ut cum orthodoxâ ecclesiâ sentiamus . and the first rule is , vt sublato proprio omni judicio , teneamus semper promptum paratumque animum ad obediendum catholicae & hierarchicae ecclesiae . it followes p. . reg. . ut ecclesiae conformes simus , si quid quod oculis nostris appareat album nigrum illa definiverit , debemus itidem quod nigrum sit pronuntiare . this is in the edition of that book at tholou , anno . and confirm'd by the bull of pope paul the third . in short , he that hath had but any conversation with that ingenious part of the gentry who have concern'd themselves in the consideration of church-government , cannot but take notice of these two assertions being in vogue among them ; which whether true or no 't is not here pertinent to determine . the first , that 't is possible for monarchy to subsist here without that high power our bishops formerly had , and so that maxim , no bishop no king , hath been disbelieved . this maxim seems to them true concerning turky , no mufti no grand signior , because the mufti can with the screen of religion as he pleases hide the ugliness of those actions the grandeur of the turkish empire is supported by . but our kings govern according to law , and so the engin of superstition is not here of use for the amusing people into slavery . i confess , any party of men that wil not own the kings supremacy in ecclesiastical causes as well as civil , is not fit to be allow'd as the state-religion . but that supremacy of the kings in ecclesiastical matters and in civil , is acknowledged by the divines that are for the lord primates form of episcopacy , as much as by any other . a second assertion very much receiv'd among them is , that no particular form of church-government is of divine right . of this opinion my lord bacon shews himself to be expresly in his considerations touching the edification and pacification of the church of england : and so my lord falkland , in one of his printed speeches , where speaking of bishops , he saith , i do not believe them to be jure divino , nay i believe them to be not jure divino , but neither do i believe them to be injuria humana . so that it is no wonder that among our ordinary enquirers after knowledg this notion is believed , which was so by those two incomparably learned persons . and it may seem much more to gratifie the power of princes , then the maxim , no bishop no king can do . the author of the history of the council of trent , makes mention how laymez , generall of the jesuits , spent a whole congregation in proving that bishops are jure pontificio , and not jure divino ; and said , that the power of iurisdiction was given wholly to the bishop of rome , and that none in the church hath any spark of it but from him . 't is there said how the legats were of opinion that the question of the divine right of bishops was set on foot to gratifie the authority of bishops , and that the importance of that might be to inferre that the keys were not given to peter onely , that the council was above the pope , and the bishops equall to him ; they saw that the dignity of cardinals superiour to bishops was quite taken away , and the court brought to nothing ; that the preventions and reservations were remov'd , and the collation of benefices drawn to the bishops . thus we see how apt men are to make use of divine right , as fire , and to count it a good servant , but a bad master . nor are some without their feares , that if bishops were here publickly own'd as by divine right , that the king would quickly lose his power of nominating them , and subjects the benefit of appeals from their courts to the king in chancery . i acknowledg that a moderate episcopacy is generally reputed of church-governments the best : but the believers of the divine right of it are of late years grown very few . for the skirmishes in the presse and pulpit concerning it , between the divines of severall parties , have occasion'd two popular reasons to be brought against it ; which how valid they are , is not my task to determine . the first is this , that is not likely to be of divine positive right ( which is the right here meant ) about which christians equally considerable for strength of parts , both naturall and acquired , and for time spent in that part of controversiall divinity that concerns church-discipline , and withall for holinesse in their lives , do at last disagree . the second reason drawn from the eager disputes of church-men about their severall divine rights is this ; nothing really oppressive of civil societies , or destructive of their welfare , is of divine right : but so these forms of church-government have been by the opposite divines of each perswasion accused to be , and likewise by other persons . it hath been further observ'd by many , that though severall things were once confirm'd in the church by an apostolicall precept or practise , they are like lawes abolish'd by desuetude , and do not now oblige the christian world , according to the vogue of all our church-men : as namely the diaconissae , the anointing the sick with oyle , the peoples saying amen after the ministers prayers , and preaching with the head uncover'd , &c. to conclude the examination then of this particular ; a considerable number of the laity , whose fortunes and parts do keep them from standing up and drawing their swords to maintain other mens creeds in every circumstance of them , having by the contests of the clergy found out ( as they think ) the vanity of all their pretendings to divine right , will not encourage immoderate and high behaviours in any one party of them ; but upon this their imagin'd detection adhere to that form of church-government that shall seem to them most consistent with the nations good ; just as the roman emperours were sometimes chosen in the camp , evulgato ( as tacitus saith ) imperiarcano , principem alibi quam romae fieri posse . thirdly , it is naturall to parliaments to check any power that invades a due liberty of conscience , themselves wanting it as well as those whom they represent . nor can any body of men be well without it , as we see in the late assembly of divines , that party which joyn'd against the independents did want liberty of conscience about no mean points in religion ; some of those presbyterian divines ( as they were call'd ) being of calvins , and others of bishop davenants opinions , concerning election and reprobation . and moreover , the parliament that call'd that synod was in matters of religion much more divided . but i shall chuse to look further back on the nature of our parliaments in reference to religion . it cannot be expected that while popery was prevalent in england , much liberty of conscience should be granted ; the pope being then reputed the vicar of christ in spirituall things , was necessarily to be obey'd therein . and yet notwithstanding the authority he had here , no man suffer'd death for opposing his dictates in religion , till the second of henry the fourth . nor are there wanting lawyers , and those both learned in their profession , and in this case uninteressed , who deny that this statute was ever more then a pretended one , and say that it was never assented to by the commons ; and that whereas in the act it self it is said , praelati & clerus supradicti , ac etiam communitates dicti regni supplicarunt , that those words , communitates dicti regni , are not in the parliament-roll , in which when the law comes to be enacted it runs in this form of words , qui quidem dominus rex ex assensu magnatum , & aliorum procerum ejusdem regni , concessit & statuit , &c. where the commons are not at all named . see mr. bagshaw of the temple his reading on the statute of . edward the iii. call'd , statutum pro clero , p. . but that de facto this statute went currant for law , the cruell effects of it did too clearly shew . yet as high as the popish clergy then was , with whom that usurping king complyed , the commons petition'd the king to take away their temporal possessions , and that the statute made against lollards in the second year of the king might be repeal'd . and by the complaint of the commons , as appeares by the statute of . henry the viii , it was then in part repeal'd . afterward in a parliament held vicesimo octavo of the queen the commons quarrell'd with the excessive power of the clergy , desiring to have it restrain'd both in the conferring of orders , and in their censures and oath ex officio . 't is true , the foundation of the high commission is built upon the statute of the first of queen elizabeth ; but the design of that was chiefly to destroy the interest of the popish clergy then not exterminated . in the reigns of following princes , a party known by the name of puritan had obtain'd a large vogue in parliament , insomuch that that party , and another call'd the patriots ( a sort of men who were zealots for the welfare of the nation , though not for any religion ) being frequently in conjunction , were the over-ballancing party in the house of commons . and in the last parliament on the fifteenth of december , . it was resolv'd , nemine contradicen●e , that the clergy of england convented in any convocation or synod , or otherwise , have no power to make any constitutions , canons or acts whatsoever , in matter of doctrine , or otherwise , to bind the clergy or layety of this land , without the commons consent in parliament ; and that the severall constitutions and canons ecclesiasticall , treated upon by the arch-bishops of canterbury and york , and the rest of the bishops and clergie of those provinces , and agreed upon by the kings majesties licence , in their severall synods began at london and york , . do not bind the clergy or laiety of this land , or either of them . which vote of that house may seem to be grounded on this consideration , that a legislative power is inseparable from the king and parliament ; and that if a parliament would transmit their interest in the legislative power to any other order of men , they cannot do it , more then a judge can delegate his authority to his clerks , or any be a deputies deputy . i shall onely here further observe , that the lawyers ( whose obligations on the account of interest to moderate the power of bishops i have before spoke of ) are still likely to be a great part of the house of commons , and to have the conduct of parliamentary affaires much in their hands , and to concur with any party against the bishops , if they should invade the due liberty of mens consciences , or endeavour to make themselves formidable in the nation . the last reason i shall urge to prove what advantages will redound to the nation from the allowance of a due liberty of conscience , is , that it will necessarily produce an advancement of our trade and traffick , the hinderance whereof must needs follow from the contrary practice . the largenesse of trade in any countrey is most certainly founded in the populousnesse of it . 't is onely in populous countries that the wages of work-men are cheap , whereby a greater store of manufactures is prepared for exportation . in populous countries onely they fell their own commodities dear , and buy foreign cheap . 't is there that land is worth twice as many yeares purchase as elsewhere . and in such countries onely is the fishing trade carryed on , which none will employ themselves in that can live upon the shore reasonably well ; and which in populous countries enough will not be able to do . this then being laid down as a principle , that the wealth of any nation depends on its populousnesse , i may confidently affirm , that the populousnesse of a countrey doth much depend upon the liberty of conscience that is there granted . the kingdom of spain may here serve for this to be exemplified in , where there are not men enough to manufacture their own wooll , and where there is more black mony , brass or copper coin used then in other nations , notwithstanding all the silver that comes thither from the west-indies . it was the rigour of the inquisition that brought that monarch , who would have been an universall one , to send ambassadours to his high and mighty subjects . but we need not look out of our own countrey for instances of trades suffering together with freedom of conscience : for by reason of the former severity exercised on those that would not conform to the ceremonies imposed , many thousands of people bred up in a way of trade and traffick left the kingdom , going , some of them to america , and others to holland , where our countrey-men did compensate to the hollanders for severall manufactures which they directed us to , when the rage of duke alva's persecution occasion'd their residence among us . and what could more prejudice the trade of our countrey i know not , then the peopleing other countries with our artificers , and the teaching them our arts and manufactures . and it is considerable that the sort of trading men on whom the shock of persecution did seem to light most heavily , was that of those whose trades did lie chiefly in advancing our staple-commodity of wooll , and preparing our old and new draperies for exportation : to which trades the ordinary sort of puritan non-conformists were rather inclined then to ploughing and digging , because in these trades of theirs ; as namely weaving , spinning , dressing , &c. their children might read chapters to them as they were at work , and they might think or speak of religious things , or sing psalmes , and yet pursue their trades . besides , these trades were more suitable to their constitutions , which were generally not so robust as of others ; and to the melancholy of their tempers . now these men being frequently disturb'd by apparitors , and summon'd to ecclesiasticall courts for working on holy-days perhaps , or going on a sunday to some neighbouring parish when they had no sermon in their own , or for some such causes , were so hinder'd in the course of their trades , that they were necessitated to remove out of the kingdom . they could not expect that merchants or other trading persons would imploy them and take their work , unlesse they could bring it in at such a set time that it might be as occasion required exported , and sent to faires and markets abroad at punctuall times likewise ; which merchants are concern'd in taking care of , lest their commodities be undersold . now these puritan traders were not in a capacity to dispatch the sending in of their manufactures to others at the time agreed on , by reason of their frequent citations to , and delays at , the bishops courts . and since other nations have now the way of making cloath , as namely france , holland and flanders , if we do not sell it cheaper then they , we shall hardly have any abroad sold at all . to conclude the examination of this particular affaire ; not any that hath search'd at all into the nature of the trade of this nation , but believes that the best way to advance it would be to call in and invite any protestant strangers to come and live among us ; and to encourage artists of all nations to come and plant themselves here : which cannot be done without the giving them a due liberty of conscience , and if it be our interest to encourage strangers , and give them this liberty , this dealing may much more be expected by our own natives . but , 't is needlesse to insist longer in giving plain reasons for a plain proposition . i shall onely therefore before i now draw this discourse about the due liberty of conscience that is fit to be practised in this nation toward an end , shew that thereby the reverend fathers of the churche , the bishops , will find their inter●st advanc'd in particular , as well as the interest of the nation in generall . if any man shall say that the government of the church by bishops is the most pure and apostolicall , i am firmly of his opinion ; yet as no bishop no king is now no uncontradicted maxim , so is it lesse unquestion'd , that no force in matters of religion , no bishop . but notwithstanding the severity that hath been exercised on mens consciences by former prelats , such is the prudence of some of the present fathers of the church , that they will i believe see it to be as much their interest to give liberty of conscience , as it can be the interest of any men to receive it . and indeed if this were but in a fair manner distributed among the severall sects i have spoken of , they would no more endeavour the destruction of the episcopall clergy , then the iews at rome tolerated do design the ruine of the pope . nay further , these sects having liberty under their government would serve them as a ballance against popular envy . i have often wish'd that our nobility would dispose the education of some of their sonnes in order to ecclesiasticall preferments , and that a great deal of envy might be diverted by the same persons , being lords spirituall and temporall . but it cannot be expected that persons nobly descended should be engaged in holy orders , till they could see the way of administring things in the church to be as much in the affections of the people here , or above danger from their hatred , as in other countries it is , where the nobless are many of them church-men . now then the reverend fathers the bishops , may compasse the affections of the people by liberty of conscience , and security from the danger of their hatred by an inquisition ; but ( as i said before ) that cannot it self be compast here . indeed our ecclesiasticall rulers have reason to steer us cautiously , since they sit at helm in such a ship as hath thrown very many pilots over-board . and it may well become those worthy divines that have been of late releast through gods good providence from the extremity of their sufferings , to be of most calm , quiet and sedate spirits , just as persons taken from the rack do presently fall asleep . the great alteration in the body of the people since these last twenty years , requires that our old ends of promoting the welfare of the church of england , should be attain'd by the conduct of new means . for the greatest part of the old assertors of all the ceremonies of the church are lodged in graves , many of the zealous lovers of them are now in heaven , where calvinists and episcopal men agree ; and the present major part of this land consists of those , to whom the introducing the old church-government will seem an innovation . i grant the inconveniences which we suffer'd for want of church-government in generall have been many , and those which we should have suffer'd from a scotch presbytery would have been more . but yet it must likewise be granted , that the undistinguishing vulgar will be but too ready to endeavour the removall of any church-government which doth at present inconvenience them , without considering that the miseries they formerly felt will thereby recur upon them ; just as a horse will strive to fling any rider that doth at present gall and spur him too much , without considering that the next rider may possibly gall him worse ; or as a man would try to repell the hand of one who held a burning coal to his flesh , though he should tell him that if that coal were removed he would apply a hotter . they therefore that would endeare any form of church-government to the majority of the people , are concern'd to make it largely diffusive of advantage to them . 't is very apparent how many parties among us have been ruin'd by narrowing their interest , and not making it nationall . and god grant that after all our enquiries about church-discipline , the gentry of england be not by any divisions the present clergy may cause , tempted to cry up the divine right of erastianisme , and say no erastian no king ; which opinion doth as much exceed the episcopal in giving power to the king , as the episcopal doth the presbyterian , or that the independent perswasion . it is therefore the true interest of the clergy here so to temper the government of the church , that it may be accommodated to the content and satisfaction of the gentry or other lay-persons , and of its own members . and 't is very irrationall to think that any church-government in a protestant countrey can be so , which doth restrain a large and almost absolute power to the hands of a few . nor is it more prudent for france to own no distinction between a gentry and a nobility , but to allow equal priviledges to such as we reduce to two orders here , that it may effectually curb the insolence of the peasants , then for the whole clergy here to grow into one body or form of government , and all the parts thereof to be influenced with a convenient power , that so it may be in no danger from the enemies of a ministry in generall . nor was there ever any thing propounded as a means to make the clergy of england very considerable , that can be thought comparable to the form of episcopacy described by the bishop of armagh . and therefore i do not wonder that its publickly own'd by the divines formerly call'd presbyterian ( who now deserve a name less odious , and to be call'd the divines that are for moderate episcopacy , as i said before ) but rather that it is not as generally contended for by all their brethren of the church , excepting a few that are actually invested with the highest dignities therein . now if we divide the clergy here into 〈◊〉 parts , not one in three hath these great dignities , or is likely in any time to attain to them . but that which the bishop of armaghs model of episcopacy offers to more then three parts of four , is an accession of power , or a gaining of that authority in ecclesiasticall matters , as namely in ordination and church-censures , which before they had not . and certainly , the grasping of present power must needs to any ingenious men of the clergy seem more delightfull then the tedious expectation of distant preferments , and the servile licking up of any mens spittle , that others hereafter may do so with theirs . by the practice of this modell the spirit of the clergy would be kept from being embased , and the ordinary sort of vicars would be cured of affecting servility , laziness and ignorance . industry , parts , learning , would be likewise thereby encouraged . for the power of the keys being thus given to the bishop and all the presbyters in any precinct or dioces , those men that could offer the best reasons for things , and shew the greatest strength of parts , would be most swaying in ecclesiastical conventions . nor is it likely that the gentry would be aggrieved at the practice of this way of episcopacy , or every church-censure's passing through a consistory of divines . for 't is not probable that in such an assembly there should be a combination to execute any censure on any man , to gratifie the lusts or private piques of another . besides , there is no such way that a divine can use to make himself considerable with the laiety as his being eminent for power in the sphere of his own profession ; just as a mercer that would by any sway influence the company of drapers , must first obtain a large interest in his own company . in short , the clergy by this fair distribution of ecclesiastical power among them will not be in danger of ruine by the discontents of any of its members , or of any of the laiety while liberty of conscience is secured to them , and ceremonies are not imposed . nor is there any way by which the incoveniences of the presbyterian government can again invade us , but by the engrossing of ecclesiasticall power in the hands but of few persons , and by their using rigour and violence . i know 't is ridiculous to imagin that a presbyterian government can under that notion find many to own it now in this kingdom . yet are the non-conformists likely still to increase , as from edward the sixths time to this they have gradually done . and some that are weary of our former presbytery , may yet be willing to return to it , if they find episcopacy afflictive to them ; though thereby they onely shift their pain . for nothing so much as persecution makes men set up , altare contra altare , every man choosing rather to be a sacrificer on his own altar , then a sacrifice upon anothers . if any ecclesiastical persons therefore shall design to gratifie the peace and welfare of the nation without the allowance of a due liberty of conscience , i shall think their onely aime hereby is to confirm the truth of their doctrine and discipline by a miracle . i cannot but judge them too sagacious , to believe that they can convince mens understandings of the truth of any assertions by torturing their bodies . for men by the rage of passion to conduct knowledg into the world , is as unlikely as the lighting of a candle with gun-powder . how ridiculous is it to think that truth got any thing by the writings that pass'd between luther and henry the eight ? there are severall erroneous opinions , that if we wish the world well rid of , we shall find to die away of their own accord , if we do not exasperate the maintainers of them ; just as nature makes us amends for the ugliness of monsters in their being short-lived . yet even in the case of naturall unhandsomenesse , i have seen the vulgar vary from their common rule of judging it , when a deform'd malefactor hath been going to execution . nor do the words of cheaters that die on gibbets want belief among the rabble . and if the common people are alwaies so ready to believe what is affirm'd by infamous persons , because they are dying , we may well suppose they will give credit to the words of such as liv'd demurely when they are to die , because such and such thing were affirm'd by them . i believe that hardly more priests have been cut off by the law then papists thereby made . that faith hath been given to the assertors of popish opinions , because they have been dying , which they could just have drawn from me by raising the dead . nor is it a thing unobserv'd by any lookers into antiquity , that the christian religion hath still got ground in the world , not by persecuting but being persecuted . but that which i cannot without horror observe , is , that the not allowing a due liberty of conscience , hath instead of advancing the cause of truth , propagated atheism in this nation . this doth but too clearly appear from that irreligion many of our gentry have been infected with by the reverend divines of the church of england not having had freedom to worship god in publick according to their consciences . for severall persons of the gentry not being able to hear a liturgy , ( a way of prayer which every church in the christian world but ours then had ) and sermons from such divines as were not puritans , chose rather not to go to church at all then be there present at the worship they disgusted ; and no marvell that thus neglecting gods publick service , they at last grew unconcern'd in any religion . the like temptations to atheism would be incident to many that are not of the gentry , if liberty as has been propounded , should not be given to the non-conformist divines . for though severall of this sort of men would exercise their devotion in private meetings , and some would joyn with such publick worship as was to be had , yet many would hear no sermons at all , as possibly not likeing that which looks like a conventicle , and more disliking the way of praying and preaching us'd by very many divines that adhere to the former episcopacy . now t' were pity that this disease of speculative irreligion should infect the commonalty as well as others , and that by the persecution of ministers , who differed from us in lesser things , we should as it were naile those canons that might be employ'd in battering the atheism of the age , because they are not all of the same length and shape . which atheism i fear hath occasionally been not a little advanced by the disagreements of ministers about the divine right of severall forms of church-government . for things to be believed and done in order to salvation , can have no more then a divine right , and their opinions of discipline have claim'd so much ; and by this means they have made some foolish men apt to think that the trumpet of religion giveth an uncertain sound , and that nothing at all is of any divine right . i account the body politick of the nation to be as well concern'd in the upholding religion as the souls of men ; the majesty whereof would be sufficiently kept up , if the teachers of it did either agree in all points about it , or else in this one thing , that the dissenters in lesser controversies of religion are obliged to allow a mutuall toleration . and indeed when i consider what opinions men call one another hereticks for not agreeing in , it seems to me the same thing , as if after the pope had pronounced virgilius the bishop of saltsburg heretick , for saying there were antipodes , he should have call'd the pope heretick too for saying there were none . these parties that differ so in the circumstantial points of religion are equally antipodes to one another , and alike near heaven , and in the revolution of a few houres they see the same fun , though not the same stars ; i mean , they have the same fundamentall , though not lesse considerable truths . the popish religion among all the different ritualls our fore-fathers used was accounted the same , some worshipping god , secundum usum sarum , and others , secundum usum bangor , &c. why then may not the protestant religion be so esteem'd here among our little varyings ? though possibly some very few divines of all parties here for want of prudence and goodnesse of nature may endeavour the rigorous imposing of things not necessary , that is , such as we may be without , and which all protestant churches but ours are without ; yet will the laiety probably , and i hope a great part of the clergy of severall perswasions be far from concurring with them as abettors of such an odious work as may produce further mischiefes to church and state , meerly to gratifie the blind zeal or unpurged choler of a few . if gods ambassadors have a mind to quarrell about precedency or ceremonies in religious things , pretendding that it is necessary to observe them most strictly , the people are now grown so wise as not to think it necessary for themselves to encounter hazards , to make some of these legats of heaven submit to the punctilio's of others ; just as severall ambassadours from one prince falling out in a strange countrey about ceremonies in civil things , which one of them being of a loftier humour would reduce the rest to practice , would hardly find any of the natives of the place concern'd in their debate , whatever love they bore to their master . finis . a discourse representing the liberty of conscience , that is practised in forreign parts . by n.y. london , printed for nathaniel brook , and are to be sold at his shop at the angel in cornhill , . the liberty of religion , which is in use amongst protestants . t is first inquir'd what liberty the states which profess the protestant religion give to different opinions within their dominions ? to this i shall briefly answer , and begin with the northern climate , going along and relating what i have observed in every different jurisdiction . when i was in sweden , i found the administrators of that kingdom very much inclined to moderation towards the reformed party , for they suffered them not only to have school-masters of their own to teach their children , but also they permitted them to have private meetings in their distinct colonies , wherein they had the free use of holy ordinances in their own way without disturbance : and although the clergy of the nation did not willingly allow this ; yet whiles the king gustavus and his daughter the queen christina ruled , their liberty was not abridged ; but when charles came to the crown by the resignation of christina , the old chancellour oxenstiern , in favour of the clergy , caused the king to take an oath at his coronation , whereby he was obliged not only to restrain all publick exercise different from the lutheran , but also to abridg the reformed party of the liberty which they had formerly enjoyed ; which hath had some operation upon their freedom : but how far they are abridged of it now , i am uncertain . in denmark there is no liberty granted to any that differs in judgment , so far as i have been acquainted with that state , only in holstein , when the remonstrants after the synod of dort , had not that liberty which they desired in holland , they planted themselves in eidersh at fridericksburg , where they and others also obtained the prviledg of the exercise of their profession without control , which is continued unto them still . moreover , in holstein at altena , the high and the low dutch , and the french reformed churches have the liberty of publick meetings in their profession ; who dwelling in hamburg , and not obtaining that liberty within the city , have procured it within a little english mile from the gates thereof . in dantzick , the three professions , viz. reformed , lutherans , and papists , have , or rather had , an equall liberty in the time of keckermannus . the reformed party had the preeminence of the government , and then they did in a friendly manner admit of some lutherans to share with them in it ( for in religious concernments all were alike ; ) but since they have been admitted to partake with them in the government , they have found a way to worm the reformed party out of power , by which means they have abridged them of their ancient priviledges and liberties ; so that before these late troubles they were forced to appeal to the king of poland , who made decrees in favour of the reformed party ; but in these late troubles the waies of redress have been obstructed . and at elbing , when i was there the chief of the magistrates , and the regents of the school also , being of the reformed religion , the liberty was so equal that no party had any perceptible power over the other , but all was carried with that moderation , that no offence was either taken or given whiles i was there : but since ( i fear ) it is fallen out otherwise , a fierce lutheran minister succeeding in the room of him that then was there , who by dividing practises , and distinguishing forms , hath disturbed their peace . in poland there was an absolute freedom for the exercise of all professions , and the venting of all opinions ; the papists , the protestant , calvinists , lutherans , anabaptists , socinians , &c. all had an equal liberty : and because the protestants in former time found that by their divisions , and distance in communion from each other they were much weakned , therefore in the year they agreed at sendo●●ire , in a synod of the three parties , viz. the confession of helvetia , of bohemia , and of ausburg , to unite and make up but one body ▪ to which effect they established afterward at many national synods severall orders , to remove and prevent scandalls and disorderliness from amongst themselves , and to confirm their unity by the means of mutual edification . in transylvania both the reformed and the lutheran profession are equally free , and in nationall synods they meet together , and consult in common , concerning the means of mutual edification ; whereof i have a large proofe in the business of peace and unity , concerning which they have done more then any of the churches in europe , by answering all the doubts which were proposed unto them as cases of conscience to be resolved . in germany heretofore the reformed party did freely exercise their religion under the protection of the princes of their own profession ; but the lutherans did always make it a matter of dispute , whether that liberty did belong unto them yea or no ? yet now the treaty of peace lately concluded at munster and osnabrugge hath decided fully that controversy ; for , by a statute-law it is determined that the reformed party shall have the same right and priviledge of free exercise which lutheranes and papists have ; and this is thus determined by the th article of the instrument of peace . quoniam verò controversiae religionis , &c. now because the controversies of religion , which are in agitation at this time amongst the forenamed protestants , have not been hitherto reconciled , but have been referred to a further endeavour of agreement , so that they still make two parties ; therefore concerning the right of reforming , it is thus agreed between them ; that if any prince , or other lord of the territorie , or patron of any church , shall hereafter change his religion , or obtain , or recover a principality or dominion , either by the right of succession , or by vertue of this present treaty , or by any other title whatsoever , where the publick exercise of religion of the other party is at present in use , it shall be free to him to have his court-chaplains of his own confession about him in the place of his residence , without any burden or prejudice to his subjects ● but it shall not be lawfull for him to change the publick exercise of religion , or the laws or ecclesiasticall constitutions which have been there hitherto in use , or take from these that formerly were there their churches , their schooles , their hospitals , or the revenues , persians and stipends belonging thereunto , or apply them to the men of their own profession ; or obtrude ministers of another confession unto their subjects , under the pretence of a territoriall , episcopal or patronall right , or under any other pretext whatsoever ; or bring about any other hinderance or prejudice , directly or indirectly , to the religion of the other party . and that this agreement may be the more firm , in the case of such a change , it is lawfull for the communalties themselves to present ; or such as have not the right of presentation , they shall have the right to name fit school-masters , and ministers of the churches to be examined by the publick consistory or ministry , if they be of the same religion with the commu●alties , which nominate and present ; or if they be not of the same religion , they shall be examined in the place which the communalties shall chuse ; whom the prince or lord shall afterwards without any denial confirm . this statute-law of the empire is the ground of all that freedome which the reformed , or the lutheran party , can lay claim to , when they fall under magistrates of a different profession . as for the observation of this law , it is found that the reformed magistrate is almost every where more equitable towards lutherans , then these are unto those : for in the palatinate , at heidelberg , and other places ; in hessen , at smalcalden , and at marpurg , and in some places of anhalt ; in all the territories of the elector of brandenburg , and in the principalities of nassaw , where the reformed have the supreme power , the lutherans have their full liberty without interruption ; but where the lutherans have the supreme authority in germanie , i know no places where they permit the free exercise of the reformed profession ; but in the places named heretofore in holstein , at fridericksburg and altena ; and in hamburg the english have their freedome within the city , but none else ; nor doe i know any imperiall city where the magistrate is lutheran , which permits the reformed party to have the liberty of publick profession within their walls : there is one of the lutheran earls of hanaw , who hath given of late years to the reformed party dwelling in strasburg , the liberty to build a church upon his territory , and to have their publick meetings therein : and one of the lutheran marquesses of brandenburg hath done the like a year or two ago to the reformed inhabitants of noimberg . at bremen , where the magistrate is wholly reformed , within the city the lutherans have the possession of the cathedrall church , where they exercise their religious worship in publick ; but there are complaints made of the late king of sweden , that in the territory under his jurisdiction he hath suffered the statute of the empire touching the freedom of religion to be violated , by casting out the reformed ministers , and imposing lutherans upon the reformed professors , depriving them of the liberty which they have enjoyed ever since the first reformation of these places from popery . in the low countries of the united provinces , the lutherans , the remonstrants , and the anabaptists have a freedom to meet in a publick way ; others of all sorts do meet in private : and the difference which is made between the professors of severall parties is chiefly this ; that the reformed party , which doth own the national confession , and are owned to be members of the national congregations , have only the priviledge and preeminence of being admitted to places of trust in the state , from which all others are excluded . and this liberty of religion which the united provinces have yielded and maintained unto all sorts ; hath made that little spot of ground to be the centre of the trade of europe , having onely three sea-ports , the wicling , the mase , and the texel : and these ports are not easie neither , but difficult to be entred . in the cantons of switzerland and geneva there is no different profession publickly tolerated : although in the circumstantial way of the administration of ordinances , and in the particular order of discipline and government , each canton is different from another ; yet they fell not out about their differences , but correspond in a friendly manner in matters of common concernment . in france the protestant churches are to be considered within themselves , for the liberty which they enjoy under their popish magistrate is not under our consideration ; but the liberty which their nationall synod doth give to particular men to protesse different opinions without bleach of unity in the church , is that which is to be observed , and may be a president to teach others moderation ; for in the late controversies between monsieur du moulin and monsieur amyraut concerning predestination , wherein many others were engaged on both sides , although some hears did begin to break forth ; yet the nationall synod hath allayed the distemper , and preserved peace and unity in the churches , notwithstanding the difference of judgment which was found amongst them . the freedome which the particular churches have to depute some of their members from their consistories to the colloques and provinciall synods is the means to preserve their unity and peace . in switzerland the freedome which the churches enjoy doth wholly depend upon the constitution of their order , as ratified by the civil magistrate , who in each canton is sovereign ; and upon the correspondency between the churches , which is ordinarily managed by those of zurich towards all the rest : for as the canton of zurich hath the precedency , and direction in all civil matters of common concernment , so hath the antistes and consistory of zurich in matters ecclesiasticall a kind of trust put upon them to communicate to the rest , by way of correspondency , matters to be advised on for mutuall concurrence . in germany there is no such correspondency between the churches , but their freedome , in the exercise of discipline and government depends wholly upon the sanction which the prince and his ecclesiasticall senate or consistory doth make concerning the order and way of administring all things . in the low-countries the freedome of meeting in classes and in synods ; in classes every month , or oftner , if need be , according as the classes are divided ) in synods provinciall every year once ) is the preservation of these churches in unity ; for the six provinces , viz. gelderland , holland , ulrecht , friesland , groning , and overyssell , hold their synods so consecutively , that they can send from each synod deputies to another , to correspond with them , and to communicate matters of deliberation , that there may be no causes of breaches between them ; the province of zeeland hath no setled time of synodicall meeting , but the classes of middelburg upon all emergencies doth give notice to the other classes , of the adjacent islands of matters to be taken into consideration : so that in the low-countries the liberty to meet for the ordering of all things within themselves , which preserves the churches in france ; and the liberty to correspond and to communicate one with another the things which they settle by order , which preserves the churches in switzerland , is more complete then any where else ; and because the deputies , or rather commissioners from the civil magistrate are always present at the provinciall synods , therefore their decrees are more valid , and yet altogether free in matters of spirituall concernment . this is the liberty which i have observed to be in use amongst protestants within themselves , in the exercise of their profession , by publick meetings , by the administration of government within themselves , by classes and synods , and by a correspondency with one another in religious matters . as for the liberty which particular members have in each congregation , and which the congregations have in each classis or colloque , and by what rules that liberty is limited , is a matter of more diffuse consideration , and perhaps of little use for the end for which this information is desired : therefore i shall not inlarge upon that subject . of the liberty of religion in use between protestants & papists . if it be inquired what liberty papists have where protestants bear rule , or papists give to protestants when they have all the power : it may be answered by the consideration of the places where each power is prevalent . on the one side , in sweden and denmark , and in all the territories of the lower and upper saxony , where-ever protestants have the sole power , no papists are permitted to have any publick exercise of their religion ; and on the other side , in austria , bohemia ; moravia , and all the heritable lands of the house of austria , in franconia , bavaria , and the upper palatinat where the papists have the sole power , no protestants are permitted to have the publick exercise of their religion . these whole territories forenamed on each side being entire bodies within themselves , under one head either of the one or the other profession , without the intermixture of different dominions , are uniform in the exercise of their religion respectively different . but the intermediate parts of the german empire are interwoven under severall princes of different religions , and therefore are of a mixt profession : my meaning is not , that the professions and forms of religion's worship are mixed and jumbled together in one ; but that both professions are exercised , some here and some there , in different places . and because the inhabitants of the intermediate territories being mixed , and pretending to have each of them a right to the same places of worship , quarrells and strife did arise amongst them , therefore when they deprived one another of the freedome to exercise their profession , the treaty of peace at munster and osnabrugge did appoint the restitution of places for the publick exercise of religion on both sides , and ordered that all matters of this kind should be settled thenceforward as they were in use heretofore in the year . which order occasioned a deputation from all the states of the empire at francford in the years , . and following , to see that decree and other matters put in execution . now the intermediate territories are the circles of westphalia , of the rhine , of the welterans , of franconia , and of suaben ; containing many principalities and great cities depending immediately upon tht empire ; which being of different professions , and mixed one with another in respect of their territories and jurisdictions , in the time of war none that was prevalent did suffer a different religion to be exercised : but since the instrument of the peace made at munster and osnabrug was published , the liberty of religion is to be regulated universally by the seventh article , and some other articles determining matters between protestants and papists ; and according to this constitution , although some territories which formerly were under protestant princes are now under a popish power , and vice versa , yet the liberty of religion is to be left unto each party as it was used in the year . thus the duke of newburg , and one of the landgraves of hessen , and a prince of nassaw , and some others , are obliged to leave unto the protestants within their dominions the free exercise of their religion which formerly they had . in like manner in some of the imperiall cities , as in francford , ausburg , and others , the papists have their free exercise restored unto them amongst the protestants ; at ausburg also the magistrate is half of the one and half of the other profession ; but in all the other imperiall cities , so far as i remember , the magistrates are wholly protestants , except at collen and heilbron , where they are wholly papists . thus matters of freedome stand in the german empire . in poland , hungaria and transylvania , the protestants and papists have heretofore had a promiscuous liberty ; onely whensoever of later times either of the parties did grow more prevalent in power , they have abridged each other of their liberties : and now at this time the protestants of transylvania have put themselves under the protection of the turke , to maintain the liberty of their conscience , because the jesuits by the power of the emperour , which they can command to bring about their designes , would have forced them to embrace their superstition . in switzerland the protestants and papists when they made their league at first to maintain joyntly their liberties against the house of austria , or any other pretenders to have jurisdiction over them , they agreed mutually upon this also , that if any of the natives living in the cantons of either side should change their religion , ( for then they were perfectly divided and separated upon the interest of religion , and so have continued still , that no papists have any free exercise of religion among protestants , nor protestants among papists ; ) that then they should be permitted respectively to sell their goods , and transport themselves unto the party whose religion they should embrace : but of late the popish canton switz did break this agreement , and would not suffer some of their native inhabitants to partake of this freedome , but finding that some families had changed their religion , they did confiscate their goods ; and taking hold of some of them , by the instigation of the friers and jesuits , they condemned some of them to death , and others to the gallies ; which was the cause of the late war which broke forth amongst them ; and although they cease from open hostility , yet this business is not fully composed . and because there are some places of common jurisdiction , wherein there are inhabitants of both parties , and the cantons of each profession put governors by turns for some years over them , it falls often out that the protestant inhabitants in these jurisdictions are commonly abridged of their liberty by the popish governours ; which gives continuall occasion of complaints and disputes between the cantons , and at last may break forth to some violent rupture , and to a totall suppression either of the one or the other . in france , by vertue of the edict of nantes , the protestants ought to have the full liberty of their religion in the places of their abode , and enjoy all the rights and priviledges which belong to natives ; but since the time of our troubles in england they have been very much abridged thereof in severall places ; yet in oliver the protector his time they got some enlargement , which now since the peace is made with spain doth cease , so that they are under the danger of being persecuted every where , as being expoposed to the fury of the multitude , without any assurance of safety , further then it is an inconveniency to the society of papists themselves with whom they live ; otherwise the jesuits and popish emissaries are restless to stir up their zelots to molest them , and do what they can to extirpate them ; witness that which fell out of late at montauban , at bourdeaux , at dieppe , and and elsewhere . in the vallies of piemont the poor churches there since the peace made have still been molested more or less without intermission ; for besides other matters , that which is their chief concernment , namely the liberty to meet at st. giovanni , to exercise their catechisme , that not only the youth may be instructed , but those of riper years confirmed in the protestant religion , is wholly taken from them . this liberty is in a manner the whole substance or chief part of their publick exercise ; this formerly they have always had , and by this last treaty of peace it hath been confirmed unto them ; nevertheless they are deprived of it , and new matters of quarrell are formed against them for other pretences , and chiefly against their ministers ; for the designe is to fright away their leaders , that being scattered like lost sheep upon the mountains , they may become a prey to the wolves that seek to devour them . in the low-countries both of the united and of the spanish provinces , there is a certain reciprocall liberty for the papists in the dominions of the states , and for the protestants in the dominions of the spaniard ; but the liberty is not equal , for in the united provinces the states allow the papists a certain number of priests to administer unto them the things belonging to their conscience in a private way , which is done by an express concession or condescension ; but in the spanish dominions no such thing is granted unto the protestants who live amongst them , but the ministers who administer holy things unto them privately , do it at their perill ; they have no concession to attend any private meetings , but only they are winked at , and suffered to doe ( what they venture upon ) by way of connivence ; so that the difference is , that the papists in the united provinces have an assurance of freedome which they enjoy , but the protestants in the other provinces have no such freedome assured unto them ; which makes the papists increase and multiply in the dominion of the states , and the protestants diminish in the other provinces : and the effect of this may be , that when some of the papists shall creep into places of power , and finding the protestants divided amongst themselves , and their own party strong enough to make a head with the assistance of neighbour foregin forces , they may make a totall change of government in that common-wealth . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e barclay in the th . book of his euphormio . compulsion of conscience condemned wherein is plainly demonstrated how inconsistent it is with scripture, the fundamental laws of england, and common equity &c. / by tho. de-laune ... de laune, thomas, d. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) compulsion of conscience condemned wherein is plainly demonstrated how inconsistent it is with scripture, the fundamental laws of england, and common equity &c. / by tho. de-laune ... de laune, thomas, d. . [ ], p. printed by john how ... and tho. knowles ..., london : . imperfect: pages stained, with print show-through and loss of print. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience. church and state -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion compulsion of conscience condemned . wherein , is plainly demonstrated how inconsistent it is with scripture , the fundamental laws of england , and common equity , &c. matth. . . whatsoever ye would , that men should do to you , do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the prophets . quid tibi non vis , alteri ne feceris . by tho. de-laune , gent. london , printed , for john how next door to the blew-bore without bishopsgate , and tho. knowles at the corner of great and little tower-street . , compulsion of conscience condemned , &c. there are a sort of fierce and ill natur'd pasquillers , that keep a bawling at all works of this nature , though the design be never so innocent ; the dread of those , shan't terrifie me from presenting these few sheets to the publick , premising the true state of the case by me asserted , viz. that the mind and conscience of man , with respect to divine truths , ought not to be compell'd by outward violence , and therefore that it is unreasonable and unseasonable to prosecute so many of his majesties protestant-subjects , meerly for their nonconformity , to jayls , fines , banishment , and to the spoiling and taking away their goods , &c. the demonstration of which shall be clearly and briefly offered with all humillity . it is no small addition to the grief of the afflicted , that when they propose their humble complaints , and produce their modest reasons against these kind of severities , they are presently assaulted with a new kind of persecution , by a parcel of cruel and unmerciful pamphleters , who make it no less then an arraignment of the state , and a murmuring against the government : in return to which uncharitable calumny i offer a few considerations . . 't is an easy thing for those masters of the faculty to bugbear the government with aggravated hyperboles , and overstretch'd paraphrases ; 't is the very nature of misery to complain , and i never knew that the person complained to ( if of a noble and heroick mind , ) interpreted the petitioners request at this rate . the poor beggars crying for relief , is no arraignment of the donors charity . the subjects complaint of grievance is no impeachment of his princes justice . our most importunate prayers to almighty god , are no arraignment of infinite meroy ; no more are the dissenters applications to a prince of such clemency as his majesty is , justly to be so represented , neither does he in his royal judgment so esteem it . . it is universally known that our gracious king ( whom god long preserve ) is a prince of such natural clemency , and of so merciful a disposition , that he is much more apt to pardon the delinquent , then oppress the innocent , and therefore his protestant subjects are very well satisfied in his royal expressions in a proclamation dated april . , viz. we will both in and out of parliament use our utmost endeavour to extirpate popery , and to redress all the grievances of our good subjects , and in all things govern according to the laws of the kingdom . the pious temper of our most illustrious soveraign is remarkable , in a speech to both houses , monday feb. . . where he says , one thing more i hold my self obliged to recommend unto you at this present ; which is , that you would seriously think of some course to beget a better vnion and composure in the minds of my protestant subjects in matters of religion , whereby they may be induced , not only to submit quietly to the government , but also chearfully give their assistance to the support of it . this evidently demonstrates that his majesty considers that christianity is full of mercy , and that christ the glorious author of it , is a reconciler and mediator , and therefore would have his subjects disputed , or preach'd into church , not worry'd , jayl'd , plunder'd , and church curs'd into conformity . i cannot leave this royal-text , till i have noted , that whereas his majesty expresses the ends of this composure and union , viz. . a quiet submission to the government , and . a chearful assistance to support it ; no subjects of equal quality have out-done the dissenters in either of these . for , . as to matter of fact , no treasons , rebellions , or insurrections , ( no not a shaddow of any such things ) can be justly chargeable upon them , since his majesties happy restauration . all the spys and eagle-ey'd observators that have been imploy'd to watch them , can't produce so much as a probable circumstance of any conspiracy amongst them against the government , and to be sure , had there been any such thing , the nation e're this would have ring'd of it . some few half-penny scriblers rant at 'um , and in spight of the act of oblivion , revive what the supream authority commands to be forgotten ; but of that and the single freak of venner , more hereafter . . as to the probability of the thing , viz. that any such conspiracy should be contrived by dissenting-protestants , the persons that so think , must suppose them meer . fools and mad-men : for as things stand , they must first forfeit their reason , before they can abandon their allegiance . they are not so silly , whatsoever others think of them , but that they very well understand they hold their lives , as well as their religion by no other tenure then his majesties life . and therefore it is their great concern , as they tender all that 's dear and near to them , to preserve his person and government , and defend both with their lives and fortunes . and i am confident that the whole party of the dissenters , ( though in some little things differing from each other ) would universally and uniformly agree , to sacrafice their all in his majesties service , against any power whatsoever that should oppose him . the universal experience of unbyass'd mankind can witness the truth of what is here said . yet i know very well , what objections have been and will be made from that dismal topick of the nations late unhappy convulsions . but that must be refered to a distinct head . in the second place , it is certain that ( these protestant-subjects his majesty intends , namely ) the dissenters have chearfully given their assistance to the support of the government . it is well known that they are an industrious trading people , that willingly pay whatsoever taxes the law requires . and it is remarkable , that no people ever exprest a greater zeal to oppose the various attaques of a forreign ( anti-spiritual power ) then these dissenters : and could i know any one of them that would shrink from his princes service , when his royal person and government are menaced , i would esteem him not only a fool , but a traytor to boot . to evidence ( further ) the lenity of his majesty , i shall quote a memorable passage in his declaration from breda , dated april . . we do declare a liberty to tender consciences ; and that no man shall be disquieted or called in question for differences of opinion in matters of religion , which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom ; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act of parliament , as upon mature deliberation shall be offered to us for the full granting that indulgence . what can be more pious and consonant to the rules of the gospel , then what this great monarch here declares ? no person is excepted from his royal-indulgence , but such as disturb the peace of the kingdom . now if there be any such among the dissenters , let them be severely punished : but if there be none , i cannot but wonder at the cruelty and undutifulness of such as prosecute their peaceable and innocent fellow-subjects against the mind of their soveraign . his majesty has not only declared this ( so favourable ) indulgence , but also by his own experience declares the unfruitfulness of compulsion , march th . . in these words , our care and endeavours for the preservation of the rights and interests of the church , have been sufficiently manifested to the world , by the whole course of our government , since our happy restauration , and by the many frequent ways of coercion that we have used for the reducing all erring or dissenting persons , and for composing the unhappy differences in matters of religion which we found among our subjects upon our return : but it being evident by the sad experience of twelve years , that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses , we think our self obliged to make use of that supream power in ecclesiastical matters , which is not only inherent in us , but hath been declared and recognized to be so by several statutes and acts of parliament , &c. that august part of the legislative power , the house of commons , resolved janu. . , that it is the opinion of this house , that the prosecution of protestant dissenters upon the penal-laws , is at this time grievous to the subject , a weakening the protestant interest , an incouragement to popery , and dangerous to the peace of the kingdom . besides this , there was a bill past both houses at the last parliament in westminster , for the repeal of the of elizabeth , but through some unhappy neglect it was not presented to his majesty , who doubtless would have past it . nevertheless by that and what 's mentioned before , we may clearly infer that the king and parliament , judge that compulsion of conscience ( of peaceable protestant dissenters ) is both unseasonable and unprofitable . and if i have the whole legislative authority on my side , viz. king , lords , and commons , ( that is all england ) i may modestly presume , that no protestant will be angry at this essay , nor censure it of arrogance ; it being so conformable to the sentiments of the most illustrious in the nation : i must confess that there are laws in force against the dissenters which we shall a little discourse of hereafter , and evidence plainly that the intention of the legislators was to punish such as they supposed would be seditious or dangerous to the government , and they that stretch these laws to destroy so many innocent peaceable members of the common-wealth , do but fight against god , and pervert the meaning of the lawgivers ; and can ( at long run ) expect no other fruit of their officiousness , then what is reap'd by such as are unmerciful ( to say no more ) at the great and general tribunal . here you see those very laws repealed , in voto , by them that made it , and though that dots not disanull them , yet let me tell you , that for some particular justices of the peace , meerly upon the information of a sort of creatures called informers , ( whose character in a few words i 'le give you e're long ) to execute the utmost , yea , more then the utmost severity of the laws , against dissenters , in defiance of the sense of the law-makers , who did undoubtedly know what was best for us , is no less then to oppose a private opinion to a publick deliberation , and a private spirit against a publick . but i 'le proceed to my main business ; and refer the opinion ( with a respect to this matter ▪ of as great . statesmen as england ever knew to another place . sect . ii. he that will seriously consider how tenderly the lord jesus recommends the precepts of mutual love , to all that profess his name , making it the very character of his followers , luk ▪ . . by this shall all men know that you are my disciples , if ye have love one to another ; and how highly the apostle paul exalts the same duty , reduceing the whole duty of a christian to a single precept , gal. . . for all the law is fulfilled in one word , even in this , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . see levit. . . mat. . . cannot but sufficiently wonder , to see such as profess the christian religion quarrel one with another , upon the account of special and doubtful circumstances , respecting divine worship ! it is lamentable to see how much the present age differs from primitive christianity ! the servants of the living god in those times , would rather have given their own lives to perswade their enemies to piety , then seek to undo their brethren , to force them to hypocrisie . those maximes that interfere with the sacred rules of the gospel , and threaten desolation to men for what they cannot help , are undoubtedly to be laid aside in a christian common-wealth . and i question not but that our gracious king , when he thinks fit to meet his people in parliament , will order a regulation of these proceedings , suitable to his beneign and merciful temper before expressed . in the mean time i humby crave leave to offer a few general reasons against the present prosecutions , which my zeal for truth and the management of church-wars ( like christians indeed ) extort from me . it is notorious by universal experience that it is the perverse nature of man , niti in vetitum , to long ( like eve ) for what is forbidden ; a malady derived by an uninterpreted succession from our first parents . hence grew a necessity of establishing laws and civil sanctions , the end of which are , to restrain and punish transgressors , who by the intemperate sallys of private or publich ambition , revenge , lust or other vice , attempt or actually perpetrate any thing injurious to their fellow-creatures . these laws are calculated for the respective meridians of several nations and governments , and levell'd against the prevailing vice of the place , ex malis moribus bonae leges natae sunt : the pravity of mans nature , caused a necessity of laws , as distempers do of physick . and as the office of the later , is to preserve the health , and cure the diseases of the body ; so the office of the former is to preserve the body politick . neither of these are so limited , but that the private or publick physick may be altered according as the symptoms of the disease direct the application . and so we see that parliaments ( without any disparagement to their wisdoms ) repeal laws proper to the times they were enacted in , and make new , as the vicissitudes of the publick pulse stands in need of . the wisest men have changed counsels and resolves upon second thoughts : the very popes themselves , and general councels have done it , though the former arrogate to themselves an infallibility . no meer man is so sharp sighted as certainly to foresee what the events and revolutions of things to come may be , without divine inspiration . therefore it is rather to be esteemed a prudential skill , then an arraignment of the acts of our predecessors , when what was suitable to them , and improper for us , are repealed , and a more seasonable remedy applied , when the inconveniences of the former are discovered . i am certain that the best way to convince protestant dissenters , ( and most agreeable to the dictates of christianity , ) is to win them by fair and charitable methods ; and that those penalties the law inflicts , should at least be relaxt , for reasons hereafter to be produced . every considering man must needs know that the biass of interest and education are strong shackles to the judgment , which fetter it from yeilding to demonstrated truth . that of education is very hard to be over-master'd . we have had deplorable experiments , that opinion meerly got by education , is sometimes as hard to be removed , ( yea harder ) then the body from the soul. it so wheels and intoxicates the brain , that even amongst the turks , we read of some wise and moderate persons , who would die to maintain their ridiculous alcaron . custome is grown such a tyrant , that some would rather starve then eat bread bak'd in a pan ( as a reverend prelate said ) because he used to eat bread bak'd in an oven . religion in many is really their humour , and a darling fancy passes with such for reason ; and fashion is more prevailing then the best arguments . o the deplorable estate of christianity : men will now reject the most sacred of truths , if they can but find a pique at the messenger , as if the raving patient would spill the best of cordials , because not presented in a golden spoon ! the design of what is said , is to make way for what follows , viz. sect . iii. demonstrative reasons against compulsion of conscience . no humane authority , no not the very popes ( those infallible tooles ) can deny but that the word of god is the rule of faith , to which all that profess the name of christ ought to conform . and as all the children of god have an equal interest in the testament of their father , so no one amongst them , has any prerogative to impose a force upon the judgment of his brother . one holds this , the other that , a third denys both , they examine scripture , consult the originals , examine the opinions of antiquity ; they sincerely pray for illumination : what then ? why pray what course will you take with your dissenting brother ? all that you can say , can't remove him from his former perswasion : the best way is to pray for him , if any rigorous course be taken in such a case , and if the fire brings no light with it to demonstrate the truth of it , i profess i cannot but suspect that the coals are fetcht from below . he that reflects upon the difficulties that encounter us in the way to truth , for strait is the gate , and narrow is the way , and with all considers how short sighted the best of men be , for here we see but in part , and understand but in part , will soon find that there is infinitely more reason for christians mutually to endeavour the support and assistance , rather then study the ruine and destruction of each other . since all have neither an equal depth of natural judgment , nor the same measure of supernatural illumination , but the spirit bloweth how , and where it pleaseth , we ought not to despise or persecute our brother , for his innocent and blameless mistakes , least we be found to fight against god , who is the free disposer of his gifts ; we know the way of man is not in himself , jer. . . but his goings ( or steps ) are of the lord , pro. . ▪ and therefore , did we bear a due respect to god , we would be content to wait his leasure , who has ingaged himself by his apostle , phil. . . if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveal even this unto you . let us therefore entertain such a one , ( who proceeds in the simplicity of his heart , ) with milk , till he grow stronger to digest strong-meat . i am much mistaken , if compulsion of conscience borders not upon the very skirts of the implicite faith of the papists . for , whatsoever a man is constrained to swear , or profess , more then he is convinced of , proceeds from as blind an assent , as can be match'd in the grossest popery , and of such a convert no profession has any great cause to boast . for common reason tells us , that such as are proselyted by violence , will continue such no longer then the force lasts . force is meer punishment , and consequently not just , unless the offence be voluntary : but he that believes according to the evidence of his own reason , is necessitated to that belief , and to compel him from it , is to drive him to renounce the essential part of man , his reason . i can't imagine why we should be commanded to try the spirits , . john . . and to prove all things . thes . . . if there be not a faculty in the soul to judge for it self . 't is a strange injunction when we are commanded to hold fast that which we find to be best ; if after our most serious and deliberate election , we shall be whipt out of our conscience by penaltys . to what purpose do we preach poor souls into just so much liberty of scripture , as may beget their torture , and not permit them to rest where they find satisfaction ? either prohibit to search at all , or leave us sensible of some benefit by teaching . to believe what seems untrue , seems to me impossible ; to profess what we believe untrue , i am sure is damnable . as 't is certain , that whosoever swerves from the dictates of his own conscience , commits a grievous sin , rom. . so without question they that endeavour by force or artifice to draw any man to profess or act contrary to what his soul believes , are as deeply guilty of the same crime , as the apostle says , when ye wound the weak consciences of your brethren , ye sin against christ . . cor. . . how dangerously then do they expose themselves to the just indignation of god who drive others , ( and fall themselves ) into this evil ? &c. how wilfully do they attempt to extinguish the light of nature , which indispensably obliges all men to deal with others , as they would be dealt with themselves ? this light is placed by god in clear and candid souls to shine and guide them , but in black ones to condemn and burn them . i could heartily wish that all men would take the advice of the apostle , rom. . . let us not therefore judge one another any more : but judge this rather , that no man put a stumbling-block , or an occasion to fall , in his brothers way . if this blessed counsel were but followed , what a happy nation might ours be ? nothing hath caused more mischief in the church then the establishing new ( and many ) articles of faith , and the incumbrance of gods worship by ceremonys , which all acknowledge to be more for ornament , then any essential necessity . and had these stumbling-blocks been removed , 't is certain that our too too deplorable divisions would in a great measure vanish , but since there are , and must be divisions , let us pray to the physitian of souls to heal them . to love one another is a command of the almighty , which never was , nor never will be repealed . and o! how disagreeable to that sacred precept is it , to vex and trouble each other ! how rare is it to see the very brutes prey upon their kind ! yet we see mankind destroy mankind , not only devesting themselves of humanity , but with a more then brutish cruelty , rage against their very brethren . to break so evident a commandement , to establish that which is ( more then ) doubtful , is certainly contrary to gospel-laws . a thing may be clear to one man that would fain impose it , but it may be doubtful to him on whom it is imposed , which no body can help . must the doubtful person be knockt o' the head therefore , or must we pick out the eyes of all that cannot see as well as our selves . suppose the point be clear in scripture ; why then say i , there is no necessity to make a new law to impose it ; much less a new article of faith. if it be but deduc'd or infer'd ; 't is certain that what one thinks clearly deduced , another as learned and able as he , may think not to be so . mens understandings are as various as their speech or faces : and is it just for one man to quarrel with another , because different from him in either of these ? or put him upon a rack to stretch him to his own dimension , if not so tall as he ? he that thinks all dissenters either malieiously or wilfully blind is ( in my judgment ) defective in charity . if these people dissent out of humour or hypocrisie , every thinking man will pronounce them absolute fools . for they that play the hypocrites ; do it either for worldly ends , or vain glory . now these men , who are under the lash of every informer , and suffer so unmercifully ; cannot be charg'd with dissenting for worldly ends , because they may secure themselves by conformity , and by necessary consequence their nonconformity is out of pure conscience . else ( as was said ▪ ) they are stark ▪ i deots , and if so , the state has no need to fear them , and it would be a great disparagement to so wise and illustrious a government to seem to fear such a company of supposed simpletons . but then on the other hand , if their dissent be really from the strong and convinced perswasions of their minds , i would in all humility beseech all , that have power to execute the laws against them , to consider , that they are christians , their bretheren and countrymen , and that they would treat them as such , in agreement to what our merciful prince declared , as before , viz. to punish only such as are disturbers of the government . for my pen shall never be an advocate for any person of that character . if any should think that these men dissent out of vain glory , he must still suppose them worse fools then before ; for who but a mad-man would purchase the applause of a few persons ( an idle airey thing that will neither feed nor cloath him ) at the dear rate of l. a month , l. a sermon , &c. or a prison with all its tormenting apurtenances ? is this a comfortable bargain ? well then , supposing them weak brethren , what shall we do with them ? why the apostle readily answers this question , rom. . . him that is weak in the faith receive ye , but not to doubtful disputations . here is not one word of sending him to prison ; or fining of him ; no , no , they us'd to perswade and convince ; not compel men to conformity . neither did the strong christian persecute , but cherish and instruct his weak brother . for , they very well knew that no man can be forced to believe , he may ( 't is true ) be compelled to say this or that , but not to believe it ; the dominion over the external part has no rule over the soul. and though a man may be compell'd to dissemble his thoughts , it is impossible that any outward force can change the opinion . the soul of man is a thing so generous , that it is rather perswaded by mildness , then won upon by figorous and coercive methods . and the nature of christianity , is really adapted for such procedures . if compulsion of conscience had been thought by the almighty , to be the best way of reducing mankind , our lord jesus would have used it . he that had the command of the whole heavenly militia , ( one of which in a night slew of the assyrian host ) could with as much ease subdue the great augustus caesar , as command a fish to bring him the tribute money . he that has good eyes , and has been taught to read , will read you a clear printed book , but if he be blind , or having eyes wants light , or never learnt to read , or if the print be blind , you may sooner dash out his brains with a club , then make him perform an action he cannot . faith is not to be driven like a nail into the head , or heart , with a hammer : for a man cannot believe if he would , till the gift be bestowed upon him . and the scripture is plain , when it tells us , that faith is the gift of god. arguments are good inducements , but force has no countenance in the gospel , much less a command . pray peruse these texts , john . . . . tim. . . deut. . . 't is an easy thing to pick out ones eyes , but all the art of man cannot restore those eyes again , or make eyes for one born without them . even so compulsion can make a man a hypocrite , but all the severity in the world cannot make him a true convert . if reason understands not what is declared , how can we by way of deduction , or the best framed syllogisms yield to what we apprehend not to be demonstrative ? all discourse and ratiocination ought to be of things intelligible ; the object of faith is purely and essentially divine , and the soul cannot arrive at that ( best of ) learning , till the spirit of god becomes the tutor . before i leave this ( by way of digression ) i cannot but borrow a few excellent notions of an eminent prelate now living . there is no giving way to rational deduction and human argumentations against scripture , for then a cunning sophister may lead men into many errors . to go about to prove by reason such things as are above reason , is wonderful : and to discourse of what we understand not , is a spice of madness . the conclusions drawn from such discourses are dangerous , yea , a meer ignis fatuus that misguides men , tim. . . divine mysteries drest up in the attire of meer humane oratory , is like a chast and vertuous matron , trickt up in the habit of a curtezan . the divine substance is not expressible by human rhetorick , nor the most delicate flourishes of an artificial pencil . that which men call school-divinity , has been perverted at such a rate , that it has prov'd a meer plague to christianity . there you have new questions , nice distinctions , and intemperate conclusions tost up and down like tennis balls . and from thence proceed cruel bickerings , and theological wars . the first divinity-school was set up at alexandria by pantaenus , and from thence sprung the arrian-heresie , which like an ill weed soon over ran all christendom . in the subtilty of these schools heresie grew refined , and with their school tricks of distinctions and evasions , almost bassled the plain and simple professors of the gospel . the primitive doctors , converted from heathenism , and well skil'd in philosophy , antiquity , history , and logick or sophistry , translated these sciences ( falsly so called ) into christianity , to illustrate by their indiscreet zeal , and imbellish christian knowledge , by artificial forms and figures , but rather indeed defaced it . col. . . he that seriously and without prepossession considers the nature of christian doctrine , will conclude , that it must be taught by the demonstration of the spirit and power , and not by the school harangues of sophistical syllogisms and enthymoms . considering men are wary , ( and so they had need ) of the subtilties of such as would pervert or deceive them , in so important a matter as religion is : because heresies appear not first in their own natural shape , but they complement you in disguise , masqueraded with specious pretences ; the author of these heresies will press into their service , this and that obscure place of scripture capable of various interpretations . but ( mark i pray ) when they have once got footing , by degrees they lay a side their vizards , and march on brazen fac'd , ( i mean bare-fac'd . ) well , but as to compulsion of conscience , since the affront is only to the divine majesty , supposing the dissenter errs , methinks we should leave god to vindicate his own cause : for what can be a greater disparagement or more derogatory to the honour of the godhead , then to think he wants the help of man to defend him . mark how peter was rebuked by our saviour for cutting off malchus his ear. besides , do but consider the methods used by the redeemer of the world , in conquering his enemies , and you will find it was by preaching and suffering , and if his disciples wont follow so illustrious an example , they deserve not to be called by his name , nor be dignified with the title of christians . in all well order'd governments the magistrate may and ought to punish evil doers , but not evil believers , for god reserves that to himself , it is his divine perogative , for he only is the heart searcher ; and man cannot possibly have a right cognizance of the concealed or evil thoughts of another ; because , for any thing he knows , the greatest professor may be the greatest atheist . i do not remember that christians ever took up arms against their governours in the primitive times for propagating their profession , or to preserve themselves from persecution ; and he that will do so , meerly upon that account , is either a fool or an atheist : a fool , because he rejects the opportunity of gaining the reward promised , matth. . . blessed are ye when men revile you and persecute you , &c. or an atheist , because he wont believe that god will be as good as his word . but to return where i left , i may reckon that common saying among shallow fancys , viz. that a pigmy on a gyants shoulders sees more then the gyant . the question is not of seeing more , but clear discerning . if both these see a beast at a miles distance , and contend whether it be a horse or an oxe , the pigmy on the gyants shoulder , is never the nearer discerning what it is , because it depends more upon the sharpness of sight , then the height of his shoulders : so we have no possible assurance that the doctrine delivered to us by man ( if not revealed in scripture ) is absolutely true , because we are certainly assured that 't is possible for him , or any man to erre , yea in this very doctrine . the great augustine ( the wonder of his time for sharpness of understanding , and great modesty withal , ) believed it absolutely necessary that infants should receive the lords-supper , and termed it a down-right heresie to affirm that there were any antipodes . so lanctantius a notable wit , and a great scholar . the most eminent of the evangelical doctors grant that even general councels have erred , and if anyman should deny it , the thing may be easily demonstrated . our church historys declare how often they have thwarted one another , in things ( point blank ) contradictory . at which we need not wonder , for they have no promise of infallibility ; you 'l say they are the churches representative : what then ? i know no promise in the whole bible , that the representative should be infallible . 't is true the gates of hell shall not prevail against the church , but what 's that to a general councel which ( by a modest calculation ) cannot amount to one part in of the universal church . but i need say no more , then that these ( so called ) general councels have been ex diametro against each other , as before hinted . parents are accountable to god for their commands , as well as the children are for their obedience , natural parents are by meer nature prompted to seek the love of their children : so ought spiritual parents who are stiled ministers of god ( who is love ) to demean themselves towards their spiritual children . and consequently is it not more suitable to this excellent grace , and parental tenderness to lead the people into the house of god , rather then to whip them in by fear ? and to put on such a habbit as will invite them in , rather then fright them out ? what wise and loving father would put on a winding sheet to fright his weak and simple child ? man ( says a reverend pen ) is a very ticklish animal to govern ; he will not always be guided by reason and authority . he has a will as well as reason , and will have his own will in many things ; even among the very godly themselves ( which is to be lamented ) but few are so intirely pious , as wholly to deny themselves . this is so high and sharp a point of religion , that you may break the heart strings of many in winding them up so high ; and so you may crack all their religion . i cannot in conscience when i treat upon so serious a theam , but remark , that the carriage of some preachers has created a great dislike of that sacred work , as 't is managed by not a few , and so are themselves the causers of that dissent , which they exclaim against : too many preach not christ but themselves ; they take here and there a sentence of scripture , the shorter and more abstruse the better . then to shew their skill and invention , they divide and subdivide it into generals and particulars . here you have the quid , the quale , the quantum , and such like quack-salving forms , which the people understand no more then they do greek or latine . then they look into this or that quaint author and pick out a sentence of a philosopher or father , some nice speculation or other , and labour to couch all in elegant language . but what 's the end of this ? why certainly 't is meerly to shew their wit , reading , or whatsoever else is excellent in them . but , pray mark , how such practises are charactered , cor. . the whole chapter is worth reading ; and plainly demonstrates that this kind of preaching is not apostolick , that is , that they preach not in the demonstration of the spirit , but in the demonstration of their learning . many of the ancient fathers ( especially the greeks ) have been ever fond of nicetys . these , when converted to christianity , transplanted their beloved rhetorical flowers of humane learning into christian gardens , which prov'd indeed weeds . common experience will be my advocate , when i say that humane nature is apter to give nourishment and vigour to humane principles then to such as are divine . pray when did ever any learned , witty , rhetorical harangue , or cunning syllogistical discourse convert the tenth part of st. peters or st. pauls foolish preaching , as he terms it ? ( tho 't is indeed the wisdom of god to them that are perfect . ) how widely different is the manner of preaching in the apostles time from philosophical arguing , and rhetorical declaiming ? the preaching then , was either catechistical instructions , or pious admonitions , not tying themselves to any form ; but past from one matter to another , as the condition of the hearers required , and not as the preachers fancy and reading prompted him . 't is reported of the emperour caligula , that he judged , condemned or acquitted delinquents as best agreed with the current of his oration ; so some now a days shape their discourse more to the applause , then edification of the hearers . such sermons may be better termed banquets for full wantons , then instructions for such as are almost starved for want of spiritual food . it may nourish an auditory of camelions that live by air , but can never make sound and solid christians . the schoolmen , and such as greedily suck their unexamined dictates , have set up an opinion , that none are fit to preach but such as have been students in the university ; where if he hath learnt a little to chop logick , and produce some nice speculations from aristotle , plato , &c. or some theological distinctions from aquinas , peter lombard , or the rest of the distinctionmakers , or a little gingling from the poets and orators , then , o! then , ( but you must suppose him documented by the guide to the inferiour clergy ) he sets up for a spiritual pastor ! the weightiest office in the world , because mens souls , ( their better part ) is concern'd ! 't is very strange that such qualifications ( common to graceless as well as gracious schollars ) should render him capable of rightly dividing the word of truth : for if you seriously examine the whole new-testament , you will not find one tittle of those sciences in the gospel ; but you will see they are rather severely arraigned , as enemys to it ; because they tend to vain jangling , strife , and contention , not tending to that ( which is the end of preaching ) the conversion and edification of souls , eph. . . . cor. . . the apostle paul in his epistles to timothy and titus ( two primitive bishops , ) tells you the qualifications of bishops and deacons , viz. gravity , sobriety , meekness , diligence , &c. not mathematicks , logick , physick , &c. not the study of aristotle , plato , cicero , euclid , scotus , aquinas , &c. and why ? why there is very good reason : for 't is most evident that the greatest part of academical learning is as useless to a spiritual pastor , as the art of navigation is to a physitian : the apostle telling us in plain terms , that he desired to know nothing but jesus christ , and him crucified . there 's the qualification with which whosoever is qualified , may say with david , come i will shew thee what the lord hath done for my soul. but without it all the arts in the world can't make a preacher , as the old verse says . qui christum discit , satis est , si caetera nescit . qui christum nescit , nihil est , si caetera discit . christ may be better preach'd by a grave , conscientious man , well versed in the scriptures , and the mysterys of faith , tho never bred in any university , nor skill'd in any language but his mother-tongue , then by the students of aristotle , scotus , aquinas , &c. ( quat ales ) with all their knacks of quidditys and qualitys , syllogisms , and euthymemes , distinctions , and subsumptions , &c. it is remarkable , that no greek , italian , or french of a thousand understood any language besides his mother-tongue , when the gospel first was planted . and 't is worth noteing , that the apostles received the gift of tongues , because they were to preach to all nations , but we find no infusion of school-learning by the holy-ghost , nor any more gift of tongues , when the gospel was once spread over the world. this is further very remarkable that no man can produce an example of any nation that was ever converted to christianity by philosophical or rhetorical preaching . i hope the digression will be excused , if i note the mischief of excursions ; for if such be countenanced , we shall never have an end : because the itch men have to shew their learning , will continue this vain and unedifying practice . possibly the preacher sits in his study all the week long , picking from this and that and 'tother quaint-authour , a few beautiful flowers ; well , what then ? then he comes on the preaching day ( commonly called sunday ) with his nosegay in his hand ( viz. his notes pinn'd up in his bible ) to entertain ladys and courtiers . but what have you to say to that ? i 'le say nothing , but refer the reader to the new-testament ▪ and when he has seriously perused it , let him act and believe ( with respect to the premises , ) as that sacred book plainly teaches him ▪ for if that won't do , nothing but a miracle will do it . before i proceed , give me leave ( good reader ) to tell you , that by what i have here written , ( partly from persons eminent in our church of england , and partly from my own experience and observation ) i would not be understood to cry down humane learning , as a thing of no use ; nor throw the least disparagement upon our famous and reverend divines , for i honour them from my heart , and know that amongst the ciergy of the church of england , ( as established by law , ) there are as eminent men , conspicuous to all , not only for their learning , but also for their piety and gracious conversations , and their painful and industrious labours in the service of our god , as any in the world : no , no , 't is the abuse only i write against , and 't is that alone i heartily wish were reformed . the knowledge of the original languages in which the scriptures were pennd is of very great necessity , that we might converse with that sacred book in its own emphatical and native idiom , and that we may not be imposed upon by wrong translations . but withal let me add ( which no learned man i am sure will blame me for , if unbyass'd ) that we are to consider the bounds of phylosophy and humane literature : these are to be exercised in the things that may be known by the light of natural reason ; but when they travel beyond that road , and must needs be defining things beyond their sphear , they become extravagant and saucy . this was the judgment of that excellent and learned lord picus earl of mirandula , in his epistle to aldus manutius , a sharp schollar : accinge te ad philosophiam , sed hac lege , ut meminer is nullam esse philosophiam quae a mysteriorum veritate nos abducat : philosophia veritatem quaerit , theologia invenit , religio possidet . that is , address your self so to the study of phylosophy ; that no phylosophy should seduce you from the truth of the mysterys . ( of christian religion ) phylosophy seeks truth , divinity finds it , ( but ) religion possesses it . every ▪ thing is good and proper in its place , as for example , fire is useful in the chimney , but it is mischievous in the house-top . there , that which before would warm you , or be serviceable to dress your meat , will burn you and your meat too , unless you can quench it , or run away from it . so learning is good as an hand-maid , hagar-like , but if it must needs be mistress , and usurp-authority in the family , if like scoffing ishmael genesis . . gallat . . . it will mock at the spirit , and the simplicity of the gospel , let it be cast out : for nothing supream will endure to be rival'd in his authority . perogative , especially in divine matters , is as tender as the apple of ones eye . there is no sober and impartial divine , but will grant , that it is the work of faith , by the aid of divine revelation , to be imployed in the mysterys of religion . from which concession it is evident , that when any man undertakes to teach us divinity , by the meer guidance of nature , ( call it natural phylosophy , university learning ; or what you will , ) but shews himself by such an attempt as absurd and nonsensical , as if the eye should incroach upon the ear , and would pretend to distinguish the various gradations of musical notes , or the quavers of a pleasant instrument , which it cannot so much imitate , as the dullest brute can imitate the warblings of the nightingale . if the example and practice of the lord jesus christ be worth imitating , you will find that he made choice of such as were despised and unlearned . why ? because his grace might so much the more be magnyfied , and that the honour due to his soveraign converting power might not be attributed to any humane faculty of rhetorical perswasion . he made fishermen , a tent-maker , and other tradesmen , messengers of the everlasting gospel , and ( as it were ) embassadors extraordinary of heaven . they were not sent to learn the facultys of aristotle , cicero , or aquinas : no no ; his holy spirit was the only schoolmaster . he could with as much ease imploy the whole university of athens , as those poor men ; but he did not , and why such as are called by his name should despise his grace when appearing in persons of that quality he chose , is a meer disconcurrence with the sanctions of this ever-blessed law-giver . i do not represent these things to introduce a promiscuous liberty for all persons to turn preachers that are christians , but to reason people ( if i could ) our of extreams . for as on the one hand i believe that meer learning does not qualifie a man to be a preacher , so on the other side i am satisfied , that grace without the gift of vtterance and a sound judgment accompanied with an ability to divide the word of truth , suitable to the necessity of the hearers , does not qualifie any man for a publick preacher . of both these i take the church to be judge , and am satisfied that without the approbation of a christian assembly , such as presume to take that office upon them , where such an approbation may be had , are none of christs messengers but their own , because we shall so have no order , but confusion , which must not be introduced into the church of christ , unless you will change the best of governments , into the worst of anarchys . let every man abide in the calling whereunto he is called ▪ says the evangelical unrepealable statute . it has been ( and will be till reform'd ) the reproach of christianity , that preachers have err'd on both extreams , some talk nonsense , some talk above common-sense . i have ( saies one of our prelates ) seen some learned men call children together , and ask them a few questions ; and then to begin a profound lecture , shaped according to his own large dimensions , at whom boys and men gaze at , as a prodigious monster of learning : some saying as festus to paul , much learning hath made him mad. sure he knows not where he is , why , he is not in a university school of divinity , but in an assembly of weak and silly youth , who understand his english , no more than hebrew . he adds , if men would mark the form and phrase of the gospel , and what kind of matter and language the divine oracle used in preaching , even to the learned scribes and pharisees , and read cor. . and the beginning of the second , it would inform them what language that is , that 's cloathed in such meretricious attire , &c. haec ille . the scope and intention of this digression , is to shew how this sacred office of preaching is abused , and of what influence that abuse is to scare people away , who love to understand , and profit by what they hear ; and so i shall conclude this section in imitation of a late ingenious author ( tho' not in his very words ) that if there be not such a parcel of things as call themselves preachers that act thus ; then no body is concern'd in this character ; but if there be , the abuse is worth looking after , in order to reformation , if not punishment , of so great a spiritual grievance . sect . v. express scripture against compulsion of conscience . these excellent and important truths mentioned , are not only built upon the firm foundation of solid and unanswerable reason , but also upon the infallible authority of the law , and word of god. to convince you of which , pray be pleased to consider the following texts . hear what the apostle paul saies , tim. . . ( mark that this epistle is written to a bishop ) and the servant of the lord must not strive , but be gentle unto all men ; apt to teach , patient , ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bearing . ) ver . . in weakness instructing those that oppose themselves , if god peradventure will give them repentance , to the acknowledging of the truth . ver . . and that they may recover themselves out of the snare of the devil , who are taken captive by him at his will. from this passage it is evident , that the apostle forbids all rigorous courses , even towards infidels ; and that he expresly sets down the right christian course of convincing and converting them , viz. by charity and meekness : and if christians will make use of church curses , and humane laws , enacted only against seditious persons , and disturbers of the government , to force innocent christians that agree with themselves , in the essential articles of christianity , to disputable modes of circumstantial ceremonies , confess'd by all to be of humane original ; in my opinion , they disagree with this blessed man , who after he teaches the bishop his duty , advises him to leave the success to god ; but not a syllable of jayling , imprisoning , or fining them . another apostle forbids us to condemn one another ▪ james . . there is one law-giver ( saies he ) who is able to save and to destroy : who art thou that judgest another ? suitable to which ( mark i pray ) what the former apostle saies , rom. . . who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? to his own master he standeth or falleth ; yea , he shall be holden up , for god is able to make him stand . ver . . one man esteemeth one day above another : another esteemeth every day a like . let every man be fully perswaded in his own mind . ver . . hast thou faith ? have it to thy self before god. happy is he that condemneth not himself in that which he allowloweth . that is , whose conscience accuseth not his outward profession . this most zealous preacher of the gospel , returns so condescending and moderate an answer to a case of a far harder sound than is here maintained , which argues that he took his gentle pen from the soft wing of the dove . cor. . . &c. if any brother hath a wife that believeth not , and she be pleased to dwell with him , let him not put her away . ver . . and the woman which hath a husband that believeth not , and if he be pleased to dwell with her , let her not leave him . ver . . for the unbelieving husband is sanctifyed to the believing wife ( viz. in a matrimonial correspondence . ) and the unbelieving wife is sanctifyed to the husband , &c. ver . . but if the unbelieving depart , let him depart ; a brother or a sister is not in bondage in such cases : but god hath called us to peace . ver . . for what knowest thou o wife , whether thou shalt save thy husband ? or how knowest thou o man , whether thou shalt save thy wife ? ver . . but as god distributed to every man , as the lord hath called every one , so let him walk , and so ordain i in all churches . pray mark , good reader , what can be said more efficaciously to oblige christians to christian forbearance , than so plain an injunction to live peaceably with meer heathens . you may see moreover , that cor. . . he denies that even the apostles themselves have any soveraignty over the conscience , but only commissions to assist the conscientious . — not for that we have dominion ( saies he to the corinthians ) over your faith , but are helpers of your joy : for by faith you stand . in this he exactly observes the orders which christ gave to his apostles , go and teach , ( not compel ) math. . . and whosoever shall not receive you , nor hear your words , when ye depart out of that house or city , shake off the dust of your feet , as we find practised , act , . . mark , they are not commanded to trample upon them as dust under their feet ; the planters of christian religion had never any such commission . if the people would not believe , they did e'en let them alone , with only that harmless testimony that they had done their duty , and left them to god ▪ — o how widely different is this little dust-shaking , which neither kill'd not jayl'd any body , from the thunder-claps of popish bulls , interdicts , smithfield flames , imprisonments , fines ? &c. consonant to this principle of meekness , our saviour himself instructs his disciples . matth. . . be not call'd rabbi , ( that is , imposers in spiritual matters , or lords over the conscience ) for one is your master , even christ ; and all ye are brethren . from these texts reader , infer what you can rationally , — for it were but to light a candle to the sun , for me to go about to illustrate them . i wonder what the patient forbearing of the tares means , and letting them grow together till the time of harvest , ay , and along with the wheat too , til the spiritual reaper comes , — unless it be a christian tolleration . i cannot fix any other sense upon that scripture parable , but that we ought not to pluck up each other by the roots , because we are not alike , — for it may happen that some of the very wheat may be destroyed by corn-weeders . therefore 't is certainly the safest and soberest way to be quiet , and leave the management of the spiritual corn-fields to the lord of the harvest , till he orders the contrary . that admirable president of mildness towards the samaritans , a surly inhospitable sort of people , ( that would not receive even christ himself ) is very notable . the disciples james and john , would have fire immediately commanded down from heaven to consume them , as in the days of elias ; but our merciful god rebuked their zeal with this sweet and tender reply , luk. . , . ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of : for the son of man is not come to destroy mens , lives , but to save them . this one example abundantly satisfies all objections drawn from the practice of elias , jehu , the sons of levi , &c. in the old-testament ; for as they had an express command from ▪ god to warrant their zeal , we have an express warrant from christ to command meekness . if any one shall shuffle in a suspition that this moderate temper was meant only for the times of persecution , when the christians had no temporal power ; let him first confess that these were the best and purest times , and then shew a warrant dormant under our saviour's hand ( that is in his gospel ) to commissionate his disciples , as soon as they should get the sword into their hands , to use the severity of penal laws against all disobeyers , and i submit . but if they can cite no such authority , let them consider whether compulsion of conscience is consistent with the just liberties and priviledges of a christian . the church of england approves not of donatism , nor that romish arrogance which pronounces all dissenters ddmn'd . no , no ; 't is evident both by publick declarations , and the writings and preachings of many of the most eminent church-men , that salvation is not tyed up here , to a meer conformity to what the english-church differs in , from others ; of this we have a fresh and famous instance in the charitable and christian-like entertainment given to the french protestants that came hither for sanctuary , from the present persecution in their native country . this clearly manifests that our church quarrels not with the dissenting-protestants ; for it would be a very strange riddle , to entertain protestants of the very same perswasion with so much tenderness and hospitality , and at the very same instant , exact the utmost mite , that the penal laws require , from their protestant country-men , who disagree in nothing from these forreign brethren , but only in language ( i mean with respect to articles of religion ) so that lie that will charge the present prosecutions upon the church of england , does charge her at one and the same time , with severity to our own natives , and charity to strangers of the same profession . now , since it is not to be presumed that the church of england would act with such partiality and condradiction , may we not rationally conclude , that this unseasonable prosecution , ( when popery is watching all opportunities to ruine conformists , as well as nonconformists ) is to be charged only on some particular self-seeking persons , or such as do not calmly consider what the circumstances of things are ? the judgment of his majesty , and the resolves of our last parliaments , ( all true patriots and church-men , that have given security to the government , by taking such tests and oaths as the law requires , ) are convincing demonstrations , that 't is not the church and state , but some certain persons that care not how the world goes , ( so their present ends be acccomplished , ) are authors of the severeties some feel , from the execution of such laws , as stand lookt upon , rather to be forborn by publick votes , as aforesaid ; and which ( 't is hop'd ) that august assembly ( king , lords , and commons ) when his majesty will be pleased to call a parliament , will mitigate , to the great joy of many innocent subjects , that mind only their own particular concerns , and quietly submit to the establish'd government . sect . vi. at the writing of this , there came to my hands a paper newly published , with this title , a second argument for a more full and firm vnion amongst all good protestants , wherein the nonconformists taking the sacrament after the manner of the church of england , is justifyed , &c. in a letter to a friend . because the scope of it is not only to magnifie the church of england , ( which i do not in the least reflect upon ) but also to fix an odium upon dissenters , and render them more intollerable in the eye of the government , than the charity of many pious and learned conformists either desire , or think seasonable ; i have thought it agreeable to the nature of my subject , to leave a few modest remarks upon it . and , . if the conversion of such dissenters , as are mentioned p. . be really the effect of conviction of mind , without any sinister ends , i shall not blame them for walking according to their light , for that were to contradict the design of these few sheets , viz. the exercise of a charitable meekness towards our weak brethren . but if it be meerly for fear of the penal prosecution there likewise mentioned , it is probable that the advocates of such a practice , ( viz. ) to conform to such things as they before cry'd down as not evangelical , or at best think still to be doubtful , ) will hardly prove martyrs . temporizing is diametrically opposite to the nature of christianity ; and such as are for selfish worldly ends , list themselves among the purest professors of evangelical truths , are justly branded with the ignominious name of hypocrites . but whether these men do it out of conscience , or for any by-ends , the lord only knows , for he is the searcher of hearts ; and there we leave it . the expressions p. . are so perplext and unintelligible , that i cannot well pick out the meaning of it . if by sons of leviathan ( bating the unusualness of the phrase ) be meant , the romish clergy ; the paper then supposes such , to be instructors among the dissenters , and of great influence overthem : but that isno less than a malicious and groundless slander . and i challenge this author to justifie the surmise by any demonstrative instances . or , . if it means the teachers of the dissenters , ( for one of these it must be ) who are represented as frighting the people from conformity , and scaring them out of church by calling it , and its ministers , antichristian ; let the author produce the words or writings of any eminent nonconformist preacher or preachers , that have branded the church of england with that odious epithete , and i will joyn with him to abhor the calumniators . all sober dissenters universally agree , that the romish hierarchy is the antichrist spoken of in the scripture ; and it was lately well proved in a treatise intituled , schematologia , by a dissenting preacher . and for them to make the church of england another antichrist , is not only disconsonant to their publick and avowed principles , but the highest violation of that charity , and divine principle of love which they owe to their christian conforming brethren , that agree with them in all the substantial parts of the faith , and differ only in circumstances confessedly indifferent by the very imposers . i am surprized to find such a scheme of divinity in this paper , p. . as i never yet saw or heard from a protestant writer . all things necessary to salvation are peremptorily laid down by this author , in these four particulars ; upon which take a few notes . . the learning of a good catechism , to aid and conduct their faith. . a good and well composed form of prayer to discharge their devotion . . to hear learned and good men preach to revive and quicken them to duty . . to square and regulate their lives by moral precepts ( or the law of nature . ) here 's the sum total of what 's necessary to salvation in this authors opinion . — but he is not content dogmatically to make so diminutive a reduction of christianity , but will also ensure your soul for you , in these words , — the which [ meaning the said particulars ] whosoever shall humbly and carefully observe , constantly and conscientiously perform , we [ that we is himself , as if he had been the representative of the church of england ] will assure them salvation , and undertake to answer to god for them , and be content to stand chargeable with their blood , if they do miscarry , &c. . as to the first , 't is confessed that catechistical instructions were used in the primitive times , and since ; and that if rightly managed , it is a necessary expedient to inform the judgments of the ignorant . but i never yet knew that it was made to lead the van of such articles , as are necessary to salvation , before . it is a means indeed , which ( as the spirit of god influences ) may be instrumentally subservient to convert the unconverted . but 't is meer popery to attribute any such virtue to it , as if the meer learning of a bare form of catechistical questions and answers , were a thing necessary to salvation ; and this i take to be the papers meaning . the way of catechising in the primitive ages of christianity , was for some of the church elders to call the youth and other ignorant persons together , at some certain times , and examine them concerning the faith , alwaies explaining what was obscure to their weak understandings , nottying themselves to any form , but administring their questions , and shaping their instructions as the capacity of the catechumeni required , like divine school-masters teaching their spiritual pupils , and with servent prayers recommending the success to god , the converter of souls . so that catechising is no more than a christian endeavour , or expedient for the begetting of faith , — not an aid and conduct of faith ( as the paper words it ) because the persons catechis'd , were supposed to be yet unconverted . besides , to make formal catechising a positive means of salvation , is to damn all that have not the opportunity to learn it by heart , and yet that there are many such in the world , that are nevertheless saved , is undoubtedly known to this author , who seems to make christianity consist in external forms , and a moral deportment , or conversation . . as to the second , viz. a good and well composed form of prayer to discharge their devotion . it sounds so different from praying with the spirit and vnderstanding , that i cannot but marvel at it . i do not at all blame such as use forms of prayer , for they may , for ought i know , pray with the spirit likewise , considering the form prescribed by our lord jesus himself , matth. . but this is as clear as the sun , that neither in all the new testament , nor the first three hundred years , there ) can be produced any record of known credit , that any stinted forms were imposed ; and good reason , for all the children of god , can represent their grievances to their heavenly father ▪ and though their petitions are expressed in lisping notes , or by the unutterable groans of the spirit ; yet they are not for all that rejected any more than a loving father would deny his hungry child a piece of bread , because he cannot speak plain , or uses not a formal address for it . but for this author to make a form of prayer necessary to salvation , is to damn such as will not , or do not , make their applications to the mercy seat , in the stinted and composed conceptions of others , which possibly may not reach their case , or ( as he calls it ) discharge their devotion . . as to the third thing necessary to salvation , viz. to hear learned and good men preach , to revive and quicken to duty . i say , that to attend the sacred dispensations of the word of truth , in order to growth in grace , and spiritual edification , is a christian duty . — and that the preacher ought to be learned in the scriptures , and a good man , that is of such goodness as the utmost pressing after it , can arrive at . if the author means by learning and goodness , what may be meerly attainable by school faculties , and that which the philosophers call morality , abstracted from the influences of converting and evangelical grace , i must dissent from him till he proves , that christianity and morality are one and the same thing ; or that , morality is that grace by which we are saved through faith. if he proves that , it will follow that the coming of christ to plant an evangelical religion in the world , and by his death to save mankind was unnecessary , because salvation might have been attain'd by the philosophy of plato , and the rest of the heathen moralists . this authors divinity seems to look this way : for his fourth thing necessary to salvation , is for men to square and regulate their lives by moral precepts ( or the law of nature . ) to which i say , that christians ought to do not only this , but more too , so that christian duty terminates not here ; it is not confined to practical or speculative morality , which is only a branch or species of christianity , and is as much in degree below that faith and spiritual grace that saves the soul through the efficacy of the blood of christ , as the body is below the soul. the one is exercised in principles of common equity betwixt man and man , — comprehended in that saying , do as ye would be done unto : the other is exercised in a spiritual commerce with the divinity by faith , prayer , and other gospel graces , which natural philosophy ( meerly consider'd as such ) can no more perform , than a man stark blind can judge of colours , or lazarus could get out of his grave before the all quickning power of the mediator rais'd him . the gospel represents such as were naturally alive , to be spiritually dead . and philosophy without grace is character'd by the apostle to be a vain , seducing thing . before i touch upon the reasons of this authon , in justification of nonconformists taking the sacrament after the manner of the church of england , give me leave to put in this caution ; that i do not in what i write directly or indirectly , dispute against the lawfulness of the administration of this ordinance , as us'd in the said church ; but my scope and intention is , to shew how unreasonable it is , for this author to represent the nonconformists as such silly sectaries , because they hant so wide a throat as he , to swallow what they cannot digest ; and consequently , that such of them as dissent out of pure conscience , though they suffer such penalties , as this gentleman it seems does not care to be concern'd in , are to be born withal , whilst they behave themselves peaceably and dutifully towards the civil government . and to give him a hint , that if he be one of those wellineaning dissenters , that has conversed well near years amongst them ( as he says ) p. . then either he saw their folly and groundless scrupulosity ( as he angerly calls it ) before the present juncture , or not : if he saw it before , and would not make discovery of it in order to his full and firm vnion , as he baptizes his pamphlet , how can he clear himself of vnfaithfulness , if not hipocrisie , in not beginning this blessed atchievement sooner , that he might prevent the jealousie of the government , and the sufferings of so many poor families as he talks of . but if he be but a new proselite to the church of england , and is converted on a suddain , as on the one hand people will be apt to suspect him , because he chuses a time of suffering to forsake his old brethren , and think him a temporizer : so on the other hand , he will be lookt upon as a novice in reformation , and old experienc'd men , will hardly be perswaded to learn their religion from the little pedantick subtilties of such variable dissenters , who move with the state compass . these things i speak not from any prejudice against the author , ( whoever he be ) but to put him in mind , in a spirit of meakness , that it would better become him rather to exercise charity towards his forsaken brethren , ( if he has been a dissenter ) and since he has freed himself from the lash of suffering , that he would not add to their burthen , at so licentious a rate as he does in this pamphlet . if they are in an error , let him leave them to god , as they are willing to leave him quietly to the happiness of the secure station he has chosen . in p. . he begins his proofs , which the judicious and conscientious nonconformist will look upon more subtil then solid . all that i shall remark as to that , will be this , because my work is not to disapprove the communion of the church of england , but to intreat the prosecutors to shew christian compassion to peaceable dissenting protestants ; that this author would if he writes a third argument , resolve me a few plain quaeries . . whether the positive rules set down by the soveraign legislator ( with respect to his ordinances ) are not to be observed by christians exactly , without any addition or substraction , as near as can be ? . whether it be not an impeachment of the divine wisdom , to suppose his laws imperfect ? or that he stands in need of spiritual privy council , to regulate and establish the circumstances of his lordship ? . whether , if the said divine laws be perfect , and unalterable , ( as they certainly are ) any quiet , and conscientious dissenter , ought to be punished for non observance of such ceremonies as are confess'd to be of a meer humane original ? . whether it be an argument of piety , for such as have got on the warm side of the hedge , to pelt dirt at those that cannot stride so largely , or jump over so nimbly as they do ? for my part i thought , and still think , that the things necessary to salvation , may be comprehended under this short sentance , viz. to love god with all our hearts , and our neighbours as our selves ; which is the epitome of christian religion , and a compendium of the first and second table . faith in christ jesus , the saviour of the world , who is god , co-equal and co-essential with the father , and , a life and conversation suitable to the sacred rules of the scriptures of truth , which comprehends morality and duties purely divine too , do constitute a christian : and if this mans scheme of religion mentioned before , be true , which as far as i can see , reaches no further then to what the law of nature teaches , — then he may throw away that superfluous thing called the bible , and study seneca , and hobs his leviathan , &c. certainly this author has but a despicable opinion of faith , though the scripture says , that 't is impossible to please god without it ; when he cannot afford it a little room among his things necessary to salvation , — only supposes men to have it , by which i have ground to suspect , that the faith he means , is nothing but some kind of moral perswasion , or other , that being suitable to the rest of his discourse . his little pedantick dilemma's , to justifie the communion of the church of england , p. , , , , . are meerly frivolous ; because no sober , nor wise dissenter ( as far as i can see ) condemns that communion . 't is only some things respecting the circumstances of administration , that they disallow , as being not so exactly quodrate with the rule . therefore let this author , ( if he will do any thing to the purpose ) leave beating the air , and draw a parellel between the communion he justifies , and what is written of it in scripture , — . respecting the persons administring . . the persons receiving . the manner how . ly . the time when . and ly . to what end . and if he makes them agree , then he will convert all the dissenters in that great point , for which they suffer . but if they do not agree , then let this dilema-maker give us some reasons for the disparity , and by what authority the alteration was made : or else in good earnest let him e'en appear bare-fac'd , and blunder it out in plain english , that the laws of god are subservient to the institutions that humane policy thinks fit to superadd . i would withal , intreat the author to bless the world with a like parallel about infant-baptism , that he may reduce those dissenters that have no good opinion of it . but now comes the mortal wound ( as he thinks ) have a care poor phanaticks ! — here the greatest number of them are affirm'd to hold principles dangerously heretical , and most abominably abusive of the most holy and blessed god , — yea , they ungod him . this is most sad indeed , — but wherein i pray ? by making him the greatest author of mischief , — folly , &c. by their idle dreams about his peremptory and eternal decrees . oh! there'sthe business ; this is the excellent and stupendious folly [ fine rhetorick . ] which he admires at . here you see how he brands the poor dissenters for the most abominable of hereticks ; and how does he prove it ? why he fathers an opinion upon them , which none but a mad-man will own , and then pours you out a long winded rhapsody of such devilish consequences , as are able to scare abody out of all charity with the dissenters . for my part , if i had thought it had been such a damn'd thing to believe , that god fore-ordain'd whatsoever should come to pass , — i would never have done it . well , but the author is pelting soundly at his man of straw , and the odium is thrown upon the greatest part of the dissenters . what i shall say in reply , is this , . if there be any body guilty of this heresie , viz. that god is the author of sin , i heartily leave him at this authors mercy , for i look upon that opinion to be no better then he represents it . but , . he is too uncharitable to charge the greatest number of the dissenters with it , who for any thing , i find discourse only of the decrees of god , as predestination , election , &c. as the scripture represents and as the greatest part of the church of england holds . . i could wish that men were temperate , and modest in writing and discoursing of these great secrets of gods decrees , and forbear to extort consequences with such violence from doubtful and obscure places . men have got such an itch to espouse some darling opinion or other , that no reason can remove them from it , though christianity languishes in the very vitals of it , by these brawls and animosities . i have known too many that won't trouble their heads with the most certain and most important duties of the gospel , that instead of reading the commandments , and the plain practical parts of scripture , will needs be making comments upon the obscurest allegories of the prophets , and the revelation of st. john. pray what necessity have we to confound poor simple christians with those school tricks , which much idle and licentious wits , pester the church of christ ? it was enough for the apostle to know nothing but jesus christ , and him crucified , ( as was said ) and 't is most assuredly true , that whatsoever is necessary to salvation , is so plainly laid down in the scripture , that the meanest capacity may ( by the aid of divine grace ) understand it . 't is therefore a dangerous piece of wantonness to be peeping into the secret cabinets of the almighty , and i am sure , such fooleries have done much mischief in the world. for , . 't is enough for us to know that the lord god hath chosen a people for himself , viz. such as believe in him , and obey his laws , and that he will eternally save them . and , . that such as reject his grace and mercy , and disobey his gospel , will fall under his eternal wrath. with this belief i content my self , and firmly hold , that god is not , nor cannot be the author of any evil , but on the contrary that he is the author of all good. i believe that mans damnation is purely and originally from his own wickedness , and that his eternal destruction is not from any decree of god ; which whosoever saies , does at the same time affirm , that god does damn him for what he cannot possibly avoid . on the other side i beleive , that no man can save himself , but that the lord jesus christ is the only and sole author and cause of salvation , and that he alone purifies the corrupt wills and hearts of men , adapting and preparing them to receive his grace and saving truths , through the power and influence of the holy spirit . this is my creed , in this point , and here i rest , not proposing it by way of imposition on others , but to shew that this moderate middle path , which in my judgment is sound and orthodox , and would lead us to the desireable mansions of peace , out of which our pulpit-wars have a long time kept us . i doubt some intemperate zealots , that would as soon part with their eyes , as their notions , will be grumbling at what i say , as too favourable to one side or other . but as i regard not unjust censure , so i challenge them to mend it . methinks if these general truths , and some such like , be enough for the people to know they do the church no good service , that instead of preaching practical duties , will needs be frightening the auditory with hidden decrees , absolute reprobation , and some such new made thunder-bolts , able to scare 'em into despair . god commanded his gospel to be preach'd to all the world , that such as would receive it should be saved . but these men have got you a hidden decree , which damns the greatest part of mankind , yet without the hand of any heavenly notary to testifie it . and pray tell me , what is it more or less , than to mock the poor people , to invite them to believe , &c. when 't is impossible for them savingly to do it , if their names be registred in that black and irreversible muster roll. i do not design to reflect upon any , nor do i list my self with those who follow arminius , or calvin ; i am sorry to find extreams on both hands . i would only beseech dissenters to preach necessary truths , and let the hidden decrees of god alone , with other unnecessary notions ; which practice will undoubtedly be of great and useful consequenc , and will preventthe bawling of such authors as this is , who i believe will not quarrel with what i here write , nor charge his horrible consequences upon it ; and yet i am sure , all sober dissenters are of this mind ; for i never yet met any of them , but upon a sober debate , as occasion offered it , were obliged by fair argument to own it . and he that believes this , believes enough , as to this point , and more will but distract and confound the plain and honest christian . i have been the longer about this , tolet this author know that his charge of heresie is stretcht unreasonably wide , and i hope i have gain'd thus much by taking notice of this pamphlet , that upon a serious and unbyass'd perusal of this few remarks , any reader of common capacity will see a necessity of better arguments then he uses . and 't is hop'd that our church will use that way of reducing dissenters , viz. mild christian debates and conferences , sober brotherly perswasions , with hearty prayers for each other ; which were the church weapons of the primitive christians , not such whirlwind and thunder ▪ as some certain renegado's yonder at algier , or thereabouts , would conjure up , against a little scatter'd fleet of their quondam friends . i profess i cannot but wonder at the unparallel'd confidence of this pamphlet , that blushes not to charge the greatest part of the sectaries , ( as its young zeal words it ) meaning protestant dissenters ) with making god the author of wickedness , in such terms as quoted before ; which is no less then to charge them with the blackest of blasphemies . now the laws of our land have provided condign punishment for that ( most ) monstrous of treasons , against the king of kings . and the author cannot acquit himself of misprision , if he gives not a catalogue of such horrible delinquents , that the law may punish them , and that all christians may shun them as the worst of hereticks . let him produce that , together with legal evidence , and then fiat justitia , let new tyburns be erected for them , if the legislative authory thinks fit . reader , i have almost done with this pamphlet , which i believe will proselite only such as are under the influence of something i shall not name . only give me leave to add a few lines by way of observation , upon the specimen , the author gives of the wit and policy of these giddy sectaries , ( as he calls them . ) would they have ( saies he ) p. . ) arch-bishops , — bishops , — the best clergy , — all the best clergy of england , — tythes , — vniversities , — parish levy's , — down ? this he answers with a parcel of gingling , yes , yes , yesses . then to fill up the vacuities , he insinuates that these same sectaries would elect tinkers , taylors , watermen , shoomakers , coffee-men , hat-dressers , &c. concluding with a pious irony , that the christian world must be acquainted with this honourable — reformation ! in the first place the slander is venemous , and the deportment of the grave and reverend nonconformist preachers since his majesties happy restauration , confutes this wild calumny . let him name those giddy fools , and let them be exposed for their silliness ; else let him avoid the charge of turning a false accuser of the brethren , if he can . all that protestant dissenters desire , is but a liberty to serve their god , according to their light , in cottages , or any where , quietly , without any combination against the government ; nor do they begrudge the governours of the church their dignities or revenues . when they do otherwise , let them be stigmatiz'd with a witness for me ; for then they cease from being the disciples of christ , whose kingdom is not of this world. secondly , if he has been a benefic'd holder-forth amongst these sectaries , he might have nam'd his own trade with the rest ; and should have demonstrated which of those mechanicks , have aspired to such high church dignities ; without that , the tale signifies nothing . there were mechanick preachers in the primitive times , i am sure ; 't is well they escape this gentlemans lash ; he deserves thanks for that civility , however . well but ( says the pamphlet , p. . ) for forty years they have made no bank , built no free-schools , purchas'd no church-lands , — pay no tythes , — wont consent to have all things common , — their preachers go a begging , — &c. this i must confess is a frightful charge , and able to scare their preachers away from them , if they only gape for a benefice . but the author did not consider that this is a good argument against his insinuations of their ambition , for if this be true , then the government needs not fear them , and the prosecution of penal laws may be spar'd , when the sectaries make no provision for their ministers , nor do incorporate themselves into a formidable faction . besides , since the case is thus ( or the pamphlet tells a whisker ) either the dissenting preachers , ( as formerly hinted ) are fools to go a begging , when they may be welcome to our church , and provided for , or else their dissent is from pure conscience , and so , christian charity would rather pitty then persecute them . to conclude this section , if the author of this paper thinks fit to go on , let him produce arguments of weight and solidity , and wave the language of reproach , and he will either convince us , or be answered soberly . sect . vii . after this tedious parenthesis , which unlookt for , fell in my way , i will re-assume my discourse , and in all humility offer some reasons , that the intention of the law-makers , was for suppressing sedition , and conspiracies against the government , and not meerly to punish quiet and peaceable dissenters . and will in order thereunto , give you an abstract of the words of an ingenious author , lately published . the laws against dissenters are of two different natures . . some statutes are wholly designed against papists , and ought only to be executed against them , tho' some would have them put in execution against dissenting protestants , for not coming to church , and receiving the sacraments , &c. . the laws indeed that were made against puritan sectaries ( as they call them ) or dissenting protestants . the statutes of the first sort , are in number five , viz. the . elizabeth , ca. . the . elizabeth , ca. . the . elizabeth , ca. . the . jac. ca. . and . jac. ca. . here good reader , i thought to have enlarged , but upon second thoughts ( having resolv'd to be as brief as may be ) i judge it more to your satisfaction to refer you to a late treatise intituled , english liberties , where from p. . to p. . you have this subject handled with much judgment , candor , and clearness ; the book is to be had at any booksellers , and is well worth every english-mans perusal . the author plainly demonstrates that these statutes intend only the prosecution of papists , and therefore all the reason and equity in the world will disallow their being put in execution against peaceable protestant subjects , who are no way concern'd in them ; which was the opinion of the house of commons , who were more likely to interpret a doubtful law , then such particular justices and others , as are now so busie to execute them against the mind of the law-makers . sabbati , sexto die nov. . resolved nemine contradicente , that it is the opinion of this house , that the acts of parliament made in the reigns of queen elizabeth , and king james , against popish recusants , ought not to be extended against protestant dissenters . that the th . of eliz. is not now in force , the same author evidences by such solid and convincing demonstrations , that they are in my judgment unanswerable , p. . &c. and the sum is , that there are now no laws in being to punish the conventicles , and the non-conformist ministers , who did not conform to the act of vniformity , made in the reign of his present majesty ; but the act commonly called the five mile , or oxford act , and the conventicle act , made the th . of our present soveraign . these you have also judiciously handled , ibid. he that will seriously peruse these several statutes , and lay aside prejudice , must needs conclude that it is not the meer dissent which our law-makers intend to punish , for the conventicle act allows any family to worship god in their own way , provided there be no more then four persons besides the domesticks . nor does it punish meerly for the number neither , unless them be sedition , or a conspiracy of the parties meeting to disturb the peace , or contrive insurrections , or traytorous designs against the government . if there be any such meetings to be found , that instead of a pious and peaceable worshipping of god , will be meditating rebellion , let the utmost severity of the law be put in execution against them , for then they cease from being christians , when they become traytors , and such only , viz. disturbers of the peace , the just laws of england design to suppress . but if there be no such wicked practices or conspiracies , but on the contrary a peaceable deportment , and quiet , harmless behaviour to be found , in the meetings of these dissenters ▪ with what conscience can those laws be put in execution against the innocent , which were meant only to suppress sedition , and secure the government against such as actually disturb it ? that that was the intention of the legislators , viz. to punish only the guilty , is evident , and for any one to stretch those statutes beyond the ends for which they were designed , is no less , then to shew himself undutiful to his soveraign , unnaturally cruel to his poor country-men , an oppressor of his brethren , and obnoxious to a severe reckoning , in the great day of accounts . i have demonstrated before that , compulsion of conscience is diametrically opposite to the law and word of god , yea , that it is morally impossible to make a man believe against his reason ; and consequently that the effects of compulsion is only to force men to hypocrisie , since no external force can convert the soul. now i shall annex some quotations from the fundamental laws of england , which express such a tenderness of the law of god , that it tells you in down-right terms , that no act of parliament , or law , refugnant to the law of god , is of any force , finch . p. . and that no man of what estate , degree , or condition whatsoever , hath power to dispense with gods law , as all the clergy of the realm , and most of the vniversities of christendom , and we also affirm , . h. . and that against scripture , law , prescription , statute , nor custom may avail ; and if any be brought in against it , they be void , and against justice . doctor , and student , &c. now , besides what hath been said before of the law of god , ( which the law of the land positively declares — indispensible , ) take here a brief specimen of it . . all men are commanded to hear , learn , and keep it , and ought to be in their respective stations , according to divine rules , ready to communicate such gifts as christ bestows upon them , in order to edify others . mistake me not ( reader ) i do not plead for any promiscuous or irregular liberty , for any person to step beyond the bounds prescribed by the soveraign legislator , but to shew you that where a talent is given , it should be improved . we find in scripture , that there were preaching kings , princes , judges , levites , psal . . . eccl. . . and . . chron. . , , . yea , preaching mechanicks , tradesmen , tent-makers , fishermen , &c. mark . . amos . . mark . , . act. . . cor. . , , . . god's law pronounces a wo to his preachers , if they preach not his gospel , cor. . . . rewards and promises are promised to preachers , matth. . . and . . and . . james . . . god's law allows preaching in houses , streets , fields , &c. yea , to great multitudes , with promised mercies to the owners so receiving them , act. . . and . . luk . . matth . . and . , , . . god's law denounces wrath to such as abuse his preachers , and beat their fellow servants , thess . . . matth. . , , . . god's law injoyns men to assemble together in order to his worship , heb. . . and . . act. . . mal. . . . yea , thousands at a time , john . . act. . and . . &c. much more to the same purpose may be quoted . now , i appeal to all sober christians , whether any law that contradicts this divine law , or by coercive means , and riged penalties , keeps christians from these duties , ought not to be relaxt , and forborn to be put in execution , because all humane laws , are to give place to the law of god , as our very national laws assert ? and whether the dissent of a peaceable consciencious people , from meer ceremonies not enjoyned by the statute law of heaven , deserves so rigorous a treatment as a great many have felt , and still feel ? &c. sect . viii . besides the law of god , and the law of the land , which sweetly harmonize together , ( when the latter is not stretched beyond its meaning , by some whose charity appearsonly in the ruine of their poor honest neighbours , ) i would urge that great magna charta of nature , a law so just and comprehensive , that no man can deny it , unless at the same time he devests himself of humanity , and assumes the shape of a barbarous , and more then bruitish cruelty . it is this ( in few words ) do as you would be done unto . this golden text reverenc'd amongst the very heathens ( whose precept it was , quod tibi non vis , alteri ne feceris ) might administer a copious theme , but i shall be brief ; and content my self to ask two questions of those gentlemen , that are so busie in putting these penal laws in execution ; but still letme repeat the caveat i have so often mentioned , — that i plead not the cause of seditious meetings , or such as contrive or design any evil against the state , but only such as dissent purely out of conscience , and manage their separation with piety towards god , and loyalty to the king , together with a christian becoming deportment towards their neighbours . . whether they , ( that is such as prosecute the protestant dissenters , ) would be so dealt withal themselves ? viz. to be imprison'd , fin'd , depriv'd of their goods , banisht from their dearest relations , wives , children , &c. forc'd from their trades and callings , ( when they live by the labour of their their hands , or the faculties they were brought up to , ) have their families beg or starve , and in a word , utterly ruin'd , as to this world , and that meerly because they cannot conform to what they are not convinc'd of , to be of divine institution ? or , being men of conscience , will not be led by any implicite faith ? if not , methinks they should use the same tenderness to others , or else they violate this law , ( made sacred matth. . . ) . whether , if it had been their lot to live in a country where popery , or presbyterianism , is the publick religion , would they look upon it to be just and fair dealing , meerly for their conscientious dissent to be forc'd to a hypocritical compliance , or be ruin'd in their estates , if not lives ? sect . ix . the grand topick which the little mercenary pasquillers use to justifie their invectives against dissenters , is the late dismal rebellion , and the horrid murther of his majesties royal father , &c. this is a subject which i would not touch upon , but that i am forc'd by the dayly clamours of these pamphletters to speak a few words to it . and , . if i know my own heart , i can truly say , that i do from my very soul abhor and detest all principles that tend to rebellion , or disturbance of the publick or private peace , and all such wicked persons as imbrue their hands in the blood of any man , woman , or child , much more any such traytors as practice against the sacred life or person of the lord 's annointed , for such persons are so far from deserving any favour or protection from the government , that they ought to be rooted from off the face of the earth , as the most execrable of misereants . and therefore let the authors of our late calamities , and the unparallel'd murther of that great and most excellent prince , be branded with everlasting infamy for me . 't is not for traytors , but for my innocent fellow-christians , that i beg the favour and pitty of such as are intrusted with the execution of penal laws for religion . . how far the papists did influence those fatal convulsions , and whether the nation ows not all its calamity to their black and mystical stratagems , the judicious unbyass'd reader will soon determine , if he peruses mr. care 's history of the plot , reprinted . from p. . to . i have not room to transcribe it , and therefore would advise ( any that doubts it ) to peruse it there intire , 't is worth his while . . 't is diametrically opposite to justice , to punish the innocent for the crimes of the guilty . — and admitting that a great many under the vizard of religion , had a main hand in these lamentable ( and too too deplorable ) mischiefs before mentioned ; there is no equity in the world , that their villanies shall be chargeable upon ( and their punishment extend to ) such as were never concern'd in them . the best religion in the world cannot secure it self from hypocrites , that disguise themselves till they have an opportunity to serve some devilish turn , or other . that arch-traytor and informer judus , got in among the very apostles , and many false brethren crept in among the primitive saints ; — the devil himself will sometimes come masqueraded as an angel of light. why is the christian religion ever the worse for this ? no , no , divine truths are still such , though the sacred profession of it is prophan'd and abus'd by such hypocritical wretches , to their own damnation . what i aim at , is this , viz. that we are to examine the principles of such as profess christianity under any form , declared in their publick confessions of faith , and the writings of such as are own'd , and approv'd by them , and if we find them pernicious to the government , or tending any waies to the disturbance of the publick peace ; such are without dispute to be suppress'd and punisht as enemies to the state. but if their principles be in all articles of religion suitable to the word of god , and ( in fundamentals ) to the establisht religion ; it will unavoidably follow , that the miscarriages , or wickedness of some that creep in amongst them , are not to be charged upon their christian profession , ( which allows no such thing ) but upon the delinquents themselves . from hence i infer , that the murther of his late majesty , those rebellions , bloodsheds , and overturnings of state , &c. then noted , are to be chargeable only upon such as were personally and actually guilty , — for i never heard , ( and i dare boldly say that no man ever did hear ) that any of our dissenting protestants in their confessions of faith , have ever had so much traytorous impudence , as to justifie the least tittle of such horrid things , but the quite contrary , as may be shown in time . if there be any now alive , who have had any hand in those dreadful commotious , &c. if they have received his majesties pardon , they are thereby reinstated into equal priviledges with the innocent , unless by new treasons they forfeit that royal grace ▪ but if there be any of them excluded from the benefit of the act of oblivion , let them be punish'd , fiat justitia . i insist the longer upon this , to shew how unreasonable it is , for such a parcel of hackney scriblers to be perpetually bawling of , , and making the crimes of such as are dead , or were executed for their treasons , not only survive them , but persecute their poor innocent fellow subjects with them ; i could wish with all my heart , that all those half-penny pasquillers on both sides , who meerly for their bellies , pester city and country , inventing names of reproach , as whigg , tory , trimmer , &c. and begetting feuds and animosities betwixt his majesties liege people , were severely punisht as disturbers of the publick peace ; i am sure they deserve it more then the dissenters , who are a peaceable trading people , and usefull members of the state , who pay his majesty all his taxes and revenues , to the utmost of what the law requires ▪ ( which is not inconsiderable . ) how untollerable is it then , for free born subjects , loyal to the king , and helpful in supporting the charge of the government to be dayly and weekly libel'd , and abus'd by those rascally leeches of the press , that to serve their own little craving necessities , care not if they set the people together by the ears ? his majesty out of his royal clemency was pleas'd to pass an act of oblivion , yea , so impatient was he , that he prest the parliament with much earnestness , to make it ready for his royal assent ▪ what then ? why here you have his goodness ▪ and princely lenity reviled , and contradicted , ( almost dayly ) by a certain incendiary , who conjurest up the memory of those fatal times , and keeps the nation old wounds a bleeding , in defiance of that act , which was design'd to heal , and make them forgotten . the conclvsion . i intended upon this subject to have given you a parallel between the doctrine of the church of england , and the dissenters , but that i find it already well done by mr. henry care , in his book intituled , vltrum horum , &c. printed . to which i refer you , as also to the truly pious treatises of that worthy author ( whoever he be ) of the conformists plea for the nonconformists , &c. . i purposed likewise to lay down some demonstrative reasons , why the profession of popery is intollerable in a protestant kingdom , ( whom they account hereticks ) because their principles are pernicious , and their practices have been dangerous , &c. . to shew the mischiefs , and sad consequences of prosecuting quiet and peaceable dissenters upon the penal laws , as having a direct tendency to weaken the protestant interest , for whose ruine that common enemy greedily gapes , ( . ) how much it destroys trade , and ruines thousands of families , ( . ) what a scandal it is to the protestant reformation , when we quarrel and persecute each other , ( . ) what a disparagement it is to the actors , &c. . to shew the quality of informers , and the quality of such as they prosecute ; with the ravenous and illegal proceedings of the former . . produce illustrious testimonies of the worth of the dissenters , and how serviceable they have been to the crown , as also the witness of as eminent church-men and states-men , as ever were in england , who gave them great encomiums , and own'd them as brethren . . propose a modest essay for vnion amongst all protestants , with demonstrative reasons , that it is not only practicable , but absolutely necessary ; together with the blessed effects of such an accomodation . but having already exceeded my intended limits , i must leave it to another opportunity , and my poor endeavours to the blessing of the god of peace . finis . liberty of conscience asserted and several reasons rendred why no outward force nor imposition ought to be used in matters of faith and religion with several sayings collected from the speeches and writings of king james and king charles the first / john crook, samuel fisher, francis howgill, richard hubberthorne. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing l estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) liberty of conscience asserted and several reasons rendred why no outward force nor imposition ought to be used in matters of faith and religion with several sayings collected from the speeches and writings of king james and king charles the first / john crook, samuel fisher, francis howgill, richard hubberthorne. crook, john, - . fisher, samuel, - . howgill, francis, - . hubberthorn, richard, - . p. printed for robert wilson ..., london : . "this was delivered into the hands of the members of both houses of parliament the last day of the third month, ." reproduction of original in university of texas library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -- parliament. liberty of conscience -- early works to . freedom of religion -- england -- early works to . religion and state -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion liberty of conscience asserted , and several reasons rendred , why no outward force , nor imposition , ought to be used in matters of faith and religion : with several sayings , collected from the speeches and writings of king james , and king charles the first . john crook samuel fisher francis howgill richard hubberthorne . acts . , . now i say unto you , refrain from these men , and let them alone : for if this counsel , or this work , be of men , it will come to nought : but if it be of god , you cannot overthrow it ; lest haply ye be found fighters against god. this was delivered into the hands of the members of both houses of parliament , the last day of the third month , . london , printed for robert wilson , in martins le grand , . liberty of conscience asserted , &c. liberty of conscience ought to be allowed in the dayes of the gospel in the free exercise of it to god-ward ( without compulsion ) in all things relating to his worship , for these reasons following . . because the general and universal royal law of christ commands it matth. . . all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them : for this is the law and prophets . that which every man would have and receive from another , he ought by christ's rule to give and allow it to another . but every man is willing to have the liberty of his own conscience , therefore ought to allow it to another . . because , no man can perswade the conscience of another , either what god is , or how he should be worshipped , but by the spirit , which god hath given to instruct man in the wayes of truth . . because , all obedience or service that is obtained by force , is for fear of wrath , and not from love , nor for conscience sake ; and therefore will but continue so long as that fear or force abides upon them . . because , that by forcing , no man can make a hypocrite to be a true believer ; but on the contrary , many may be made hypocrites . . because , that in all forced impositions upon mens consciences there is something of the wrath of man exercised , which works not the righteousness of god , bur rather begets enmity in the heart one towards another . . because , that by forcing any thing upon mens consciences , as to matters of faith and worship , many are hardened in their hearts against the things imposed ; when as otherwise , through love and gentle instructions their hearts might be perswaded to willing obedience . . because , that persecution for conscience contradicteth christ's charge , matth. . who bids , that the tares ( or false worshippers ) be suffered to grow together in the field ( or world ) till the harvest ( or end of the world. ) . because , force is contrary to the end for which it is pretended to be used ( viz. ) the preservation and safety of the wheat , which end is not answered by persecution , because the wheat is in danger to be plucked up thereby , as christ saith . . because , to force , is inconsistent with the belief of the jews conversion ( and other false worshippers ) which is prayed for by the publick teachers , and cannot be attained , if persecution for conscience be prosecuted . . because , they that impose upon mens consciences , exercise dominion over mens faith , which the apostles denyed , saying , they had not dominion over any mens faith. . because , imposition upon mens consciences necessitates them to sin , in yeelding a conformity contrary to their own faith : for whatsoever is not of a mans own faith , is sin . . because , that imposition and force wrestles with flesh and blood , and carnal weapons , which is contrary to the apostles doctrine , who said , our vveapons are not carnal , but spiritual , and mighty through god : and we wrestle not with flesh and bloud . . because , there is but one judge , law-giver and king in and over the conscience , as the saints have testified in the scriptures of truth ; and whosoever would intrude , so as to be judge and law-giver over the conscience , intrencheth upon the prerogative of christ , isa. . . james . . . because , it is prophesied in isa. . the wolf shall dwell with the lamb , and the leopard shall lye down with the kid , and there shall be no destroyer in all he holy mountain ; and therefore no imposition upon mens consciences . . because , to impose upon mens consciences for differences in faith , is contrary to the advice of the apostle , who directs people to wait upon god to be satisfied , and not to the magistrate or others , to be forced ; who saith , vvhereunto we have attained , let us walk ; and wherein any man is otherwise-minded , god shall reveal , even that unto him . . because , to force mens consciences , and to lay yoaks upon them , is to make void the blood-shed and sufferings of christ , who sits upon the throne of the conscience , and gives libeyty there ; and commands us to stand fast in that liberty , and not to be entangled through the impositions of men , or yoak of bondage , gal. . . . because in all nations the different professions and perswasions of religion , are either friends or enemies to the governours : if friends then obliged by that bond. if enemies then christ's command is to take place , who saith , love your enemies ; which if observed , persecution for conscience will be avoided . . because , toleration of different perswasions in religion was allowed in the jewish state , as not inconsistent with their safety , and that in things contrary each to other , as the sadduces , pharisees , essaeans , herodians with others . . because , the true religion cannot be preached up by force of armes , and the primitive christians detested that form of proceedings . . because , no man hath such power over the souls and consciences of other men , as to lay a necessity on them to believe that which they do not believe , or not to believe what they do believe : true faith being the gift of god. . because , if the magistrate imposeth upon the conscience , he must either do it as a magistrate , or as a christian. not as a magistrate , for then heathens ( being magistrates ) have the same power to impose ; and so , by revolutions and conquests , may come to give laws to christians , and compel them to idolatry . . not as christians , for that contradicts christ's saying , the kings of the gentiles exercise lordship over them ; but it shall not be so among you , for all ye are , brethren . . because , by the same rule and reason that the magistrate of one nation ought to impose upon , and persecute for conscience , the magistrates in all other nations ought to do the same ; and so the greatest part of mankind may come to be destroyed , there being more that dissent , than are at unity in matters of faith and religion . . because , the strength of truth , and its conquest over falsity and deceit , is best discovered by letting both have their liberty , from out 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 sion ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ou 〈…〉 ard force been less used , the prevalency of truth had been more manifest , and that wife saying , truly experienced in the world , viz. that which i● of god will stand , and that which is not will come to nothing . . because , the disciples of christ are rebuked by him for desiring the destruction of those that were contrary to him , and would not receive him : which zeal is sharply reproved in his saying , they knew not what spirit they were of . . because , to impose upon mens consciences , and to destroy their persons for difference in religion , is contrary to the end of christ's coming , who saith , he came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them . . because , people of divers religions in one nation , if not tolerated , must some of them be destroyed , or removed by banishment . if destroyed , the constancy and patience of the sufferers for their faith , moving pitty and commiseration , makes men more ready to own , than to reject their faith , and so rather multiplies , than lessens , the number of its professors . if banish'd , this renders the banished as so many enemies abroad , ready upon all occasions to disturbe the peace and tranquillity of their own native countrey . there is therefore , in order to the outward welfare of all nations , a kind of necessity for a toleration in them of all religions . . because , to impose upon mens consciences begets a hatred against the imposers in those who are imposed upon , and forc'd thereby to violate their consciences towards god in matters of worship . . because , men are commanded to be subject to the powers that are , for conscience sake , and therefore such powers ought not to persecute men for conscience sake , being that is prescribed for the rule of obedience ; the scripture saying , be ye subject not onely for wrath , but for conscience sake . . we find it asserted by king james in his speech to the parliament in the year , . who said , that it is a pure rule in divinity , that god never loves to plant his church with uiolence and blood ; and furthermore said , it was usually the condition of christians to be persecuted , but not to persecute . . and we find the samething in substance asserted again , by his ) son charles the first , in his book known by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , printed for r. royston , as followeth . page . in his prayer to god , he said , thou seest how much cruelty amongst christians is acted , under the colour of religion ; as if we could not be christians , unless me crucifie one another . pag. ● . make them at length seriously to consider , that nothing uiolent and injurious , can be religious . pag. . nor is it so proper to ●ew out religious reformations by the sword , as to pollish them by fair and equal disputations , among those that are most concer●●d in the differences , whom , not force , but reason ought to convince . sure in matters of religion , those truths gain most upon mens judgements and consciences , which are least urged with segular ui●lence , which weakens truth with prejudices . pag. . it being an office not onely of humanity , rather to use reason than force , but also of christianity to seek peace and ensue it . pag. , . in point of true conscientious tenderness , i have often declared , how little i desire my laws and scepter , should intrench on god's soveraignty , which is the onely king of mens consciences . pag. . nor do i desire any man should be farther subject unto me , than all of us may be subject unto god. concerning oaths . p. . the injoyning of oathes , upon people , must needs in things doubtful be dangerous , as in things unlawful damnable . some words of advice from charles the first , to the then prince of wales , now king of england , &c. pag. . my counsel and charge to you is , that you seriously consider the former real or objected miscariages , which might occasion my troubles , that you may avoid them , &c. beware of exasperating any factions , by the crosness and asperity of some mens passions , humors , and private opinions , imployed by you , grounded ●●●ly upon differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of religion , wherein a charitable connivance , and christian toleration , often dissipates their strength , when rougher opposition fortyfies , and puts the despised and oppressed party into such combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their persecutors . pag. . take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of religion devour not all . pag. . your prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting , rather than exacting the rigor of the laws , there being nothing worse than legal tyranny . acts . , , . gamaliel said unto them , ye men of israel , take heed unto your selves , what ye intend to do as touching these men , &c. acts . , , , , . gallio said , if it were a matter of wrong , or wicked lewdness , reason would that i should bear with you : but if it be a question of words and names , and of your law , look ye to it : for i will be no judge of such matters . the end . anarchie reviving, or, the good old cause on the anvile being a discovery of the present design to retrive the late confusions both of church and state, in several essays for liberty of conscience / by abraham philotheus. wright, abraham, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) anarchie reviving, or, the good old cause on the anvile being a discovery of the present design to retrive the late confusions both of church and state, in several essays for liberty of conscience / by abraham philotheus. wright, abraham, - . p. 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[ p. ] means the book called a proposition for the safety of the king and kingdome , &c. [ d. p. ] is the book called a defence of the proposition . [ d. r. ] is a second discourse of the religion of england . [ l. c. a. ] is a book called liberty of conscience asserted and vindicated . [ m. i. ] is a book called liberty of conscience the magistrate's interest . anarchie reviving , or , the good old cause on the anvile . being a discovery of the present design to retrive the late confusions both of church and state , in several essays for liberty of conscience . by abraham philotheus , an english protestant , for the use of a person of honour . avolent quantum volunt paleae levis fidei , quocunque afflatu tentationum ; eò purior massa a frumenti in horrea domini reponetur . tert. praescrip . adv . haeret. london , printed in the year . anarchie reviving , or , the good old cause on the anvile . honourable sir , i read the books you sent me with some heed , pretending , some for the interest of england , others for the safety of the king and kingdome , all for the publick good , which every good man would readily imbrace . but in perusing the several pleas , i found the question to be , whether the present uniformity or former toleration , the present order or former confusions , or at least a mixture of these , were the happiest constitution for england . so that what i expected to be an olive-branch of peace ; proved but a pricking thorn , fitted into a crown , to expose our saviour and his church a second time to vexation and pain . 't is strange that men should think a parliament so glorious for forming a golden scepter for jupiter , would be diverted to hammer out an iron trident for neptune . their counsel ( like barebone's petition ) had suited another rump , whose interest lay in breaking ; but not this present parliament , whose glory is to be healers of their nation . who-ever will search into the bottome of most of these mens design , shall find them ( while cromwell and vane are silenced with a rope ) bold advocates for the good old cause . some indeed speak the king fair , but in as ambiguous language as the covenant spake his father : as may be instanced in the relative [ his , ] and [ le roy le veult , ] in the . page of the proposition ; being ( when a keen sword shall be brought to decide the sense ) as intelligible of deliverance onely expected from god , as from the king. and haply this and other slip-knots were left on purpose , to take the benefit of a comma when time shall serve . others avouch plainly the democratick principles , that government rises from the people's consent , and is radically founded in them ; as the authour of liberty of conscience asserteth , p. . not considering , that in adam's many hundred years monarchy he never asked his subjects consent : and had he not fallen , he had prevented the french design , and continued universal monarch to the world's end . and though the king hath prudently forbidden all publick disputes concerning prince and people's power ; this authour ventures in many pages to circumscribe his prince . and for the parliament , though they are beholden to them for an act of oblivion , whereby their forfeited lives are secured : yet so unkind are they , that one of them professes himself not very carefull how he carries himself towards them , prop. pag. . he upbraids them for passing acts against innocent men , p. . calling them murtherers , p. . and men of a hardy conscience , ( 't was too broad to say brawny ) p. . that esteemed trouble for sin a romance , and accusing them for incompetent judges of a wounded conscience , as never acquainted with such things , p. . he tells them the damned will cry out on their acts as made to damn men , p. . undertakes to convince the parliament , p. . and all of them strive to persuade them that their way will never doe , with such like rhetorick , of which these books are full . now for the church ; besides their usual crackers , they constantly brand them with a formal spirit , as may be seen in d. p. p. , , . not considering saint paul's description of formal men , to be such as are traitorous , heady , high-minded , creeping into widows houses , and conventicling there : of which ( i suppose ) none have confidence enough to charge the episcopal divines , but these tender consciences . 't was those he say tim. . . had a form of godliness , without the power . but one of them runs a stranger risque , and accuses the great states-men , or his majestie 's privy council , for not wise in several particulars . . for not committing sacrilege , p. p. . that is , for not taking church-revenues from church-men . . for not burying the covenant ( fetched out of the paw of the northern bear , who first whelped it ) as honourably as the jewish worship , that came from god , p. p. . thus is the northern thistle mated with the olive of god's temple . . for not compounding for episcopacy : as if they had retrived the committee for sequestrations at haberdashers-hall . and for the bishops , their sentence of extirpation is past by him , p. p. . who are farther threatned by them all , but especially the prop. p. . 't is matter of sorrow to me , that so sober a man as that authour is should run out into such intemperate expressions against authority ; especially , the presbyterians having declared , in their address to the king , that every good man ( in things he conceives to be sins ) will be very tender of the honour of superiours . in a word , all that advise the king , compared to them , are judged persons of mean counsell , as the prop. phrases it , p. . you see these icarus's upon the wing ; they hope to kiss the sun , if their wings be but fastned by an act of parliament . nor is their kindness to all these great interests together much larger then to them distinct . for they most scandalously reckon church and state , king , lords and commons , ( the true representative of every individual person in england ) to be but a party , and match them with presbyterians , independents , quakers , or what other party will pretend to conscience . nay , d. p. p. . affirms the non-conformers to out-balance ( that is his word ) the conformers : so trifling a thing to them is a king in parliament . and farther , d. r. p. . calls it an unhappy errour , when parties ( speaking of the episcopal ) take themselves to be the whole , or equivalent , and act accordingly . such ill logick these men conceive it , that the legislative power of a nation should swell into a conceit of being equivalent to some mushrome sect. surely thus to libell governors is not the way to convert them to our humour ; unless we conceive them to be spaniels , made pliable by abuses . can we guess these writers of the scottish foot-mark , that plead so hard for syncretism , a thing so hatefull to that party , that love at vxbridge - treaty would have no peace , for fear lest they should mix light and darkness , christ and belial , together ; that is , king and parliament ? and the sagacious sectaries generally conclude them to be of an imposing spirit ; in regard father beza , in his haereticis morte mulctandis , hath sentenced hereticks to death ; and that calvin took care to see servetus safe into another world , at geneva , by the light of his funerall fire and faggot : which made poor bellius , eleutherius , and their fellows , to style him virum sanguinarium , a bloudy edomite ; and erastus to contrive another way for a prynian government . marquess huntley , angus and atholl , will be scottish evidence of their enmity to toleration : and no less speaks their glorious attempt for outing bishops , root and branch , out of this kingdom . besides , they covenant to bring the churches of the three kingdoms to the nighest uniformity they can . and in . their assembly gave the parliament their testimony against toleration . not to omit , that rigid and presbyterian are almost convertible terms in the vulgar dictionary . nor indeed do some of them speak clear for a full toleration : for d. p. tells us , p. . a toleration not stated will break us more to pieces , and doe nothing else : and d. r. p. . pleads onely for a well-managed and limited toleration : yea he tells you , p. . that the non-conformers will never endure a toleration that brings in popery ; and m. i. p. . utterly excludes papists from this fair haven , to sink in the seas of oppression . onely l. c. a. deals ingenuously , and speaks out for all , upbraiding the rest , for consulting private interest . 't is farther observed by many learned men , that the calvinisticall party have ever strongly affected a papal dominion over mens lives and consciences . and the remonstrants observe , in their preface ad antidotum , that no man ever opposed that party impunè , nisi cum ei potestas opprimendi defuit ; like a lion , never guiltless but when his nails are pared . which note haply caused dr. prideaux , in his fasciculus controversiarum , to propose that weighty question , an suprematus papalis vel presbyterialis sit tolerabilior . which one of these proctors for liberty of conscience justifies in english thus , p. p. . i know no more danger in prevailing popery , then prevailing presbyterianism , as to mens lives and souls . it seems , he fansies both to be but sampson's foxes tied by the tails with fire-brands , to burn down the harvest of christ. and surely , while thy cry out against prelaticall oppression , the lordly bishops onely convicted and confuted servetus the spaniard in s. paul's church , and so dismissed him to divine justice ; but the geneva discipline found fire and faggot for him as soon as he came thither . which made montfort draw calvin's picture , not in a gown and cassock , ( robes of peace , ) but in a helmet , back and breast , belted and armed like a man of war. so little doth patience rule those sacred breasts , when they have the over-rule . which farther shews these zealous observers of truth are but time-servers , while their principles warp with their condition . but , alas ! the devil would turn monk when he was sick and low . a scottish stomack is not so great , that it scorns to ask for mercy . mr. love's submission and mr. jenkins's petition both shew , the elephantiasis ( like the gout ) never troubles them but when they are rich and great . the rump-act of aug. . for liberty of tender consciences was against the presbyterians conscience and preaching too , and pronounced a great sin in those daies : yet now these consciences can tack about , and plead for that they once condemned : why may they not tack a little farther , to a compliance with the laws under which they live ? if their bread be wholesome , being mixed in the episcopal batch , why may they not ( without danger of poisoning ) eat all of the ancient and national baking ? unless they will have something granted , to make the world believe there was some colour for the late rebellion ; which yet one of them confesses to be nothing , and that cause stark naught , prop. p. . though soon after , to wit p. . ( as if he had offended his weak brethren ) he licks that confession up again with a flat contradiction , averring the great causes of it . but to return : what would these men have ? first , and in general , the establishment of the protestant religion in its full latitude , as d. r. p. , &c. onely l. c. a. seems to be more equal to all religions , and thinks p. . a limited toleration pleaded for , infers no more then that none are to be indulged but such as are punctually of their own belief and persuasion . yea so general is m. i. p. . that he would have no distinction used , but that of protestant and papist , in this kingdom . but what need this trouble ? . is any other religion established in this kingdom , then reformed christianity in d. r. p. . his sense ? or any thing settled beside the protestant religion ? true it is , accommodation or toleration may settle something else , but the present establishment doth not . for the settled doctrine ( i think ) none will question it : and for the rites and ceremonies ; none other are required but such as were settled by law in the time of king edward the sixth , as is positively expressed in the rubrick before the common prayer : and we think 't was not popery he settled . indeed 't is true , imposition it self is look'd upon , by some of these pleaders for liberty , as popish : for m. i. tells us , p. . that he that is for imposition is a protestant by mistake , and will find himself at home in his principles no-where but at rome . now if this be justified , then was calvin a papist , who in his known epistle to the protector of england advises , for the confining of desultory wits and brain-sick people in this kingdom , that one form of doctrine and order should be drawn up , to which every parish-priest should declare his full consent , yea be bound by an oath to follow inviolably . then was luther a papist , who every-where pleads for a form of doctrine and discipline to be established and imposed against the wild sectaries of that age. melanchthon , in his church-policy , is so earnest for these impositions , that he thinks , if these church-ordinances be taken away , the church it self is in danger . and little less is confessed by d. r. p. . a settlement must have all things needfull to faith , a good life , and godly order ; who therefore pleads for a limited toleration , p. . yet he would not take it well , if you say he is at home onely at rome . and d. p. p. . grants the church power to impose ceremonies , and thinks himself bound to submit to the churche's judgement what ceremonies are most convenient , p. . yet esteems himself a protestant . 't is well if that synod act. . can clear themselves from this gentleman's imputation of popery , for offering to impose burthens upon the church of antioch in things indifferent , verse the . a principle equally imbraced by protestants and papists is very unreasonably called a popish principle . but this is the old trick of the puritan , and too successfull , ( as the late king and church most sadly experimented ) to brand with the mark of popery what-ever they had a mind to render odious to the people . . are they so kind to the protestant interest as they pretend to be ? see what a wipe another of them hath given it , d. p. p. . affirming that the protestant principles lead directly to separation : a blacker stroak then which was never given it by the pen of the most rancorous papist . yet let him be pardoned for it , since he doth but servire thesi : for how can a separatist prove himself a protestant , unless protestantism lead to separation ? thus the aethiopians paint the apostles black , that they may not seem unlike the saints . . what settlement is that to protestantism , when toleration shall muster up all its sects to beard it in every parish ? as well might job's eldest son 's house stand steddy , when the violent gusts wreak'd their spleen upon the four corners of it ; or the ship be safe , when winds and waves are permitted to toss her at their pleasure . . 't is strange presumption , and savours of but too large a stock of spiritual pride , to think they can settle protestancy better then the most accurate diligence of the great council of this land. . whom will they comprehend under the name of protestants ? if all that protest against the errours of the church of rome ; such are the greek churches , such are the muscovites , yea such is the turk himself . if our sects onely ; let them know that the most sober protestants have esteemed them but as the ascarides bred out of our bodies , but as vermine on the body ecclesiastick : they are reckoned amongst the ill humours with which our crazy body is distempered . nor is it so heavily to be charged upon our constitution , since the purest bodies are not secured from the like corruption . the very angelical state produced the blackest devils . if they mean the bulk of protestants , they are comprehended already . if all this pother is made for a few silenced ministers , do they think the protestant religion lies choak'd while they are silenced ? is it so interwoven with their well-being , that it cannot survive them ? or are they such ill sons , that they will never let their mother sleep , till she hugs them in her arms ? must not the father of their countrey rest , till he hath given them satisfaction ? must parliaments withdraw their acts , to give these men their wills ? for , as for the deluded people that follow them , what can they scruple at ? are they obliged to oaths or subscriptions ? are they tied to use any other ceremony then what these ministers acknowledge they may lawfully use ? and do they not many of them allow the imposition of those things that are for decency and order under penalties , so they be but small ? hear d. r. p. . granting governours authority to use humane prudence , the light of nature and general rules of scripture , in ordering of their church ; not requiring express scripture for every posture about religious worship . and d. p. p. . acknowledges the magistrate may be bold in exacting conformity by lighter punishment , which may serve to deterre the factious , and are not like to tempt a man truly consciencious to act against his conscience , if it boggle at all . so that the prop. did well observe , the people's heads were onely filled with empty fears , with panick surprizes , and childish frights . it remains therefore that these ejected ministers are in a great measure the troublers of our israel , as was their father's house ever since the reformation . god grant them a timely sight of it , and true repentance for it . but , alas ! how can that be , while they hug themselves in the arms of their own praises ? see how affectionately they commend each other for godly , prop. p. , . and declare themselves the slain witnesses , and affirm themselves the most serious and painfull men of the nation , d. p. p. . and bestow their richest garlands of rhetorick upon each other , ubi causa est , ubi causa non est , as blondel says ignatius pleads for bishops . surely , 't is not without contrivance , that these men now fill the press with their pleas. they well know how ridiculous it would render the parliament , ( yea and government it self , ) to withdraw an act settled with so much care and consultation , back'd with printed reasons , and deep resolutions to stand by it ; and therefore can have but little hope to obtain its repeal , without which notwithstanding d. p. declares all reconciliation impossible . if i may therefore have leave to guesse the cause , it is to chear up the spirits of gasping factions with vain hopes of what the subtil conclude to be hopeless . much artifice hath been used already to this purpose . at first , if great numbers would leave their places , they promised that the powers would soon restore them . then being willing to uphold their party , ( for want of better things ) they catch at the rush of a fond prophecy , mdlllvvii . bartholo maevs flet qia desit presbyter anglvs . mdlcvvvi . adventv laeta est sancta maria tvo. during the operation of this prophecy they remained pretty silent ; till the time elapsed , and nothing effected , they saw it necessary to spread a false report all the country over , of a toleration prepared for them . but words soon vanishing , they turn to printing , to uphold languishing expectation . so that they hold each other from conformity by these stratagems , and call them conscience : but if the parliament crouch not to them , they must consult the brazen head again , what to say next . i conceive not all these advocates for liberty of conscience presbyterians , but some act under a vizard , persuading themselves , that if they can get in the presbyterian needle , the long thred of sectaries must necessarily follow after . however they know , that if pretence of conscience can foil one law , it will at length foil every one it pleases to decry : and that if a man can't save his arm from cutting off , nor can he save his head. when the out-works are taken , the rest can't long hold out . if the royal globe in the hand of majesty be once struck out , it will tumble to the bottome of the throne . and indeed they give occasion to suspect no less , some of them pleading for the free admission of all persons to government . m. i. p. . desires that no man's opinion may advance him , nor no man's opinion may prejudice him . another pleads for the restauration as well of civil ministers as ecclesiastical , p. p. . and whether he means the rump-parliament , or the proscribed or pardoned sword-men , or fanaticall and disaffected aldermen , is a question : for you will find him to justifie that cause , p. . and highly to commend cromwell , as a mortal eternallized , p. . he esteems the covenant , as the jewish worship , from god , p. . and judges the rumpers more publick-spirited men then this present parliament . and d. r. p. . desires a new act for sequestring scandalous , ignorant and insufficient ministers . so that at least they are latitudinarians , some of them , that is , of henry marten , henry nevile , thomas challoner , or garland's foot-mark , with the rest of that sort of rumpers , whose atheism , joyned with religious canting , made them look like ghosts with bright tapers in their hands ; true non-conformists to all that ever did believe a deity . . but now , for the settlement of protestantism , they conceive it necessary that the act for uniformity be withdrawn , and some larger way proposed . this d. p. calls an accommodation , d. r. an established order , l. c. a. comprehension . whether the act for uniformity may be prudently withdrawn , shall be spoken to anon : for the present we may observe , first , that these pleaders are divided in their desires so far , that to please one would necessarily displease the other . d. p. and d. r. both think the settlement must be by turning the king's declaration into an act. but l. c. a. p. . would not have the civil sanction at all ; because such things are onely cognisable in aliena republica ; and that civil powers have onely right to judge of things concerning the natural good of mankind , not the spiritual good of christians , p. . that they must not use the civil sword about ought but the light of nature , ( ferè per totum . ) thus are the powers accused by him for acting out of their sphere , and meddling with things they have nothing to doe withall . besides , he will acknowledge nothing to be the rule of christian communion ( as far as i can judge ) but the creed : which i gather from those words l. c. a. p. . how unmercifull a thing is it , and how unlike the primitive christians , to make such ceremonies a rule of the churche's communion , which used to be nothing but the creed ! i shall not digress so far as to examine the truth of this saying , though i know the authour hath more learning then to believe it . but secondly , why is so great a noise made about these non-conformers ? can they force the government ? i may say as cicero of antony , he could never obtain that power but by evil arts : so that 't is their shame , not their glory , to be popular . and lest they should swell in conceit , s. hierom to nepotian tells you , admirationem sui facere celeritate dicendi apud imperitum vulgus , indoctorum hominum est ; and adds , ( to confute mens bold ignorance ) attrita frons interpretatur saepe quod nescit : yea , to shew the levity of winning the vulgar , he adds , nihil tam facile quàm vilem plebeculam & indoctam concionem linguae volubilitate decipere , quae quicquid non intelligit plùs miratur . he could not more exactly have described these rabbies , had he lived to have seen them on the stage in querpo . yet will you hear them bear record of themselves ? one r. a. in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . tells you , invenimus ecclesiam christi lateritiam , reliquimus marmoream . you hear him bellow like a bull , 't is pity he should prove weaker then a bulrush . surely these megabyzi sermones will prove but swelling words of vanity . i appeal to the sober of this land , what is the conversion there talked of , which these so much glory in , but a turning men from the king to that which was then nick-named the parliament ? i have heard two or three of that party say , ( whose names i suppress in charity ) that they understood no conversion for the first seven years , but turning men from king to parliament . that they should boast of this success of their ministry , is as much impudence as imprudence . 't is perversion rather then conversion , to turn men from religion to rebellion , or from debauchery to disloyalty . such proselytes are more the children of darkness then before . nor was god long in retaliating : for they soon found , to their sorrow , conversion signified turning men from presbyterian to independent , from thence to anabaptist , and so on from one corrupted opinion to another . and the apostates thus gloried in the name of converts and inlightned , even when changed to the grossest errours . what thraso would thus glory in his shame ? faction hath well thriven under them , but so hath not faith ; rebellion prospered , but not religion . let the world judge , whether honesty and devotion have been more practised since the wars then before . and since these men thus trouble their countrey with the loud noise of their merits ; let them answer that sad , but serious , charge laid on them by the authour of the modern policy in the pref. that our flouds of miseries were swelled by clergy holy-water ; that their torches of saving light were turned to destroying fire-brands ; — their trumpets should have sounded retreats , but they sounded alarms to fury . i am persuaded , would these ministers lay their hands upon their hearts , and impartially consider the effects of their former preaching , their just indignation at their own sins would justifie any act for their future silence , unless in a recantation . the consciences of all grave and moderate men are ready to charge them with preaching unity out of the church , peace out of the state , obedience to superiours out of mens consciences , themselves out of countenance with all lawfull , and out of maintenance with all usurped powers . what remains farther to compleat the measure of evils , may be left to cromwell , phocas , or ●ontius pilate : for judas the disciple of christ hath done his part already . whoever will reade their volumes of fast-sermons , preached before the long parliament , shall find pope hildebrand outshot in his own bow by english presbyterians . nor needs there any other picture then what they have there drawn of themselves , to shew these men of god are in truth but men of war. should these men be again admitted , what security will they give ( that seruple at obligations ) that they will not fall to their old work again of converting subjects from their allegiance , and filling their hearts with variety of scruples ? especially since 't is doubted they are not purged clean from that bitter opinion , that subjects , seeing their sovereign to erre , ( of which themselves will be judges ) may lawfully enter into a covenant , to stand by each other , ( as the late army several times , by their example , did against their rump ) and contend , till they have brought sovereignty into due order . which is not onely a school-point , but an article of faith that makes up a presbyterian creed , averred by most of their learned writers . for which opinion paraeus's book died a martyr in cambridge by the hand of the common hangman . yet sure , mergi , non uri , debuit iste liber , that flamed so hot in fanatick zeal against christian magistrates . 't was roman prudence , not to permit any man to preach to the people , nisi authoritate magistratuum priùs habitâ , cic. ep. l. . ad att. ep . , . where also potestas ciceroni & clodio concessa est to have a publick sermon before the vulgar . i know not whether our governours see cause for so strict a course or no : but some demagogues make an ill use of their liberty , praying for authority in such scandalous language as they would be loath to be prayed for themselves ; poisoning auditors hearts with holy bread , and their prince's reputation with religious tears . they pray god to bring their prince to a right mind , that they may religiously from the pulpit proclaim him perverse ; and onely ask forgiveness of his sins , that the vulgar may take notice how sinfull he is . it would behove princes to command such libellers to leave them out of those devotions , whose flames burn rather then warm . thirdly , what do these men presume they are , that the english nation must come to accommodation with them ? are they grown hoghen , moghens , that strive to make acts of parliament to strike sail to their toleration ? shall the unparallel'd confidence of men rule the laws , rather then the laws them ? satìs pro imperio : god bless their majesties . how strangely ( think they ) are parliaments cow'd , that fear the black coat as well as the red ? but why so ? are they christians ? then there is no fear of them . nunquam christiani inventi sunt cassiani : there is no danger in a sheep of christ : christians may be martyrs , but can't be murtherers . are they antichristians ? pereat proles babylonica . who will make much of nought ? who would yoak his teem to fetch a wren home from the woods ? . to make way for this accommodation several things are declaimed against . as . the act of uniformity . thus d. p. p. . no reconciliation can be , till the act of uniformity be down . but of this more anon . . the requiring more as the conditions of exercising the ministry , then things necessary to salvation , after examination and approbation . d. p. p. . p. p. . 't is unmercifull , says l. c. a. p. . to make ceremonies the rule of the churche's communion : yea he decries all impositions but in moral things . so that the things decried by some of them ( for they most irreconcilably differ amongst themselves about this part ) are . the imposition of oaths and subscriptions . p. p. . declares oaths useless and provoking men to fall foul on the imposers , p. . when their conscience smites them for them : and d. p. p. . makes a loud outcry against the oath in the act of uniformity , as it was modelled at oxford , and contrived on purpose to comply with these mens weakness or peevishness . the covenant is not so much as named in it , that the covenanters might find nothing to boggle at ; yet are their complaints as great as before : which may well discourage authority from striving to gratifie them for the future . how diligent that authour hath been in picking holes in the oath , may appear to any that will reade the place cited . yet we are told by the non-conformers , in their account to his majesty concerning the review of the liturgie , that they are misrepresented , if they are represented causelesly or pragmatically inquisitive into the reasons of superiours commands . that he is causelesly and pragmatically scrupulous , appears by this , ( d. p. p. . ) that notwithstanding the many faults he charges upon the oath , to affrighten others , he is ready to write a book for taking this very oath . but will you hear his exceptions ? . 't is against the freedom of the subject , to be tied from endeavouring alteration , d. p. p. . his reason is , because subjects have power to chuse parliament-men , who are to consult about grievances , &c. for answer , first , it seems by this plea , that the government is a grievance , else the argument concludes nothing . secondly , their writs will tell you they are called to consult de arduis regni , not to alter the government . and thirdly , mr. pryn thinks , to consult is but to advise as counsellors , not to enact as legislators distinctly . and fourthly , the man brings a sword with him to stab this exception in p. . where he asks , what have men in a private capacity to doe with government ? either the electors are private , and then what have they to doe with government ? or publick , and then who are the private subjects ? fifthly , the government is recognised , as a previous qualification to all the people's representatives ; and what alteration can they then make in it without perjury ? . his second exception is against that clause , that declares it traitorous to hold we may take up arms by the king's authority against his person , or any commissionated by him ; putting the case of a sheriff's using the posse comitatûs by writ against any commissionated by the king to the contrary . for answer , first , he confesses that he believes the parliament never intended by this clause to advance the personal will of the king above the law , d. p. p. . nor do the words enforce any such sense : therefore ( it seems ) he never intended by the exception to prove the oath unlawfull ; but the parliament weak , that could not see the objection , or not so word the oath as to exclude that one case . secondly , the sheriff is made by commission from the king ; therefore to take arms against him is to take arms against one commissionated by the king. the law requires a sheriff , but 't is the king's personal will that declares and individuates the sheriff . so that the whole exception is groundless . thirdly , it bespeaks great suspicion , of and little charity to , superiours , to imagine they will issue forth two directly-contrary commissions , and suffer both to be prosecuted to bloud . but it well accords with these mens former carriage to authority . but fourthly , let authority look to it , they are fairly warned : they may see the roots of the hemlock are still in the ground , and who knows how soon they will bud forth ? the king 's personal is still distinguished from his legal or regal will : and armies may be raised against the king's commissioners , though not against the king. which were the genuine principles of the late rebellion . . now for his exception against the word [ i abhorre , ] which he calls mr. calamie's scruple , d. p. p. . first , he confesses he may say'tis unlawfull , when he cannot say he abhorrs a thing . but , sure , every honest man abhorrs all unlawfull things . 't is true , there is in every christian a regenerate and unregenerate part , an outward and an inward man , flesh and spirit , the carnal mind and the spiritual part : now the flesh lingers after what the spirit abhorrs ; and this comes up full to his instance , ( that a man may say 't is unlawfull to accompany another woman as his wife , when he can't say he abhorrs it . ) 't is true , the carnal minde , judging it unlawfull , may yet hanker after her : but the mind as far as 't is spiritual utterly detests the sin . if this were mr. calamy's scruple , the judicious will be tempted by it , to think him more versed in the scruple-house then the university . secondly , his instance persuades me , that , as the carnal mind hath some inclinations to his neighbour's wife , so have they to a fresh rebellion . . his next exception against the oath is , that it affirms it unlawfull upon any pretence whatsoever to take up arms against the king ; alledging several authours to determine it lawfull , in some cases , to take up arms against their king. d. p. p. . first , the authour acknowledges he is not like to say any thing against the sense and meaning of the oath , id . p. . so that his quarrell is against the composers , ( viz. the parliament ) for their weakness in expressing their sense . secondly , the authours cited speak with respect to the laws under which they live : but sufficient authority hath declared it unlawfull in this land , upon any pretence whatsoever , to take up arms against the sovereign , and accordingly hath imposed this oath . thirdly , holy scriptures , that supersede all humane laws , allow no opposition upon any pretence whatsoever : if they do , the authour may take his own time to shew where , that we may see god's anointed murthered by god's command , and our holy religion to countenance a holy rebellion . fourthly , admit it lawfull to rebell on any pretence , and traitors will not want a pretence for any rebellion . no treason shall be unreasonable , because some reason may be given for treason . this truth hath been most lamentably experimented in our past commotions , where the same reasons were given for outing the secluded members that were used for rejecting the king , ( viz. they were a corrupt interest , that strived to ruine the good people ; ) and the same sword that cut off the bulk lopp'd off the rump of that parliament . the army found no sword like it , to overturn what-ever carried any face of authority . being taught by such fatal instances , 't is time to break that sword that hath been the death of so many powers . fifthly , to suppose a case in which opposition may be lawfull ; who shall be judge of the matter of fact ? nor governours nor governed , for both are parties ; and unusquisque sua in lite judex est corruptus . it remains then that the senseless sword must be the sole arbiter of the controversie ; and then the sentence must needs be a keen one , let it fall which way it wil. how much better is it for this man to consent with those non-conformers in their address to the king , cited d. r. p. . that the publick judgment , civil or ecclesiasticall , belongs to publick persons onely , and not to any private man ? . his last exception is , that men are forced to swear to a doctrinall proposition , which we can't be sure of , because man is not infallible . to which we say , first , many things are infallibly true , though delivered by a fallible man : as that twice five is ten ; that there is a deity , &c. secondly , a man may lawfully swear what he certainly believes to be true , and this the authour seems to do . thirdly , his exception would prevent oaths in matters of fact as well as doctrinall conclusions ; for his eyes are no more infallible then his brains , as a juggler would soon convince him . so that this oath would never have choak'd him , had it been swallowed without so much chewing . having done with the exceptions of d. p. because the rest seem to oppose all impositions of this kind , i shall farther say , their opinion may be that of the anabaptists and quakers , that there is no jus jurandi , no oaths lawfull : to which i mean not a plea for swearing , but onely tell them that god swears by himself , the angel by him that lives for ever , s. paul by the rejoycing of christians , which is the gospel , and most school-divines make oaths a part of that honour and worship that is due to god , when upon just occasions and reverently taken . if wickliff and hus were of another opinion , ( as the council of constance affirms ) yet the evidence of divine truth hath led the protestants ( not to say the whole catholick church ) this way . the christians were not accused by saturnius for refusing to swear at large , but for refusing to swear per genium caesaris , ( as tert. ap. c. . plainly proves . ) yet i would not be thought a patron to common swearing , the gentleman's sin , who thinks his coat can't be well emblazoned but by a field of oaths ; as if his oratory were not pungent untill he stabb'd his god ; as if 't were impossible for him to be damned , till he had pray'd god damn me . i could wish that the groans of christians might drown the oaths of these antichristians . but now , allowing oaths lawfull , what reason can these men have to rob authority of this bond , by which inferiours are linked to superiours ? they say , indeed , they are useless ; but they have the concurrent judgement of all ages past to the contrary , and that too glossed with perpetual practice ; so that anciently sacramentum militare was the form of listing a souldier . and can they believe all men deceived rather then themselves ? if oaths be no tie , why do they refuse them ? if a good bond , why do they refuse to give it to their prince ? 't is a strange paradox , that the way to settle a government in peace is to take away all ties and obligations of fidelity to it . if they mean less then they say , and so confine their thoughts to oaths and declarations about religion onely ; i reply , that it would accuse the licensers of horrible negligence , should they admit a man to guide the flock of god , yet not require him to declare before-hand which way he would lead them . then may the fox be set to keep the goose , and the wolf appointed to direct the lamb. s. paul , gal. . . would give his blessing to none but such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would walk by his canons . woe be to the souls of the undiscerning vulgar , when men shall be bid to speak before we know what they will say ; when vent shall be given to their commodity , though it be poison . what safety is a city in , when any one is permitted to enter the gates ? the best ties fail of holding all from evil ; and what will be done where is none at all ? yet were these mens pleas ever lawfull , 't is so now : for they have learned ( like masterless swine ) to run through quick-set-hedges with yoaks about their necks . how nimbly did they skip from allegiance and protestation to the covenant , from thence to the ingagement , without scratch or prick complained of in their consciences ? as if the fishes in christ's net were all eels , you could have no hold of them : as if christ's freemen could not be bound with word nor wax . no doubt they were good graecians , that practised so much graecâ fide ; the fathers fideles infideles , that had so well studied the art of fast and loose ; brothers to severus , of whom herod . l. . says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rather then fail , he made his conscience serve under his projects , the better to effect them . they preserve kings by their oaths as ladies do apricocks , plucking them from their tree of life , and boiling them in scalding water . they swear to advance him to a throne , and interpret it a scaffold ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as pertinax tells his souldiers ; ) they new drew their covenant in red letters , dipping their pens in royal bloud . but whist ! one of them silences me with the act of oblivion ; without which themselves had sat very mute . now for their clergie , as mr. calamy , case , &c. yea all ordained before , they swore canonical obedience to their bishop for the time being ; and about three years after expounded it by a covenant to root them out . how can we call that a tender conscience that can digest two-edged oaths , oaths of an ell long , oaths that speak daggers to each other , and that too without the least wince or haesitation ? i think a man may have better hold of them by their purse-strings then conscience-ties . and therefore i should think authority far more secure against that party by a bond for their good behaviour , then the exactest oath . as for an objection brought in against taking the oath by p. that it binds not to a duty more then before , 't is very pretty : for , first , oaths are taken for a stricter tie ; and how comes that to be an objection against imposing oaths , that they do not bind us more then before ? secondly , is it not a contradiction to say , oaths bind no more to the thing then we were bound before they are taken , yet presently to say , they bind by more degrees ? what is more , but a degree ? without the parenthesis there wants truth , and with it 't is scarcely sense . but 't is urged , the cavaliers formerly complained of the many oaths imposed , and esteemed it a great oppression . 't is very true , and methinks clem. rom. ep . ad cor. . p. . doth think so too , for he puts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for oppression , ( if i understand him . ) but then , first , the cavaliers found them contrary to each other . the oaths of allegiance and supremacy bound them to preserve the king in his civil and ecclesiasticall capacity : the covenant would bind them to preserve the king , but against his ecclesiasticall capacity : the ingagement bound them to preserve the government without the king. secondly , they were imposed as traps to ensnare them , and put them out of their paternal inheritance . thirdly , they were imposed by insufficient authority ; which left them that knew it so , yet took them , without excuse . now neither of these is our present case . that this party hath holes to creep out of oaths is no doubt . m. i. p. . acknowledges the juggling of that party , and you may take his word , for he well understands them . and indeed without this skill in picklocks , how got they out of the oaths of allegeance and supremacy , protestation and covenant , & c ? i am sure they never had the golden key of authority to unlock the door . they are something like philoctetes , who swearing to hercules , that he would never discover where his arrows or reliques were , nor the place of his buriall ; yet being urged by the graecians to reveal , he thought to save his oath by his silence , yet pointed out the place with his feet . i will not say the covenanters did so ; seeming to dislike the king's death by their silence , yet made way for it by treading him under their feet : let their consciences make application . but having taken the oaths , let them creep out of what holes they will , it must be a hole in their consciences , and that will make another in their reputations , and that again a great hole in all honest mens opinions concerning them . but enough of this . they farther desire leave to take the oath in their own words , some of them , as d. p. p. . so may they for me , for being non-conformers , how could the parliament hope they would swear in a form ? and they have too great a conceit of themselves , to think a parliament could not find out fitter words then they . in a word , such great speakers ought not now to be taught to speak . . they decry rites and ceremonies , and a subscription to them , as tyrannicall , and would have nothing as the condition of communion for ministers and people , but what is necessary to salvation ; as is proved before . but , first , why should the presbyterians plead thus , since they judged other things necessary to be subscribed , in their attempts for association , then merely necessaries to salvation ? they then thought it no oppression , to urge the episcopal and independent brethren to subscribe their printed books , the bulk of which did exceed that of the church-canons , and contained in them a thousand things not necessary to salvation . secondly , s. paul thought it no oppression , to oblige the ministers of the church of corinth to a publick acknowledgment of those canons he gave them , cor. . . yet sure they were not necessary to the being of a christian , but the well-being of a church . thirdly , i am of l. c. a's . mind , that in the primitive times the creed might have sufficed , and now may for the communion of churches ; but not so for communion in churches . faith is a good foundation of the catholick union ; but union of particular christians must be grounded on an obligation to observe certain rites and canons , which ought to be owned and submitted to , yea and subscribed , if the church shall think fit . how else can men know the time and place and posture , the order and decency of worship , that is required cor. . . which calvin confesseth to be required in that place ? fourthly , s. paul praises the church of corinth for keeping certain ordinances that he delivered unto them , cor. . . of which one was , that men should sit bare-headed in the church ; concerning which ceremony he spends no less then the following verses to enforce it . now all the arguments almost of the non-conformers against ceremonies , do as strongly militate against this ceremony of s. paul's institution , as against any now imposed . and 't is observable , that the last reply the apostle thinks good to make against these non-conformers contentions is this , cor. . . that the apostles used no such customes ( as covering of heads in the church , ) no nor the church of god. now let the authour of l. c. a. consider , whether the arguments for ceremonies can be traced no farther then bellarmine and suarez ; and let the authour of d. p. consider , whether s. paul be not as much to be blamed for defending this ceremony , as bp. whitgift for defending 〈◊〉 of his time . 't is surely an easie way to conquest , to persuade men not to defend those necessary rites that these men please to assault . fifthly , it seems to me that some of these pleaders are not so heartily ingaged against rites and ceremonies , how-ever they are pleased to affrighten their deluded admirers with the danger of them : for d. r. p. . tells us , comprehension excludes not decency , but would have in no more ceremonies then needs must . and pray who shall be judge what are needfull ? d. p. p. . thinks very honestly that the church must judge : if so , they have judged already , and so we may end this dispute in a friendly agreement . having thus discharged the general cry of this deep-mouthed pack , come we to consider the particulars . let them but enumerate what they would have , and be their own carvers , and 't will amount to no less then the good old cause ; or rather more , for they desire a positive law for toleration , as p. p. , . l. c. a. p. . d. r. p. . &c. while a general praeterition served before . and certainly that great roman orator was right ; non enim idem est , ferre , si quid ferendum est , & probare , si quid probandum non est . cic. fam . ep. l. . ep . . nor is this all , but one of them would have all things taken away for which the people rebelled , p. p. . judging it more reasonable that the sovereign should conform to the subject , then the subject to the sovereign . which produces that libyan serpent pareas , luc. phars . . . that leads with the tail. that authour quarrells with the age , for striving to root out people's ill principles , rather then princes ill practices . god knows what the people may call ill practices : but we know a roman sued at law , for not tak●● a dagger deep enough into his bowels , with which his adversary strived to stab him . it may in time be laid to the prince and parliament's charge , that they buried not the murther of the late king in honour and silence ; as well as now 't is , that the covenant was not so buried . i will pursue this no farther , lest it whet the sword of justice too keen against this kind of pleaders . now pray hear them branch their desires ( with some confusion ) into these ensuing heads . . they would have tithes taken away , or at least altered . israel was chidden for robbing god of tithes and offerings : if these be israelites , let them apply it to themselves . 't is strange that hypocriticall pharisees should boast of paying them , and these strive against them . surely these mens consciences grow in their purse or field , that scruple at payments : and so the poet was right , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. how likes cornelius burges these presbyterians , that strive to baffle his whole divine right with one act of parliament ? 't was hard for a man to commit sacrilege before , according to burges's notion ; but ( if these mens motions take place ) it will be impossible for the future : so wise are these pleaders to prevent sin . euseb. l. . praep . and dion . halic . l. . tell us that the pelasgi , ( the offspring of phaleg , as bochartus well proves ) being under great judgments , sent to inquire of the oracles , whether they would be pacified with the tenths of men : the oracles answered , they would . but these men think to remove our judgments by taking away the tenths of goods from god. where the conscience scruples payments , 't is a sign 't is tender of profit rather then piety ; and that people aim at saving their purses rather then their souls . but this is the old complaint : and tithes are like the chaldaeans in rome , alwaies proscribed , yet alwaies there . thus dogs of scyrum alwaies bark against the moon , yet it still abides . tithes , like the church they sustain , semper concussae , nunquam excussae . yet let it be confessed , that tithes and landlords rents are the two great grievances of this nation . . to prosecute the good old cause , in rank with tithes are servile tenures , called copy-holds . o rare saturnalia ! lords must cease to be lords , that tenants may be free-holders . their ancient rights must be parted withall , not for coyn , but clamour . in other cases causes make complaints , but here complaints make causes . they hope to get free-holds as children do rattles , by crying for them . unjust men like not to continue their lands on the conditions they came by them . time ( that makes all things worse ) must make their tenures better . i may say of this cause as cicero did of caesar's , 't is causa sine causa . the business is , jack will be a gentleman : as if a man could make a silk purse of a sow's ear . 't is pity these saints throw not up their estates , as their ministers their livings , because being christ's free-men , 't is against their conscience to hold their lands on humane constitutions , and servile conditions . . the third branch of the good old cause that the proposition requires is , the register of estates . a thing often attempted , but never effected : the onely single thing that looks like just , of all they plead for : in which i wish them success . yet wants it not its inconveniences , that may make it unpassable . tacitus prefaces his annals with a story , that the world was first oppressed with tyrants , at length with laws . a court of record in every county newly erected would increase lawyers and fees good store : but whether honesty would be increased , time must shew . this way leaves little room for charity , and cuts the sinews of commerce ; which is credit . in a word , humane affairs are the game ; dealers are gamesters ; and the design of registring is to let the adversary over-see one's hand , which spoils the play. i look on the design as hopeless , because four hundred men will scarcely ever be found so intire , but some will halt on that sore , and can no more consent , then proclaim themselves bankrupt . . the fourth thing pleaded for by them is , the damning all pluralities , that is , silencing those laws that stint chaplains to kings , dukes , earls , bishops , &c. in shovelling up ( as they phrase it ) church-livings . i confess , i believe the clergie get more envy then profit by it ; besides that it doth much narrow their interest . yet let it be considered , that these laws must be silenced , to make a non-conformist speak , p. p. . laws are such trifling things with them , that they are as easie repealed as scribbled against . these men think it no oppression to out men of a legal possession , without their personal consent . but why do these things now trouble ? can't they remember their own practice but a while since ? were not all the taking preachers about london pluralists , that could procure entertainment ? did not mr. vines spread his branches from laurence jury to watton in hertfordshire , till he went off on a golden bridge ? how much was mr. case noted for heaping church-living together ? mr. r. v. held seldome fewer then s. olave's southwark and s. edmond's lombardstreet . mr. jenkins , black-friers and christ-church . mr. mayhew , kingston upon thames and white-chappel . mr. griffith , a modest man , held the charter-house and s. bartholomew's behind the old exchange . but see the subtilty of these men ; to avoid the imputation of pluralists , they called themselves lecturers : as if that employment were neither a cure of souls , nor a catering for the purse . 't is well their conscience and credit both can be salved with a new word . but turpe est doctori cum culpa , &c. the english church brought not in pluralities : for before the reformation no pluralities were admitted nisi dispensatione apostolicâ , v. lyndwood ; and since , none were induced but by act of parliament . and what forbids the legislative power ( to wit , king , lords and commons ) to allow the king , dukes , earls chaplains , &c. more then one living , for the better managing that part they are to act about their master's affairs , and for the state of the kingdome ; especially where the lay-gentry are so plentifully instated in church-livings , for the upholding their greatness ? is a man onely therefore uncapable of more church-preferments , because a clergy-man ? but else the non-conformers cannot find livings . are they sure , the present occupiers being disseised , that the patrons will pin them on their backs ? are not the universities full of deserving men ? and must they be put by till god knows when ? or must they turn non-conformers to get a living ? 't is pity such vast numbers of expectants ( who may doe well ) should be slighted for those that have done ill . . the fifth thing desired is , that all may be allowed to preach and officiate that are in any orders . here is a door opened to the enthusiast , whom the spirit orders ; to the quaker , whom george fox orders ; to the independent , whom the people order durante placito ; to the presbyterian , whom aerius orders , &c. here nadir and zenith are made to shake hands : the two terms of contradiction are here reconciled , to wit , potestas à christo descendendo , and à plebe ascendendo . england must have a publick ministry with private orders , or onely fansied ones . then must the church prove a poly-cephalist , more dreadfull then the stygian cerberus . 't was judged malice in sergius the third , to re-ordain those that formosus had advanced to holy orders ; because he was episcopus portuensis , and onely deprived of his bishoprick by john the ninth , not of his episcopal function . but the church in her great synod judged the presbyters of colythus making , in the church of alexandria , to be no presbyters , and the ordination a nullitie , ( as is instanced in the case of ischiras ) because he was no bishop , though he pretended himself to be one , as also do these non-conformers . so likewise for the same cause were those presbyters ordained by maximus pronounced no presbyters , by all the fathers in the council of constantinople . and 't were high temerity to establish that for good by a law that hath been so often condemned by law. but here is nihil ad rhombum still , for what peace can be expected from contrary orders ? is it not listing the clergy in several battalia's one against another ? and what satisfaction will that give to the scruple-house , where five parties are still forced to scruple at one ? do not the whole episcopal church account ordination by presbyters , or people , or vain pretensions to the spirit , or by a se-ordainer , utterly uncanonicall ? and can their conscience chuse but take offence at the allowance of it ? or are they thought so tame , that being offended they will make no noise about it ? 't is pity they should fare the worse for their peaceableness . again , is the presbyterian satisfied in conscience to hear a gifted brother officiate that pretends to a plebeian ordination ? do not both send a quo warranto after a wandring star , that says he was lighted by the holy ghost ? nor will this please the wild sectarie , who esteems episcopal and presbyterian ordination ( in simpson's language ) the greasie palm of antichrist , and fansies a priest in orders the english edition of the pope . yet luther in com. in galat. tells us , men without ordination , quanquam quaedam salutaria afferunt , nihil tamen aedificant : for laborem eorum nunquam fortunat deus . and s. cyp. unit . eccles. tells us , that by the sacraments of unordained men , non tam purgantur quàm fordidantur , i. e. the water of baptizing fouls , and the bloud of the supper stains . i dread to think what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the church our mother will shed , when more then a jacob and esau shall be permitted to struggle in her womb . d. p. p. . hath found an expedient here ; consenting that the bishops should impose hands on the presbyterians , already ordained , to commend them , non ad ministerium , sed ad exercitium ministerii , in any parish to which they shall have a title . i conceive the missive words in ordination may be so formed , as to admit to orders in the episcopal sense , and yet onely to emit in this authour's sense : but then , first , this provides but for a few ministers , and so is scarce worth the trouble . secondly , 't is very probable , though the non-conformers agree in this , they will quarrell in something else . let me therefore remember them , that theodore archbishop of canterbury being sent by vitalian to king egbert , about the year , and finding ceadda not lawfully ordained ; the good man , understanding the errour , said , si me nôsti episcopatum non ritè suscepisse , libenter ab officio recedo : upon which submission , bene tandem consecratus , in sedem dorovernensem provehitur . bed. hist. eccl. l. . c. . an excellent example of true christian meekness . . their sixth plea is for liberty of conscience : a principal branch of the good old cause , and intended to open the door of legal restraint to those legions of devils that inhabit the fanatick soul. to effect which , all these authours strive eminus cominus , trying every key in the bunch of their subtilties . not all of them so ingeniously as bellius , clebergius , or sir h. vane have done before them ; yet no less earnestly : for aequa tentant & iniqua , they try by hook or by crook to break the door open . and why not ? tentantes ad trojam tandem pervenere graeci . he that never speaks , never speeds . they therefore bring a whole troup of arguments to make room for it . if you would know what this liberty of conscience is , l. c. a. ( who most discreetly handles it ) tells you , 't is a freedom to doe or omit as conscience shall direct , p. . so that his question to be debated is , how far men may be obliged to doe what they say is against their conscience ; and , how far men may be suffered to doe what they say their conscience obligeth them to doe , id . ib. now the granting this freedom by the magistrate is called toleration : which d. r. p. . defines to be a permission of different waies of religion without the line of the approved way . so that in this latitude liberty of conscience looks like hobbs his leviathan , a masterless monster . this one law would make the world lawless , and doe what is right in their own sight , not in god's nor the magistrate's : therefore its advocates shackle and trammel this wild beast , some more , some less . first , to save the king's life , l. c. a. p. . conceives the magistrate not bound to tolerate any thing destructive to his being . but that if the magistrate shall believe toleration it self will destroy him ? the authour of the proposition plainly affirms , that liberty of conscience murther'd the late king ; and the abettors of it were the greatest enemies to this prince's return and settlement . and 't is to be feared , it hath not yet evaporated its venemous qualities . secondly , nor must the magistrate tolerate moral evils , l. c. a. p. . thirdly , nor any thing against common light , common interest , and natural good of mankind , l. c. a. p. . we thank him for nothing : without these concessions the magistrate , like serapis the aegytian god , might stand and hold his finger in his mouth , and all government were dissolved . but fourthly , d. r. p. . is more liberal , and acknowledges the magistrate not bound to tolerate dissensions , nor any thing against the general rules of scripture in ordering the church , p. . but fifthly , d. p. p. . exceeds all his brethren , and acknowledges the magistrate may punish with lighter penalties any practice he esteems erroneous in religion . having thus set down these mens concessions , which are onely to leave some work for the magistrate , that he may not , like epicurus's god , sleep in intermundiis ; let me observe to you , that these men jeast with us when they plead for liberty of conscience ; a thing so inseparable from the rational creature , that no padlock can confine it . conscience is so far out of gun-shot , that the most murthering cannon cannot reach it . conscience is subject to no exile nor imprisonment , nor can a rape be committed upon it . the birds in the air or fishes in the sea are not more free . so that the matter of our inquiry is liberty of action , rather then liberty of conscience . and so the question will be , whether the magistrate be bound to let men doe in matters of religion what they say their consciences oblige them to ; or to let them forbear what they say their consciences bind them to forbear . in answer to which we say , the magistrate may not permit men to walk by the light of their private consciences in matters of religion . first , because the magistrate ought to be a terrour ( not a tolerator ) of evil-doers , rom. . but a man may pretend himself bound in conscience to doe evil ; as the jew most conscienciously blasphemes the name of christ. to this l. c. a. p. . answers , the magistrate is onely authorized to punish moral evils . the vanity of which will appear , first , by that logical rule , propositio indefinita in materia necessaria aequipollet universali . now all evils deserve a punishment , as well spiritual as moral : and many times spiritual evils are the greater ; therefore he is to be a terrour to them as well as to moral evils . secondly , s. paul justifies this explication , tim. . . telling us the law was made to punish not onely what is contrary to sound reason , but to sound doctrine too . thirdly , the roman magistrate , though a heathen , had right to judge all causes , as well spiritual as civil ; as appears by s. paul's appeal to him concerning the resurrection of the dead , about which he was called in question , and referred the examination to caesar. secondly , if a man may follow the dictates of his conscience without controul , he may kill saints for god's cause , john . . and believe himself bound in conscience so to doe : which haply was the case of vennor and his complices . and 't was once s. paul's , who says , he verily thought ( to wit , in his conscience ) that he ought to doe many things contrary to the way of christ , and did persecute from city to city . but no magistrate can discharge his conscience by permitting men to kill their neighbours for god's cause , and questions in religion . 't was gallio's scandal , that he drave men from the judgment-seat , and would not meddle in such matters . thirdly , every man is indispensably oblig'd to promote the glory of god , and the salvation of men , with such talents as he hath received : but the magistrates talent is the civil sword : therefore with it is he to propagate god's worship , and stop mens sins . advice and admonition belong to every christian ; reproof and censures to church-officers ; but correction of sin by the civil sword is the magistrate's propriety . l. c. a. p. . acknowledges this argument in the main , but thinks he may serve god as a magistrate by other powers then by the sword , yet confesses no instance can fully reach the explication of his notion , p. . and no wonder , since it must deny the proposition or assumption of this syllogism , both yet which are most evident truths . fourthly , the magistrate's power is confessed by l. c. a. p. . to be paternall : but a father is bound to use the rod to keep his child from damnation : therefore is the father of the countrey bound to use the sword to keep his subjects from damnation . magistrates govern not men as brute beasts , but as indued with immortal souls ; and therefore must use their power not onely for the safety of mens bodies , but the salvation of their souls . fifthly , the magistrate is god's shepherd as well as the minister : but shepherds must destroy the wolves that strive to break in to the flock to devour it , in their proper sphere ; the minister by church-censures , the magistrate by temporal punishment . sixthly , to multiply no more arguments , the last shall be ad hominem : if these men believe 't is the will of god , that every man should enjoy the practice of his conscience , why do they resist the will of god by denying this to the papist ? yet this they doe , m. i. p. . d. r. p. , &c. hath god , upon this general charter for liberty , expresly excepted against the papists ? or rather do not these pleaders privately confess they believe not their own arguments , which haply prove stronger for the papists then themselves , as may be seen anon ? indeed m. i. p. . says three things for the excluding papists from this privilege . first , their giving no assurance of fidelity . but surely they have been more faithfull then these sects in the late rebellion : and the quakers and anabaptists refuse to swear fidelity as well as they , &c. secondly , by their principles they can never be good subjects . 't were well if these mens principles were better . if we are urged to it , we shall make it appear , that both halt on the same lame side . thirdly , they themselves allow no toleration . d. p. p. . shall answer it : o thou argument ! thou art a vile naughty argument : the lord rebuke thee . do not these men remember themselves guilty in the like kind , that allowed no toleration of prelacie ? i am weary of these fooleries . can a man truly love god , and yet sit patiently to hear his name dishonoured , when he hath power to suppress it ? shall a magistrate punish the injuries done to himself with all legal severities , yet be so cool in god's cause as not to unsheath his sword ? surely men never were permitted to doe what was right in their own sight , but in times of confusion , when there was no king in israel . but when asa had obtained the crown , a vote was made , that whosoever would not seek the lord god of israel , should be put to death , whether small or great , whether man or woman ; as you reade chron. . . and why should the jew be more zealous for the honour of his god then is the christian ? moses , that saw the looseness contracted by israel's bewildred estate , tells them plainly , you shall not doe as you doe this day , every man what 's right in his own eyes , or seems good in his own conscience . is conscience such a●nct●uary to damnable doctrines , that being got in there , the holiness of the place must defend them ? can it be imagined that head and hand-sins must receive their punishment , and onely conscience-sins pass under protection ? s. paul says , rom. . . if thou dost evil , be afraid of the powers : but these men say , ( if the greatest blasphemies be committed against god ) be not afraid , for the magistrate hath no power to punish thee . be not afraid to bring in doctrines of devils , for the powers are bound to tolerate thee . break what laws thou wilt , and pretend 't is thy conscience obliges thee to it , and 't is a safe plea , that can't be over-ruled . but well fare charles the fifth , that engraved on his sword custos utriusque tabulae ; judging himself obliged to see the laws of god executed as well as the laws of the land ; and to take care that christ have his due , as well as caesar his . if you object , that then the magistrate ( if his conscience should hap to be erroneous ) might persecute piety : i answer , first , so may he in civil causes punish an innocent man , if his judgment errs ; but that doth not annihilate his authority . secondly , and we may as reasonably suspect an angel will erre as the magistrate , since the apostle's charge is to believe angels no more then men , in teaching another gospel , gal. . . and thirdly , if any be possessed with the spirit of infallibility , 't is the magistrate , since the scripture speaks more favourably of him then of the jesuites pope , or the quakers spiritual man : for solomon saith , prov. . . a divine sentence is in the lips of a king ; his mouth transgresseth not in judgment . he may be ignorant in some truths in divinity , but not in the weighty things of the law. and if his commands proceed about circumstantials and lesser things , be they according to or dissonant from the truth , the believer is obliged to be silent , upon s. paul's rule , who saith , rom. . . hast thou faith ? have it to thy self before god. he must not flash his light in his brother's eyes , and much less may he set a church or kingdom on fire with the scattering of it about . and thus much d. p. p. . acknowledges , the tolerated must not broach principles to the scandal of others : much less then to the scandal of a church . and farther , fourthly , in some cases we are obliged to force our consciences , rather then resist authority ; that by once passing that river of which it was so fearfull , it may at length goe more boldly forward when commanded , without many blows to make it enter . christ's sheep may be forced into green pastures , where else they will stand boggling at the gate . 't is the doctrine of a great patriarch in these mens account , i mean ames . l. . de consc. in recollectionibus ad calcem libri additis , sect. . licitum & consultum est , aliquando , agere contra scrupulum aliquem conscientiae . and then , methinks , where authority appears , 't is a considerable circumstance to enforce : especially considering that of plin. to trajan , a te exigetur ratio ; nos excusabit obsequium . and cassiodore speaks but the mind of the civil law , when he tells you , nimis iniquum est ut ipse patiatur dispendium qui imperium fecit alienum . but then , fifthly , if liberty must be granted , then inclusivè , as p. p. . grants , sovereigns must have their liberty of conscience as well as subjects . and then if their consciences tie them to punish errours , what room is left for others liberty ? princes ( if consciencious ) are or may be as really obliged to the making and executing , as others to the transgression of the laws : and then whose conscience shall take place ? the scripture enjoyns the prince to punish disobedience , as well as it forbids the subject to obey : so that either the consciences of governours , or governed , must be oppressed . sixthly , what should sectaries doe with liberty of conscience , that preach themselves a poor , afflicted , despised flock , and make afflictions the note of a child of god , if not a note of the church ? to grant them liberty were to divert their afflictions , and so unchurch them , yea to stop up their way to heaven , which ( by false application of scripture to all persons and times ) they hold must be through many tribulations . now to justifie their doctrine they will find something else to quarrell with authority about , if you grant them liberty ; and so pro thesauro carbones , by long fishing you get a frog . seventhly , the common principles of the sectaries can endure no accommodation : for they hold god's flock a little flock , whom the powers of this world must oppress , and they must have a world to rail at ; and should you conform to them in every thing , there needs no other argument for their deserting their own way : as one of these authours well observes , in the instance of wearing short hair , which the non-conformers consciences much urged them to , till they saw bishop laud to commend it to all the clergy ; then they changed , their consciences tackt about , and wore all long hair . the sectaries are men of narrow spirits , and love a little way . they think multitudes can't go together , but to doe evil ; and fansy huggling together , like a covy of partridges in a field , to be the onely christian way . like john the baptist , they love to be in a desert ; or , like a hare , to sit trembling alone in a bush : and can't be brought , like doves or sheep , to feed in great flocks . besides , they have an irascible appetite in them , which is naturally trained up , like a true bull-dog , to bait authority : so that oliver , their great god-a-mighty , could not save his nose from their reproaches . in a word , tacitus observes that , evulgato imperii secreto , alibi imperaetorem fieri posse quàm romae ; it taught every legion to proclaim an emperour for the future . 't is well if obstinacy and scrupling , prevailing to overthrow one law , do not at length strive to overturn all , and translate the whole government to themselves . i am of scomberg's mind , ( though in a far better cause ) that he that sees he can force any thing , will at length believe he can force all ; and so is , by concession of one , but invited to contend for another . now they try your patience , the next time they will try their own courage . but stay , let us hear their reasons for liberty of conscience . the first is that in the proposition , p. , , . that god hath witnessed his displeasure against the sharp dealings of authority by manifold judgments : he instances in burning ships , burning london , &c. but , first , is he sure that this government is worse then all governments , because england suffered such great things ? christ says , i tell you nay : but they say , yea , or nothing , luke . , . secondly , solomon thinks a man cannot know good or evil by what happens under the sun : but these know the government evil by these accidents . thirdly , did that authour's familiar that he speaks of p. . give him a dark notice of the interpretation of these providences ? fourthly , do not these men turn polypus's , and servire scenae ? having formerly told us afflictions were a note of god's people , are they now a note of the devil's ? well , let them hear the poet's curse , careat successibus opto , &c. 't is a brave thought of lucan , victrix causa diis placuit , sed victa catoni . sure a man may justifie god , without condemning poor abel for his misery . job's piety should not be condemned because of his misery . let him reade eccl. . . and he must acknowledge it a foolish argument . . the second reason common to them all is , that toleration must be granted to unite us , and make us strong in war. for answer , first , a combined interest reconciles all men of estates so far as to prosecute a just war , in defence of life and estate , and to secure themselves from forein oppression . secondly , crouching to male-contents at home disspirits authority , and hinders forein conquests . thirdly , advancing dissenting sectaries is a civil war , where ring-leaders are generals , preachers captains , congregations camps , and words at length proceed to blows . fourthly , toleration would increase both papists and fanaticks ; and being let loose , and both increasing , who can assure us they will not fall on both king and parliament , sooner then on any forein adversary , especially while they smell so strong of hacket's principles , to destroy authority , to make way for the fifth monarchy ? fifthly , all sober protestants are reconciled already in the act of uniformity : if other mens consciences keep them from obedience , what will keep them from disobedience but laws duly executed ? sixthly , 't is insolent for subjects to stand on terms of accommodations with sovereigns , especially the meanest of subjects with the best of princes . no language so well becomes their mouths as submission . . the third reason is , there is no hurt in conventiclers , p. p. . non-conformers are serious and painfull men , d. p. p. . they are like christ , p. p. , . yea christ 's brethren , p. p. . therefore grant them liberty . for answer , first , i hold my self excused from meddling with this argument , because these mens too late crimes have proclaimed a confutation to the world already . nor am i willing to rake into so stinking a dunghill , being much more delighted in charientisms then sarcasms . onely i take leave to vindicate my saviour from these foul aspersions . let these authours shew me where or when christ murthered his ( even tyrannicall ) superiours . against what authority did he take arms ? where did he teach christians to turn from prayers and tears to sword and buckler ? when did he preach subjects into the field against sovereigns , upon pain of damnation , cursing meroz for being backward to set out , &c. as most of these ministers here resembled to christ did ? what incouragement did christ ever give to factions amongst those that professed christianity ? my just zeal demands a blush from that authour , for belying our saviour , and saying he was like these sectaries . besides , conventicling against law is a sin of it self , if they sinned not in their conventicles . for 't is a transgression of the law of god mediately , of man immediately . the civil conscience is obliged by the civil law , as well as the spiritual by the divine law. nor is this a fansying two consciences , but one distinguished by its several objects about which 't is exercised ; for the conscience is mixta persona as well as the king , and must be judge in all causes . if you object , that if conscience be so bound to the laws , they must be just : i answer , first , untill they are clearly proved otherwise , praesumptio est pro authoritate imponentis . secondly , they that see them unjust , presume themselves to have more wit then the authority of the nation that made them , which cannot be said without pride . d. p. p. . says well , an act passed on a thing doubted unlawfull , makes it not presently lawfull : yet sure , the judgment of so many grave men may be a glorious taper to illuminate , and a strong cable to bind the scrupling conscience . thirdly , the laws are most probably just when the generality of good men practise them ; who have inspection to discern , consciences to scruple , courage to oppose , if they see cause , and curiosity enough to examine them . the scruplers therefore must esteem their notions either inspirations from god , or demonstrations quibus non potest subesse falsum ; or else must judge themselves infallible : otherwise 't is notorious insolence , to prefer their own opinions of a law before the law it self , and the common judgment of man ; especially since res judicata pro veritate accipitur is a necessary rule in all laws ; and surely to erre with authority is to erre on the safer side . fourthly , admit the law were unjust , yet it binds : for it binds not as just , but as a law ; it binds to suffering , if not to doing . oaths may be perjuries , yet the judge passes sentence upon them without scruple : so that the magistrate's conscience is secured in the execution of the laws upon offenders , resigning his judgment of the justice of those laws to the legislative power . fifthly , nor are laws in a politick consideration such trifling things as these men fansie . petilius found a book in numa's grave expounding the roman superstitions ; but because by the praetor's oath they were found contrary to the present establishment , the senate adjudged the book to the flames : so carefull were they to uphold the reverence of their laws . demosth. orat . in aristog . tells us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and therefore not lightly to be contemned . du moulin tells the ingenious balsac , though something in laws be unjust , 't is just to obey them ; for some states have thriven in obeying unjust laws , others in not obeying just have perished . i wish these men of aurelius the emperour's modesty , who reasonably resolves , aequius est me tot & talium amicorum consilium , quàm tot , tales , meam unius voluntatem sequi . but how then shall these men answer s. jude's description of separatists , v. . that they are despisers of dominion , and speak evil of dignities ? 't was once said , turpis est pars quae cum toto non convenit : but now 't is the highest pitch of piety to oppose authority . but secondly , is there no hurt in conventicling ? are they not the trojan horses whence armed men issued forth to sack great priam's territories ? are they not like the jesuites order , the very nurseries of rebellion ? are they not the seed-plot of damnable doctrines ? do they not slay the souls of men with the sword of the spirit ? is not verbum domini amongst them ( as bishop laud observed ) but verbum diaboli ? do they not poison the streams of the sanctuary ? yea doth not their very advocate confess , p. p. . that in them they speak against the government , and revile the rulers of the people ? but this with him may deserve a blessing . and thirdly , doth not their best champion l. c. a. p. . judge that they ought to be compelled to church to hear sermons ? so that , by their own confession , the magistrate may be bold to execute his laws to that purpose . yea and doth not d. p. p. . declare , they may lawfully be punished for disturbing the ecclesiasticall order , to the disquieting of the state ? . their fourth reason is , they must have a toleration because many thousaends , p. p. . great numbers , m. i. p. . the non-conformers out-balance conformers , d. r. p. . and d. p. p. . i doubt these men are drunk with their opinion , and see double or treble . they swagger as if the town were their own . may they not be troubled with the athenian thrasylaus conceit , that all they see is their own ? but , first , themselves , in their harangues amongst their feminine troups , call themselves a despised little flock . secondly , the late army alwaies held the spirit of this nation ( to use their cant ) an imposing spirit : and therefore one major creed resolved , in one of their junto's , to draw his sword against a free parliament , as the common enemy to that army-darling , liberty of conscience . thirdly , the most part of them are the riffe-raffe of the nation : yet i say upon my conscience , that i believe not above a seventh part of the people are inclined to liberty of conscience . fourthly , if their patron may be a witness in the case , l. c. a. p. . says , the greatest part of men desire a visible judge , to save them the pains of tedious enquiries . fifthly , they have often tried , and never could chuse a parliament for that purpose ; which is a convincing evidence that they are not the major vote . sixthly , they carry great animosities against each other . seventhly , the argument is a poling argument , where sententiae numerantur , non ponderantur , says plin. l. . ep . . eighthly , is it prudent to forbear the cure , because the leprosie is spread all over the body ? a great politician indeed advises , vir sapiens nunquam direxit brachia contra torrentem : but sure that advice is more christian , tu nè cede malis , &c. faction is a fire kindled in city and country , and p. p. . tells us the way to quench it is to let it alone : thus also counsells m. i. p. . and d. p. p. . well ; the rump did so : did that quench , or rather increase it much more ? that is a convincing experiment . errour is a gangraene , and will spread , if permitted . when these flouds break out , they must be banked up . ninthly , neutrality loses both parts : as hen. . of france found to his sorrow . he that hath no enemy , hath no friend . how should any think himself obliged for that favour that is given to all ? bats are most despised , because a middle between birds and beasts . tenthly , be the sectaries never so many , yet if christians , they must not disturb the government . tertull . found christians to fill the armies , markets , senate , courts and all ; yet they never opposed the then-persecuting emperours . to conclude , i ever took king in parliament to be the strength as well as most capacious interest of the nation . so that to affrighten them with numbers is a bug-bear , a threat to the government , and deserves correction . . you must tolerate men , for force will doe nothing upon christians . p. p. . restraint makes bedlams : p. . a mere command makes disobedience : p. . violence unites them : p. . indulgence onely makes them throw off errours : p. . conscience can't be touched : l. c. a. p. . force doth no good : p. . sword can't hinder opinions : m. i. p. , . force is an odious superintendency over consciences . for answer , first , god appointed the sword to be a terrour to evil-doers , rom. . . and i do not think these authours can prove his institutions frivolous or useless . if the sword can doe nothing , s. paul is mistaken , who thought it would terrifie wicked men . i hope , notwithstanding their discourse , they will avoid sin for fear of hell. secondly , that setting a law forces disobedience , is an objection that flies in the face of god , as well as of the parliament ; for god hath set a royal law to mankind , which he would never have done , if the mere setting a law forces disobedience . thirdly , say that it did , yet the law may be holy , just and good , rom. . . the chain may be gold though the dog break his teeth on it . fourthly , if they believe indulgence will destroy the sectaries , why do they deny liberty to the papists ? do they desire to make the papists more obstinate by persecution ? or will they use those weapons against them that they confess can't work upon conscience ? will they unite them closer by acts of violence ? or are they so unmercifull , as to deny the papists the gentle means of recovery from their errours ? or will restraint onely cure papists , and liberty sectaries ? if liberty would diminish numbers , why must not the papists be this way diminished ? at this peep-hole one may see these men plead what they do not believe . fifthly , if force will doe nothing , how comes one of them to say , the king of japan rooted christianity out of his country by violence . sixthly , but 't is too certain that force upon conscience will doe much . the ingenious authour of the inconveniences of toleration gives two sad instances of it in love and jenkins . but to avoid envy , we will instance in s. peter , who abjured his lord through fear of a crucifixion . and if force was so prevalent on so great a saint , what may it be on this giddy rout , whose tongue is their hardiest part ? seventhly , to feed the humour with liberty can never be the way to cure it . eighthly , the heathen observed , that anaxagoras being fined five talents , and banished , for asserting the sun to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a globe of fire , none ever affirmed it after . tully observes , in his nat. deor . l. . that when the philosophers saw protagoras punished for saying , de diis neque ut sint , neque ut non sint , habeo dicere , they were all for the future tardiores ad sententiam suam profitendam , quippe cum poenam nec dubitatio effugere potuisset . and who knows not but the death of socrates laid the foundation of the academicks and scepticks ? so that none dar'd positively to assert the unity of the godhead for a long time after . christ says , in tribulation many will fall from the truth ; and ( think we ) will none fall from their errours ? should the powers take that wicked example of the rump , and set up committees and sequestrations , we should soon find our richest zelots shrink . ninthly , beza openly protests coram deo & ipsius angelis , quas hodie corruptelas passim in ecclesia dei maximo cum luctu ferre cogimur , eas omnes ab hac tanquam scaturigine exortas , quòd principes , &c. in his haeret. mort . puniendis , pag. ( mihi ) . he found all the schisms and heresies of the church to spring from the negligence of princes , in not taking care to punish them . and doth not england see them to be the product of licencious times , when there was no rod of discipline in the magistrate's hand ? tenthly , 't is true , the sword cannot force the conscience proximately , but it may remotely . it cuts the body , and thereby frights the soul. it works on the outward man by passion , but on the inward by compassion . it cannot keep men from believing , but it may from publishing errours . it can confine the infected from communication , though it cannot drive out the contagion . l. c. a. p. . says , we must not punish men for want of the holy ghost , and supernatural gifts : true , but we may for striving to poison their own souls , by coveting the rats-bane of heresies ; or for distilling their poison into other mens breasts . but of this more anon . . their next argument is , the english religion hath been under an ill name . serious men have ranked it with popery , p. p. . non-conformers believe it , because you persecute , &c. p. . to this i say , i esteem it not worthy an answer , being rather railing then reasoning ; and may be used against any way of worship whatsoever . was christianity the worse , because julian the apostate called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? or christ the worse , because ranked with publicans and sinners ? or did not the pharisees that reproached him look as grave as these serious men ? what if pilate's malice will rank christ with two thieves on the cross ? was he not therefore a child of god ? what if cyprian be called koprianus ? they that reckoned popery and prelacy all one , reckoned also their prince a papist : god grant they doe so no more . plato in cratylo tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he that gives a name ought first fully to understand the thing : but most of them that ranked popery and prelacy together neither knew one nor the other . may not the papists as well judge them and us both , that we hate the power of godliness in them , because we persecute them , as these do us ? yea and may not the quaker argue from the same topick ? yet 't is idolatry we dislike in the papist , atheism in the quaker , and obstinacy in both . were these men true gold , yet may they be cast into the fire , to purge out remaining dross . i know not what protection god hath given to errour , schism , pride , self-conceit , rebellion , &c. in the breast of an hypocrite , yea or real saint , more then in any other . if the magistrate must be a terrour to evil-doers , then sure to spiritual evils , because the greatest of all evils . nor are any the less to be punished , because they call themselves the godly party ; since authority proceeds on matters of fact and palpable evidence . i leave this objection as trifling , and proceed to their . which is , that liberty of conscience raises courage in souldiers , p. p. . it breeds generous spirits , m. i. p. . the sectaries obstinacy is england 's best courage : it wrought all our changes , prop. p. . it makes men for ever irreconcilable to all impositions , m. i. p. . to which i reply , first , it appears by the omnipotency ascribed to liberty of conscience , that it is the sectaries god , whom they adore not for his justice , but for his power . it is the best overturning tool in nature ; and therefore its advocates ought to be carefully looked to , and timely suppressed . thirdly , an argument drawn from strength against a government is no better then a threat . i hope tonant sine fulmine , their threats are but crackers . fourthly , to grant all that is true in this argument , it amounts to no more , then that the devil is strongest when he fights from that fort called conscience . men thus possest with a spiritual frenzie are alwaies stronger and more mischievous then at other times . but must we make a league with the devil , to be of the stronger side ? fifthly , i confess this liberty is a terrible thing ; for no man knows what to call his own , while this freedom is in use . so true is that maxime , cui plus licet quàm par est , vult plus quàm licet . give the slave a sword , and he will slash his master . sixthly , the pleaders are deceived with that usual fallacy of non causa pro causa : for 't is a strong presumption of being god's people , and favoured by him , that raises valour to so great a pitch : and this is a stale trick in the world . all nations consulted their gods ; by birds , intrails , &c. gave their souldiers some omen or other of divine favour , which made them presume of victory , and so to run any hazard whatsoever . what made severus's souldiers so undaunted , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he told them he had ? the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made constantine to be the great , and his souldiers invincible . 't was cato's errour , that he would not deceive himself and souldiers with a fine story brought from the oracle of delphos , where he was , and much urged by his army to inquire ; for want of which they were conquered before they fought : whereas some pious cheat would have made them more terrible then bellona her self . curtius observes , that it much furthered alexander's conquests , that he was voiced to be the son of jupiter hammon . 't was the strong conceit of saintship in oliver and his deluded army , grounded on these ministers encouragements , their officers frequent and fiery prayers , and their high pretence to responses from heaven , that ( joyned with good suits of armour and the city purse ) made that army so mettlesome . toleration was scarcely pretended in their most bloudy conflicts ; but was the itch of an insolent army , too highly pamper'd with loyal bloud . again , seventhly , the turks are a valiant people in war , and cromwell was but a pygmy to mahomet the great : yet none will say turks are for liberty of conscience . and surely the roman valour hath left monuments of its greatness in a very large tract of the world ; yet none opposed liberty of conscience more then they in their most flourishing times , if you will believe liv. dec. . l. . who says , a romanae reip . initiis negotium fuisse magistratibus datum , ut sacra externa fieri vetarent — sacrificulos vatésque foro , circo , urbe prohiberent ; vaticinos libros conquirerent combureréntque ; omnem disciplinam sacrificandi , praeterquam more romano , abolerent . if these mean it restrictively of england , let them tell us whether we deserved the name [ gentis bellicosissimae ] better when the rebellious army was on foot , or years before , when ireland , wales , france , scotland , &c. were subdued by us . but , eighthly , these men rightly account for liberty of conscience , shewing that it is a more successfull device for the blowing up any government then the powder-plot was . but 't is a strange argument to commend it to the king , because it murthered his father ; and to the parliament , because it overturns government . 't is certain , 't is the most fatal wild-fire of a nation , and a sworn enemy to all government ; and its genuine issue are factions and dissensions , whilst each party struggles to promote his way . it distracts the vulgar , who tend strongly to a settlement ; and invites the gentry into faction , to become the head of that party are most like to receive them . it cuts off the magistrate at the half , leaving him no more of the subject but the outward man. and could we but see the face of it without a vizard , we should discern it to be vngovernableness . one of these advocates calls it the mad earl of warwick : then bedlam is fittest for it ; and thither the honourable house of commons having voted it , for me let it goe . here i cannot but observe the pretty artifice of the prop. p. . persuading us to believe , that if liberty of conscience be granted , episcopacie would drain all the sects . if episcopacie could drain the sects without an act of uniformity to assist it , why not with it ? but , alas ! a disease is infectious , but so is not health : we may get heresies by contagion , but seldome truth . s. august . tells boniface , experientiâ edoctus , nullâ re magìs quàm severitate donatistas & circumcelliones in officio contineri . sure these seas of errours never so much overflowed their banks , till the rumpers pull'd up the sluces : and whether liberty made our factions dwindle , let the world judge . 't is too true a proverb , opportunity makes the thief . to set open the door , is not the way to keep errours out . . their eighth reason is , 't is a sin to make men act against conscience : for force either debauches conscience , or brings persecution on mens bodies or estates ; either of which do make the forcer guilty , l.c.a. p. . 't is a greater sin then lying , stealing , whoring , &c. p. p. . you were better stab him , p. . he is damned that is made to doe what he thinks not lawfull , and he may never recover his conscience again , p. . to this we answer , first , all this argument is as strong for toleration of papists as for any else ; yet these men do unitedly deny liberty to them . so that certainly they conceive it not a sin ; or else are content to damn themselves , to suppress the papists . secondly , they know that papists , quakers and anabaptists do declare it against their consciences to come to our churches , and hear our sermons : yet l. c. a. pag. . and elsewhere asserts that the magistrate may without sin compell men to hear sermons . did he therefore believe himself , and this argument to be true , it did ill become him to give the magistrate that direction . if you force the quaker to come to church , according to this argument you debauch his conscience , &c. thirdly , this argument we are not concerned in ; for we plead not against liberty of believing or loving , but of professing and practising errours . we say with cic. to marcellus , l. . ep . . dicere fortasse quae sentias non licet , tacere planè licet . were their case that of the roman senate , senatus ad otium summum , vel ad summum nefas vocaretur , plin. l. . ep . . they might save their consciences by doing nothing . if the libertines fansy it a false doctrine they are required to believe , let them hold their peace , and all is well . laws can make men hide , though not hate , their errours . 't is true , conscience ought not , no nor cannot , be touched ; but yet mens practices must not be allowed . thus beza determines this case , vt non sit punienda animi opinio , neutiquam tamen ferenda est pestilens & impia professio . conscience is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that can't be bound ; but mens lips may be sealed , their tongues may be tied , and their bodies moved from conventicles to church , &c. and that is all intended . fourthly , if the powers could , or some men would make themselves act against the false suggestions of their consciences , they would find it a saving rather then a stabbing act. for 't is a false suggestion that of m. i. p. . that he that is true to an erroneous conscience is true to god : for then are all the worshippers of sun , moon and stars true to god : then was adam true to god , when he was beguiled to eat the forbidden fruit . the truth is , conscience is indeed god's officer ; but the devil hath bribed it to his devotion : and 't is no felony to thrust the devil out of what he hath no right to . but i have spoken to this part elsewhere . fifthly , say that persecution were great cruelty to them that are in errour ; yet 't is better one then all to perish . surgeons never scruple cutting off one member to save all the rest . 't is certain , kindness to errour is cruelty to truth ; charity to the wolf is murther to the sheep ; permission to conventicles is persecution of the church . indeed d. p. p. . tells you , he pleads the cause of our lord : i. e. that his name may be blasphemed without fear of punishment ; that any worship , be it never so antiscripturall , may be offered him without controul . he farther adds , that he and his partner plead for mercy , &c. to wit , that the wolf may be gently dealt with who worries the lambs in christ's fold ; that the serpent may be protected to seduce adam to his damnation . yet certainly , 't is a sinfull patience , to suffer god's vineyard to be rooted out . what glory is it to shew tenderness to the weed that suppresseth the corn ? he is no cruel shepherd that kills the incurable sheep , to save the flock from infection . haereseos ( says erasmus in praef . ad hieron . ep . ) ea est insimulatio , in qua tolerantem esse impietas sit , non virtus . sixthly , for gamaliel's advice to let men alone , beza says , ex veris principiis falsam elicit consequentiam : and calvin on the place upbraids him for a doting and deceitfull counsellor . whose answers i leave with these pleaders , supposing they will be more gratefull then any i can give . seventhly , to conclude , this very argument in the magistrate's mouth rises up in judgment against all our opposers : for supposing the magistrate's conscience commands him ( as it ought to doe ) to take care of the honour of god , to punish blasphemy , to nurse the church , to be a terrour to evil-doers , to lay out his talent of power for god , to endeavour god's glory , and the suppressing of sin ; if he should observe his conscience , he must punish these men ; if not , he sins against his conscience , and so wasts it , that he may never recover it more . so that these men were better stab him to the heart , then thus to force him upon damnation for neglect of his duty . thus are trifling disputes returned upon the head of undiscerning , and therefore forward , men . see this case in edw. . who being urged vehemently by cranmer and gardiner , with charles the emperour , to permit the mass to his sister mary , he would not for his life : they press the suit ; he wept , and desired them to forbear : they also wept , saying , he had more religion in his little finger then they in their whole bodies ; as sir richard baker reports in vita edvard . . the occasion of this trouble to the young king was , a resolution given by cranmer , before he forbad the mass to his sister , that to wink at sin in hope of return with patience , was no sin ; but wholly to wink after long patience , or to give permission to sin , was sin . and indeed 't was very true , for demisè ac facilè pati , probantis speciem habeat , says cic. ep . . ad brutum . if now our adversaries argument stand good , it concludes stronger for the magistrate then for the subject . . their next reason is , force is no weapon of christ's institution , l.c.a. p. . and therefore not to be used . 't is unproportionate to the malady , to beat the body for the soul's fault : a lion or a dog may thus convert as well as men , l. c. a. p. . the apostles never took this way , id . p. . nor is any service acceptable to god but willing service , id . p. . nor can force ever settle the gospell , id . p. . to this i answer , first , force may be lawfully used , ( though not commanded ) if it be not forbidden ; else nothing were indifferent . d. r. p. . denies non-conformers to hold indifferent things unlawfull . secondly , that the rod of correction is not of divine institution , i think no sober man will assert . david ventures to call it god's rod , ps. . . and mic. . . tells us 't is a preacher of god's mission , hear ye the rod , and who hath appointed it . s. ber. will tell them the will of god is , that the priest should smite gladio oris , and the prince ore gladii . thirdly , that the rod should doe no good is yet more strange , since the scripture every-where asserts , that in mens affliction they will seek god early : and certainly one way ( and the best ) to chastise men is by the sword of the magistrate . fourthly , that lions and dogs may thus reduce men to better manners , is no question , when god shall sanctifie a danger that shall befall men by those beasts : an instance of which you have king. . . the lions that ravaged in samaria made the people inquire out the true god. fifthly , this thour acknowledges , the magistrate's sword may drive men from moral evils ; and then what colour can there be to deny it in spiritual evils ? sixthly , we must remember them , that this argument is as true in the papist's mouth against them , as in their mouth against the magistrate . seventhly , they allow the body may be punished for the moral evils that the soul commits ; yet think it unsuitable for spiritual evils . eighthly , it was not ( in an ordinary way ) the apostles duty to use the civil sword in settling the gospell , for that was to invade the magistrate's right : yet we find s. peter sentencing ananias and sapphira to death . to which our pleaders reply , 't was extraordinary , l.c.a. p. , . i answer , 't is true it was so , in the manner of the punishment , . because inflicted by a priest , . without visible means : but in the matter it was not so , for lying is a moral evil . and therefore 't is to be admired why the authour should oppose it , and so swerve from his own principles : but i take it to be the product of a spirit of contradiction , or the effect of sleepie oscitancy . but had the offence been an errour in conscience , the punishment had been equally defensible . ninthly , the civil sword is most proper to settle the gospel , as to the publick profession of it , ( which is all contended for : ) but 't is the holy ghost must assist , to erect a throne for it in the heart . tenthly , that forced service is unacceptable to god , is very false : for god sends afflictions upon men to force them into obedience ; he scourges his children to bring them home to him , and then accepts their devotions . thus manasseh's chains bound him to his duty ; and yet god rewarded it with eternall life . and though the service of compulsion be not so candid as that of a springing spontaneity ; yet 't is not so drossie as to be rejected . but say it were , yet is there ground enough for force ; as s. august . to gaudent . ep. . l. . c. . quòd autem vobis videtur , invitos ad veritatem non esse cogendos , erratis , nescientes scripturas , nec virtutem dei , qui eos volentes facit , dum coguntur inviti . if the magistrate's power bring their bodies , god's power will bring their souls . if the magistrate's pole drive the fish together , god will encompass them in his gospel-net . i see nothing more ( that is considerable ) left unanswered in either of these authours ; unless it be , that men are bound to follow an erroneous conscience , where the director or imposer is not infallible in his prescriptions ; and therefore they ought to have their liberty . this is urged by l.c.a. p. , . and proved by these parts . . that we must try all things our selves . . we must doe all things in faith. . that god will judge us according to our own talent of knowledge , not the magistrate's . . a man's judgment is useless , if he may not follow his own light . . if we must follow the magistrate's light , all idoll-worshippers will be excused , id . p. , , . to which i reply , first , these men do not believe this argument to be true ; for if they did , the papist must follow an erroneous conscience : why then is he excluded from toleration ? yea it argues as strongly for the profession of turcism , judaism , heathenism , or any thing else , as for presbyterianism . secondly , it argues as strongly for permission of fifth-monarchists to murther the king , if they believe in conscience the destruction of earthly powers is the way to advance the kingdom of jesus christ. thus is hugh peters justified for binding his king in chains , and the nobles in fetters of iron ; for in the execution of that scripture-command he must have liberty to follow his conscience . nay , thirdly , this argument would justifie poor men in seising on the estates of the rich ; if once their consciences persuade them , that the meek ought to inherit the earth . fourthly , who doubts but the scripture is an infallible director , especially in the mouth of a priest , from whom god hath commanded us to inquire the law , mal. . . because he is a messenger of the lord of hosts ? and who can tell the mind of the prince better then his embassadour ? and therefore s. paul charges the hebrews , c. . v. . to follow their faith that have the charge over them . fifthly , the jew was under the obligation of conscience as well as the christian ; yet no liberty was granted to him to publish or practice what opinion he pleased : for heb. . . he that despised moses law died without mercy , under two or three witnesses : and is the gospell of less moment then moses's law ? but l. c. a. p. . replies , a greater punishment , even damnation , is inflicted for contempt of the gospell . very true , but so was it for contempt of the law of moses too . the temporal judge kills for murther , and the eternall judge damns ; and so did they then , for damnable doctrines that murthered souls . sixthly , men may use their judgment , and follow their own light , and try what they will ; onely let them keep it to themselves : as hester did her religion in the court of king ahasuerus . seventhly , this argument is no less strong for the magistrate to prosecute dissenters ; if he believe in his conscience that he is bound to promote the glory of god , to propagate truth , and to destroy those boars and foxes that strive to root up the vine , or to pick off the grapes . in a word , to follow an erroneous conscience is sin ; and for the magistrate to indulge a man in sin , is no less cruelty then that of king philip , to bring up his wife's brother alexander in all kind of debaucheries , that he might effeminate him , and so deprive him of his kingdome . in this case s. hieron . com. in ezek. . would cry out , and every good christian with him , nolo talem misericordiam , domine . now then , manum de tabula , 't is time to conclude . onely i pray leave to propose to this present and honourable parliament the ensuing particulars : which if they conduce not to quiet , yet certainly not to quarrell ; if they have little of mercury , they shall have nothing of mars in them : and therefore ( i presume ) will be patiently heard by a parliament whose discretion vies with their justice , and both seem to be conquerours . a true parliamentum pacificum , antipodes to the parliamentum insannum . never any met with a more dreadfull disease ; never any made a more perfect cure. a parliament that have been infinitely provoked , yet know no passions but by their names . a parliament that is like to verifie lucian's character of england , ver. hist. l. . that 't is insula fortunata & campi elysti . when julius caesar entered it , captus amoenitate loci redire noluit : he resolved to live and die here . with such a parliament what caesar would not take up the same resolution ? yet carneades tells us , wise men contrive laws , and fools judge of them ; and therefore no wonder if some repine , that doat onely on liberty of conscience . let such hear that discreet heathen telling them , 't is optimus reip. status , ubi nihil deest nisi licentia pereundi . 't is a happy want , to be without temptation to sin . caesar , in l. . com. de bello gallico , observes every man to be a rebell by nature , omnes homines naturâ libertati studere , & conditionem servitutis odisse . in english , no man would be ruled , if he could rule : obedience is not of nature , but of grace : therefore 't is , in bonos facile est imperium . it must be gold , if superlatively ductile . which proves our seeming spiritual men to be too natural , their temper is so ungovernable . authority had need wear hedging-gloves , when they meddle with these scratching thorns . these discontented spirits breath so hot in the face of authority , that they make the cheeks of their reputation blister . but all sober men will consider how many and wide differences this parliament hath composed , how many swords they have sheathed , how many grievances they have removed , how gently they have touched the strings of our concord , what pains they have taken to modell oaths , so as men might disown nothing but opposition to the government ; and must needs declare , that this parliament ( under his majestie's influence ) have been the healers of our breaches , and restorers of paths to dwell in . to continue the parliament's candour and fidelity , 't is humbly conceived necessary , . to discountenance for the future ( as they have now done ) all attempts for the lawlesness the authours here answered plead for . i need adde no reasons ; their own in . given to the king are the quintessence of the nation 's reason , and therefore must be eternal . yet i may say , . if scrupling and faction repeal laws , then are they acknowledged stronger or honester then the government . secondly , if subjects see that coyn pass for currant , they will bid it for what-ever law they take distast at . . if the parliament be unconstant to themselves , men will judge their acts not to be the product of great judgment , grave counsels , and good conscience , but rather of levity and humour ; especially when an act shall be repealed that was settled with great debate , printed reasons , and deep resolutions to stand by it . i conceive , though a parliament be acknowledged fallible , yet an act so carefully formed comes near an infallibility . . 't is absolutely necessary for the parliament to stand by the liturgie . . because they have solemnly declared in their act of uniformity , that it is comfortable to all christians , profitable to this realm , fruitfull in procuring god's blessings , an honour to the reformed religion , and the neglect of it scandalous and dangerous . if this were true in , 't is no lesse in . . in respect of the people's happiness , who have the same means and way to heaven with their prince , their nobles , the reverend judges , the most reverend bishops , doctors and learned men of the land. the meanest man sails to heaven in the same bottome with the greatest and wisest . so that if men conscienciously use it , all must swim , or all sink together . . in respect of the ministry , whose tender consciences must needs otherwise be filled with great anxieties , for fear lest their private parts , skill , reasoning , wisedom and direction , should not be sufficient to convey so many souls ( as they have charge of ) safely to heaven : from which they are in a great measure delivered by the liturgy ; the studied assistence of the whole church of england , by which their flock is fed and guided in the same manner , in their devotions , with the best accomplished man of the kingdome : men of the greatest parts having no higher way for the daily sacrifice then they . . in respect of the papists , who may justly complain of our persecutions in this last century of years , for their not coming to our worship , since we our selves at last think it unfit for use . yea in so doing this parliament would declare their predecessors persecutors , and condemn all former parliaments , ( except the rump ) as well as themselves , for unconscionable acts ; yea and with them condemn the very reformed religion in this kingdome . . in respect of the consequences of such a change ; the sharpest eye-fight being not able to reach the end of such an attempt . it will well become a sober parliament , constituted of the most substantial and honest gentry , to leave the church in such a constitution as she had in the most flourishing times of our former princes : leaving it to rumpers , and others of the like audacious consciences , to bring in sacrilege , confusion , errours , schisms , blasphemies , civil wars , &c. and so to entail tortures to their consciences , stains on their reputations , curses on their families , and consumptions on their estates . which god avert . . the parliament will find all salvo's , to make way for an accommodation , utterly pernicious . . because they accuse the laws as too rigid . . salvo's oblige none to obey but quicunque vult . . the disobedient seem equally innocent with the obedient , and more consciencious . . they permit a party against the laws , and proclaim variety of judgments . . changing men from compliance with the law to the benefit of a salvo , will be called conversion in a little time by scrupling preachers . . all salvo's are virtual repeals of a law. . 't is certainly necessary thatx the parliament stand fast to the government of the nation , according to their own explications . . because without them men had some pretences to justifie a civil war , which was a strong temptation to the raising of it . . because if a prince cannot wrong , nor can he right his subjects : if he could doe no hurt , he could doe no good . . because rebells find alwaies hands too strong for the best laws , and just princes generally find the laws too weak to protect them ; especially in this island , where old gildas long since observed , the people were fortes ad bella civilia . yea he adds , si quis principum mitior & veritati aliquatenus propior videretur , in hunc , quasi britanniae subversorem , omnium odia teláque sine respectu torquebantur . i groan when i reade it ; yet our late times have most emphatically englished it . . 't is certain , what odium they can receive from male-contents , they have received already ; being judged ( by so freely declaring the law ) propugnators of laws , religion , settlement , the prince's rights , and people's interests , and thereby of the loyall party : for which the factious are their implacable enemies . . because the parties that would be gratified are true enemies to all government . the dispute being not what government , but what governours , with them . they could no more endure the long parliament with their aristocracie , nor the rump with their oligarchie , nor the protector with his olivarchie , then their lawfull prince with his regular monarchie . in a word , what they are in church they are in state ; alwaies reforming , but never reformed . . the late vote of the honourable house of commons , for putting penall laws in execution , is most just . because every magistrate ought to punish injuries done to god , as well as those done to men . . to distinguish the good subject from the rebell . . to take away temptations from others to grow factious . . to draw the factious to repentance by momentany affliction , for the saving of their souls . . to bank up the floud of errours from overflowing an island aliquid semper audire volente , & nihil certi stebiliter retinente , as gildas observes of us , and bede confirms hist. eccl. l. . c. . in the self-same words . an itch after new factions being as natural to us , as after the new fashions of the french : a bad new way being in all ages more welcome to us then the good old way . . if the law given be neglected , the law-giver can't be respected . . a dormant law serves onely to increase transgression , both in them that swear to execute the laws , and in them that disobey . . by this means a constable or church-warden in a parish may void the best-contrived sanctions of parliament . . if it be not possible to execute a law , the contrivers wanted wisedome ; if not lawfull , they wanted justice . . if former laws be voided by neglect of execution , future laws will not be fear'd ; which tends to dissolve all government . . 't is humbly proposed to consideration , whether the church-wardens tax for repair of churches ought not to be levied as the over-seers of the poor is , by justices warrant ; yea and vicarage-tiths be declared positive in favour of vicars , ( who have commonly the greatest work and least wages ) and made to be sued for at common law. . because sectaries stand willingly excommunicate , and are tempted so to doe , by saving their money . . the heavy sentence of excommunication is unproportionable to the detaining a groat . . an act may be so drawn as not to be derogative , but accumulative to church-franchises , leaving the plaintifi to take what way he pleases . . it would prevent a thousand clamours against spiritual courts , for too frequent presentments , buying of time , excommunicating for trifles , &c. . if all irregularities were punished with penalties , and onely crimes with excommunication , it would remove a great deal of offence ; especially if excommunication be executed with that conscience and gravity a censure of christ ought to be , and by those hands in which christ left it . i know that contumacie ( as the learned d. hammond , power of keys , hath proved ) is the onely sin that excommunication punishes : but 't is pity to buoy men up into that stubborn posture for every trifle ; since men may guesse from the equality of punishment , that the church embraces that stoicall conceit , that omnia peccata sunt equalia . lastly , that liberty may be yet more confined , i humbly beg that common swearing and common travelling on the lord's day may be stopp'd by parliamentary authority ; lest their general practice should make them ( in mens opinions ) degenerate from crimes to vertues . i would that our scruplers had set their stomachs against these vices , and we should soon have been brethren . now ( to turn the tables a little ) i become a petitioner for liberty of conscience , to wit , that it may be lawfull for priest and people ( without fear of bailiffs or common arrests ) to repair to and retire from their parish-churches upon sundays : lest while your acts command attendance on divine service , and arrests forbid them , they be forced upon transgressions . now , sir , by this you may see my sense of these authours and their designs , and what i imagine to be more wholesome counsell . if you wonder at my style , as too biting for my temper ; i alledge , that the spirit of meekness can be but of little use against a party that want modesty . besides , the nature of this case is such , that the discovery of these mens crimes is a confutation of their cause . and our saviour ( though meek and lowly ) found a whip for the temple-beasts , never using bitterer expressions then to the saint-like hypocrites . wolves in sheeps cloathing are double-skinn'd , and must not be whipp'd with a nosegay . they cry , with the donatists , nos soli homines , caeteri canes & sues ; proclaim each other godly and serious men : so that to have smothered the truth , had been to conspire with the devil to their damnation . upon these reasons i stand at the bar of your candid censure for my severity , rejoycing that your honour will be concerned in the interest of christ's church , and not , like the gallio's of our age , care for none of these things . what now remains for me , but to lay down my pen , and take up my prayers , that god would grant england to speak the same things , and think the same things , and doe the same things ; and that ( at length ) all animosities laid aside , we may all with one heart and one mouth glorifie the god of our fathers ; so that , maugre all opposition , england may again appear a nation at unity within it self ? which shall be the daily prayer and endeavour of dated from my study , apr. . . your honour 's most humble servant , abraham philotheus . finis . to the king and both houses of parliament, (who have made laws and decrees, and caused them to be put in execution, to restrain and prohibit people from having the liberty of their consciences in the exercise of the worship of god) : this is sent as a warning from the lord. coale, josiah, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) to the king and both houses of parliament, (who have made laws and decrees, and caused them to be put in execution, to restrain and prohibit people from having the liberty of their consciences in the exercise of the worship of god) : this is sent as a warning from the lord. coale, josiah, ?- . england and wales. parliament. england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles ii) sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london : ] signed: ... kingstone upon thames the th of the th month, ... jo. coale. appears at : as wing ( nd ed.) item c a. reproduction of original in: friends' library (london, england). created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- england -- early works to . persecution -- england -- sources. broadsides -- england -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the king and both houses of parliament , ( who have made laws and decrees , and caused them to be put in execution , to restrain and prohibit people from having the liberty of their consciences in the exercise of the worship of god ) this is sent as a warning from the lord . friends , what do you mean by these practices ? or what do you expect to bring to pass by these your undertakings and proceedings ? do you think thereby to root out the holy seed and royal off-spring of god , which he hath raised and brought forth in these north parts of the world , to rule and reign ( according to his promise made by the mouths of his prophets in ages past ) to which nations must bow and bend , and become subject ; i tell you plainly and truly , that if this be your expectation ( which your proceedings give me cause to believe it is ) you will certainly fail therein ; and god will assuredly frustrate these your expectations , and by this very way and means that you take to suppress and root out the people of god from having a being amongst you , even thereby you will provoke the lord to root you out , if you persist therein : wherefore beware , lest that which you think ( and expect ) to bring upon the people of god , be by the hand of god brought upon your selves . for ( be it known unto you ) the lord god almighty is with his people of a truth , whom you have turned your sword and power against ; and what is done unto them , he certainly takes as done unto himself ; and in as much as you go about to suppress his people , or to limit them in the exercise of their consciences towards god , you therein are found fighters against god , and thereby you go about to stop and hinder the work of god ; which will be as hard for you to do , as it was for saul to kick against the pricks of the witness of god in his own conscience : wherefore consider these things , and remember that many warnings and tender visitations of love the lord hath sent unto you in times past ( which you have little regarded hitherto , but go on exercising cruelty towards the people of god ) and now at this time also i am moved ( and it is upon my heart ) by the spirit of the lord , to lay these things before you , and do tell you in plainness what the lord will do and bring to pass in despite of all that you can do who seek to oppose him : for , notwithstanding the many laws and decrees which you have made or shall make , yet the work of the lord which he hath certainly begun , that shall go on and increase , and the truth must flourish and prosper , and spread forth its self , and the kingdoms of the world must become the kingdoms of our lord and of his christ , according to his promise ; and they that will not bow unto his throne and government , who is king of kings , ( whose right it is to rule in the consciences of people , and to bear the government there , and to exercise them in matters of worship towards god ) but will seek to stop and limit him and his government there , even such must and shall be broken by him , and bruised under by his eternal power ; the lord hath said and spoken it , and it must come to pass . wherefore friends , be you once more warned that you meddle no more with the consciences of people , so as to go about to limit them in matters relating to the service of god ( for it 's not the place of a civil magistrate to meddle or have to do with those things ) but leave them free in those things to do as they are perswaded in their own consciences by the light of the spirit of the lord ; for you cannot give an account unto god for them if they do amiss , but they must all ( and so must you also ) give an account unto god , every one for himself : and this is just and equal that ( in things of this nature ) every one should be left to the exercise of the spirit of the lord in his own heart ; because that spiritual worship consisteth in obedience to the spirit of god , and you your selves would not be willing to be prohibited from , or denied of this liberty ; but ( i dare say ) you would look upon it to be a very great oppression unto you , to be restrained ( by any civil power or goverment ) from that , which by the spirit and power of god you were perswaded in your consciences you ought to do ; and you could not but judge that those ( who should go about to lay or impose such a restriction upon you ) did do unto you as they themselves would not be done by ; and so ye might wel conclude that it were unrighteousness in them so to do : wherefore if you seriously consider whether this unrighteousness and oppression be not found in you , i know you cannot but lay your hands upon your mouths and confess , guilty . so let my counsel be ( at this time ) received by you , and take my advice ( as from one that hath received the counsel of the lord , and ( in measure ) knows the mind of the lord by the revelation of his spirit as touching this matter ) that is this : shake your selves out of these cruel practices of persecuting about religion and worship , and lay aside these cruel impositions , which are and have been laid upon the people of god , by reason whereof many ( who are dear unto the lord ) have suffered very greatly ; some the loss of their liberties , and some the loss of their lives , occasioned through being thrust together in noisom holes and prisons , and others are obnoxious to exilement from their wives and children , and from their native country & dearest relations , and no evil at all justly charged against any of these , for which these cruel sufferings are inflicted upon them ; 't is only for worshipping god in spirit that these sufferings are sustained by them , that is the greatest charge that hath been by you at all proved against them ; and for these things sake the lord's controversie is certainly great with you , and will you continue in these things through which you have provoked the lord to anger ? his wrath will not be appeased towards you , neither can your government be established in safety , nor you cannot establish your selves in safety and security , for fear will surprize you ( while you go on in these practices ) because of the guilt that is upon your consciences ; and although we cannot , neither do we desire to make outward opposition against you by plottings and insurrections , &c. ( out of which things god almighty hath redeemed us , and hath brought us into his covenant of peace , and unto his mountain of holiness , where nothing hurts nor destroyes ) yet we know that the lord is with us , & on our side , and takes our part , will plead our cause and fight for us , and he is stronger ●han you all ; and his power is above yours , and our trust and confidence is in him alone , and not in the arm of flesh : and it s in vain for you to strive against him , or to oppose or resist him ; for he will in the end be too hard for you , and will break you to pieces as a potters vessel of clay , except you repent . and now friends , there is but one only way by which you may or can possibly escape and prevent the dreadful judgments of the lord , or by which his anger may be appeased which is kindled against you , and that is this ; to humble your selves before the lord , and to repent of the evil of your doings , and to loose the bands of iniquity , and to undo the heavy burdens , and let the oppressed go free , and turn the sword against the evil-doers , and suppress vice and profaneness , and do not tolerate licentiousness and those wicked practices ( as rioting , drunkenness , stage-playes , and the like ) which day by day even greatly abounds in your streets , while the servants of the lord lie in noisome holes and prisons ; and give liberty of conscience unto the people of god to worship him ( which is the main thing that i contend with you for ) that the servants of the lord may have free liberty to labour for the reducing of people from those afore-mentioned , and all other vices , which tend to the destruction of youth , and to the destroying both of soul and body : and this is the way for you ( if there be any ) to purchase the good-will and favour of god , and to be established in safety and security in your government ; and if any ( who are self-seekers and time-servers ) shall ( for self-ends ) counsel you otherwayes , such ( you shall know in the day of the lord ) are evil counsellors , and ought not to be received by you , but denied . and friends , one thing more i would present to your consideration , which hath been oft laid before you in times past , and as oft forgotten by you , that is this ; what hath been the ground and original cause of all the late overturnings which have been in this nation ? if it be rightly weighed and considered , will it not appear that cruelty and oppression of mens consciences in matters relating to the service of god , was the main original cause thereof ? i confess i cannot but marvel that you should be so blinded ( with your present prosperity ) that you cannot see and consider these things , and labour to avoid that which was the cause of their overthrow and ruine that are gone before you , but to run on so headlong and inconsiderate , as though you were hastning with desire to bring the wrath of god upon you : for mark friends , when did any escape the hand of god in any age or generation , or where were any established in safety that took in hand this work of oppression , and persecuting the seed of god and his people ? consider from pharaoh ( that great oppressor ) unto this day , and you will find that in all ages , this work of persecuting and oppressing the people of god , was the very cause of the overthrow and ruine of the persecutors ; as for instance , the great persecution and cruelty that was exercised by the then powers of the nation in queen maries dayes ; what was the issue thereof ? was it not the very overthrow and rooting out of that persecuting power , religion , and faith ? &c. and doth not their name ( who exercised that cruelty ) remain as an ill savour unto all sober people ( truly fearing god ) unto this day ? and could they by all their tyranny then exercised , root out or extinguish that faith and religion , that they then strook at ? nay , they could not , though it was but ( as i may say ) the beginning of reformation and coming out of the apostasie ; but its true indeed , they killed , destroyed , and murthered many , but blessed be the lord that did not shake the rest so , as to make them fall , but rather establish them . and certainly friends , although you should be permitted ( as they were ) to destroy many of us by your laws and decrees made , or to be made , yet you cannot thereby destroy the faith of others , neither can you possibly accomplish your desire , nor root out the holy seed which is now sprung and risen , and must replenish nations , and cause the desolate places to be inhabited , though indeed you may thereby root out and destroy yourselves ; which is sad to consider . so friends , much more might be said unto you , and many sound reasons and arguments might be produced to convince you , how unsafe it is for you to persevere in this work of persecution and cruelty , but i know you will ( many of you , if not most of you ) kick against it , and harden your hearts , and will not believe ; wherefore i have chosen rather to be as brief as i may , only to discharge my conscience to you in the sight of the lord , that i may be clear of your blood , and so shall conclude even with a few words , telling you , that this work which you have begun , and put your hand unto , will be too hard for you ; for when did ever any yet rise up against the lord and prosper ? or do you think to prevail against the ancient of dayes , although your predecessors could not ? o nay , it cannot be . but then you will say , that it is not the work of god that you oppose , but heresie and sedition , &c. i answer ; so said your predecessors , the persecutors in all generations , when they slew the prophets , and crucified the son of god , and persecuted the apostles ; they charged them with blasphemy and sedition , and turners of the world upside down , and said , the earth was not able to bear them , &c. yet that would not be a sufficient excuse for them in the day when god took vengeance , neither will it be a sufficient excuse for you in the day when you must ( all without respect of persons ) give an account unto god for all your deeds done in the body : wherefore beware lest that come upon you , which was spoken by the prophet of old , saying , behold ye despisers , and wonder , and perish , for i work a work in your dayes , a work which you can in no wise believe , though a man declare it unto you . written at kingstone upon thames the th of the th month , . i am a friend to the whole creation of god , and have the mind of the spirit of the lord , who wills not the death or destruction of any , but rather that all should return and live . jo. coale . a proclamation, anent field conventicles and house-meetings proclamations. - - scotland. sovereign ( - : charles ii) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a proclamation, anent field conventicles and house-meetings proclamations. - - scotland. sovereign ( - : charles ii) james ii, king of england, - . aut. sheet ([ ] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. . dated at end: edinburgh, the fifth day of october one thousand six hundred eights seven. and of our reign the third year. arms ; steele notation: defen- fit name. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c.. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -- scotland -- early works to . liberty of conscience -- early works to . liberty -- religious aspects -- early works to . great britain -- history -- james ii, - -- early works to . broadsides -- scotland - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion i r honi soit qui mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , anent field conventicles and house-meetings . james , by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our privy council , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , and to all and sundry our leidges and subjects , whom it effeirs ; greeting : whereas , we having by our proclamation of the twentieth of february last past , and our other proclamation of the twenty eight of june thereafter , explaining and extending the same in favours of all our subjects of this kingdom , of whatsoever profession , granted full liberty to them to meet , and serve god in their own way and manner , on the terms therein expresly mentioned ; yet we understanding , that several seditious preachers , and others declared fugitives , do , nevertheless of that our great and unexpected clemency and favour , meet in the open fields , aud there keep conventicles ( these rendevouzes of rebellion ) and that great numbers of persons of all sorts , do frequent these seditious meetings , and many in arms : we have thought fit therefore , with advice of our privy council , hereby to declare , that not only all such persons ( whether preachers or hearers , that shall presume to be at any conventicle in the open fields ) but also , all dissenting ministers , who shall take upon them to preach in houses , without observing such directions as are prescribed by our said late proclamation ▪ viz. that nothing be preached or taught among them , which may any way tend to alienat the hearts of our people from vs , or our government , and that their meetings be peaceable , openly , and publickly held , and all persons freely admitted to them , and that they do signifie and make known to some one or moe of our next privy counsellors , sheriffs , stewarts , baillies , justices of peace , or magistrats of royal burrows , what place or places they set apart for these uses , with the names of the preachers ; shall be prosecuted with the utmost rigor and severity that our laws , acts of parliament , and constitutions of this our ancient kingdom , will allow : requiring hereby all our officers , civil and military , and al● other our good subjects , who are , or may be any way concerned in the execution thereof , to see this our royal will and pleasure duly performed , and put in execution , conform to our saids laws , acts of parliament , and constitutions aforesaid , every manner of way , as is thereby prescribed , and under the pains and certifications therein-mentioned ; and to the end our said proclamation of the twenty eight of june last , may receive due obedience , we , with advice foresaid , do strictly require all such as shall preach , by vertue thereof , at any time , or in any place , to make intimat●on of their preaching , as to the time and place before their meetings ▪ to some one , or moe of our next privy counsellors , sheriffs , stewarts , baillies , justices of peace , or magistrats of our royal burrows , and of their fixing their abodes there , which shall be sufficient to them during their residence at that place , or places , only ; and in case they be transient preachers , that they give the same intimation to some one , or moe of our privy council , or others aforesaid , both , as they will be answereable . and further , we , in prosecution of our said late proclamation , do hereby require all and every person aforesaid , to whom such intimation shall be given respectivè , to send in to the clerks of our privy council , once every moneth , the name and sirname of the persons preachers , and the times and places of their meetings , as they will answer the contrary at their peril ; and that our royal pleasure in the premisses may be known , and due and exact obedience given thereto ; our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent , these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and all the other mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the shires of this kingdom , and other places needful , and there , in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make publication of our pleasure in the premisses , that none may pretend ignorance . given under our signet at edinburgh , the fifth day of october one thousand six hundred eighty seven . and of our reign the third year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . col . m ckenzie , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. . a letter, containing some reflections on his majesties declaration for liberty of conscience dated the fourth of april, burnet, gilbert, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a letter, containing some reflections on his majesties declaration for liberty of conscience dated the fourth of april, burnet, gilbert, - . defoe, daniel, ?- . p. s.n., [london : ] caption title. attributed also to daniel defoe. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -- sovereign ( - : james ii). -- his majesties gracious declaration to all his loving subjects for liberty of conscience. liberty of conscience. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter , containing some reflections on his majesties declaration for liberty of conscience . dated the fourth of april , . sir , i. i thank you for the favour of sending me the late declaration that his majesty has granted for liberty of conscience . i confess , i longed for it with great impatience , and was surprised to find it so different from the scotch pattern ; for i imagined , that it was to be set to the second part of the same tune : nor can i see why the penners of this have sunk so much in their stile ; for i suppose the same men penned both . i expected to have seen the imperial language of absolute power , to which all the subjects are to obey without reserve ; and of the cassing , annulling , the stopping , and disabling of laws set forth in the preamble and body of this declaration ; whereas those dreadful words are not to be found here : for instead of repealing the laws , his majesty pretends by this only to suspend them ; and tho in effect this amounts to a repeal , yet it must be confessed that the words are softer . now since the absolute power , to which his majesty pretends in scotland , is not founded on such poor things as law ; for that would look as if it were the gift of the people ; but on the divine authority , which is supposed to be delegated to his majesty , this may be as well claimed in england as it was in scotland : and the pretention to absolute power is so great a thing , that since his majesty thought fit once to claim it , he is little beholding to those that make him fall so much in his language ; especially since both these declarations have appeared in our gazettes ; so that as we see what is done in scotland , we know from hence what is in some peoples hearts , and what we may expect in england . ii. his majesty tells his people , that the perfect injoyment of their property has never been in any case invaded by him since his coming to the crown . this is indeed matter of great incouragement to all good subjects ; for it lets them see , that such invasions , as have been made on property , have been done without his majesties knowledge : so that no doubt the continuing to levy the customes and the additional excise ( which had been granted only during the late kings life , ) before the parliament could meet to renew the grant , was done without his majesties knowledge ; the many violences committed not only by soldiers , but officers , in all the parts of england , which are severe invasions on property , have been all without his majesties knowledge ; and since the first branch of property is the right that a man has to his life , the strange essay of mahometan government , that was shewed at taunton ; and the no less strange proceedings of the present lord chancellour , in his circuit after the rebellion ( which are very justly called his campagne , for it was an open act of hostility to all law ) and for which and other services of the like nature , it is believed he has had the reward of the great seal , and the executions of those who have left their colours , which being founded on no law , are no othet than so many murders ; all these , i say , are as we are sure , invasions on property ; but since the king tells us , that no such invasions have been made since he came to the crown , we must conclude that all these things have fallen out without his privity . and if a standing army , in time of peace , has been ever lookt on by this na●ion as an attempt upon the whole property of the nation in gross , one must conclude , that even this is done without his majesties knowledge . iii. his majesty expresses his charity for us in a kind wish , that we were all members of the catholick church ; in return to which we offer up daily our most earnest prayers for him , that he may become a member of the truly catholick church : for wishes and prayers do no hurt on no side : but his majesty adds , that it has ever been his opinion , that conscience ought not to be constrained , nor people forced in matters of meer religion . we are very happy if this continues to be always his sense : but we are sure in this he is no obedient member of that which he means by the catholick church : for it has over and over again decreed the extirpation of hereticks . it encourages princes to it , by the offer of the pardon of their sins ; it threatens them to it , by denouncing to them not only the judgments of god , but that which is more sensible , the loss of their dominions : and it seems they intend to make us know that part of their doctrine even before we come to feel it , since tho some of that communion would take away the horror which the fourth council of the lateran gives us , in which these things were decreed , by denying it to be a general council , and rejecting the authority of those canons , yet the most learned of all the apostates that has fallen to them from our church , has so lately given up this plea , and has so formally acknowledged the authority of that council , and of its canons , that it seems they think they are bound to this piece of fair dealing , of warning us before hand of our danger . it is true bellarmin sayes , the church does not always execute her power of deposing heretical princes , tho she always retains it : one reason that he assigns , is , because she is not at all times able to put it in execution : so the same reason may perhaps make it appear unadviseable to extirpate hereticks , because that at present it cannot be done ; but the right remains entire ; and is put in execution in such an unrelenting manner in all places where that religion prevails , that it has a very ill grace , to see any member of that church speak in this strain : and when neither the policy of france , nor the greatness of their monarch , nor yet the interests of the emperour joyned to the gentleness of his own temper , could withstand these bloody councils , that are indeed parts of that religion , we can see no reason to induce us to believe , that a toleration of religion is proposed with any other design but either to divide us , or to lay us asleep , till it is time to give the alarm for destroying us . iv. if all the endeavours , that have been used in the last four reigns , for bringing the subjects of this kingdom to a unity in religion have been ineffectual , as his maj. says ; we know to whom we owe both the first beginnings and the progress of the divisions among our selves ; the gentleness of q. elisabeth's government , and the numbers of those that adhered to the church of rome , made it scarce possible to put an end to that party during her reign , which has been ever since restless , and has had credit enough at court during the three last reigns , not only to support it self , but to distract us , and to divert us from apprehending the danger of being swallowed up by them , by fomenting our own differences , and by setting on either a toleration , or a persecution , as it has hapned to serve their interests . it is not so very long since , that nothing was to be heard at court but the supporting the church of england , and the extirpating all the nonconformists : and it were easy to name the persons , if it were decent , that had this ever in their mouths ; but now all is turned round again , the church of england is in disgrace ; and now the encouragment of trade , the quiet of the nation , and the freedom of conscience are again in vogue , that were such odious things but a few years ago , that the very mentioning them was enough to load any man with suspitions as backward in the king's service , while such methods are used , and the government is as in an ague , divided between hot and cold fits , no wonder if laws so unsteadily executed have failed of their effect . v. there is a good reserve here left for severity when the proper opportunity to set it on presents it self : for his majesty declares himself only against the forcing of men in matters of meer religion : so that whensoever religion and policy come to be so interwoven , that meer religion is not the case , and that publick safety may be pretended , then this declaration is to be no more claimed : so that the fastning any thing upon the protestant religion , that is inconsistent with the publick peace , will be pretended to shew that they are not persecuted for meer religion . in france , when it was resolved to extirpate the protestants , all the discourses that were written on that subject were full of the wars occasioned by those of the religion in the last age , tho as these were the happy occasions of bringing the house of bourbon to the crown , they had been ended above . years ago , and there had not been so much as the least tumult raised by them these . years past : so that the french , who have smarted under this severity , could not be charged with the least infraction of the law : yet stories of a hundred years old were raised up to inspire into the king those apprehensions of them , which have produced the terrible effects that are visible to all the world. there is another expression in this declaration , which lets us likewise see with what caution the offers of favour are now worded , that so there may be an occasion given when the time and conjuncture shall be favourable to break thro them all : it is in these words , so that they take especial care that nothing be preached or taught amongst them , which may any ways tend to alienate the hearts of our people from us or our government . this in it self is very reasonable , and could admit of no exception , if we had not to do with a set of men , who to our great misfortune have so much credit with his majesty , and who will be no sooner lodged in the power to which they pretend , than they will make every thing that is preached against popery pass for that which may in some manner alienate the subjects from the king. vi. his majesty makes no doubt of the concurrence of his two houses of parliament , when he shall think it convenient for them to meet . the hearts of kings are unsearchable ; so that it is a little too presumptuous to look into his majesties secret thoughts : but according to the judgments that we would make of other mens thoughts by their actions , one would be tempted to think , that his majesty made some doubt of it , since his affairs both at home and abroad could not go the worse , if it appeared that there were a perfect understanding between him and his parliament , and that his people were supporting him with fresh supplies ; and this house of commons is so much at his devotion , that all the world saw how ready they were to grant every thing that he could desire of them , till he began to lay off the mask with relation to the test , and since that time the frequent prorogations , the closetting , and the pains that has been taken to gain members , by promises made to some , and the disgraces of others , would make one a little inclined to think , that some doubt was made of their concurrence . but we must confess , that the depth of his majesties judgment is such , that we cannot fathom it , and therefore we cannot guess what his doubts or his assurances are . it is true , the words that come after unriddle the mystery a little , which are , when his majesty shall think it convenient for them to meet : for the meaning of this seems plain , that his maj. is resolved , that they shall never meet , till he receives such assurances , in a new round of closetting , that he ●hall be put out of doubt concerning it . vii . i will not enter into the dispute concerning liberty of conscience , and the reasons that may be offered for it to a session of parliament ; for there is scarce any one point , that either with relation to religion , or politicks , affords a greater variety of matter for reflection : and i make no doubt to say , that there is abundance of reason to oblige a parliament to review all the penal laws , either with relation to papists , or to dissenters : but i will take the boldness to add one thing , that the kings's suspending of laws strikes at the root of this whole government , and subverts it quite : for if there is any thing certain with relation to the english government , it is this , that the executive power of the law is entirely in the king ; and the law to fortisy him in the management of it has clothed him with a vast prerogative , and made it unlawful upon any pretence whatsoever to resist him : whereas on the other hand , the legislative power is not so entirely in the king , but that the lords and commons have such a share in it , that no law can be either made , repealed , or which is all one suspended , but by their consent : so that the placing this legislative power singly in the king , is a subversion of this whole government ; since the essence of all governments consists in the subjects of the legislative authority ; acts of violence or injustice , committed in the executive part , are such things that all princes being subject to them , the peace of mankind were very ill secured if it were not unlawful to resist upon any pretence taken from any ill administrations , in which as the law may be doubtful , so the facts may be uncertain , and at worst the publick peace must alwayes be more valued than any private oppressions or injuries whatsoever . but the total subversion of a government , being so contrary to the trust that is given to the prince who ought to execute it , will put men upon uneasy and dangerous inquiries : which will turn little to the advantage of those who are driving matters to such a doubtful and desperate issue . viii . if there is any thing in which the exercise of the legislative power seems indispensable , it is in those oaths of allegeance and tests , that are thought necessary to qualify men either to be admitted to enjoy the protection of the law , or to bear a share in the government ; for in these the security of the government is chiefly concerned ; and therefore the total extinction of these , as it is not only a suspension of them , but a plain repealing of them , so it is a subverting of the whole foundation of our government : for the regulation that king and parliament had set both for the subjects having the protection of the state by the oath of allegeance , and for a share in places of trust by the tests , is now pluckt up by the roots , when it is declared , that these shall not at any time hereafter be required to be taken , or subscribed by any persons whatsoever : for it is plain , that this is no suspension of the law , but a formal repeal of it , in as plain words as can be conceived . ix . his majesty says , that the benefit of the service of all his subjects is by the law of nature inseparably annexed to and inherent in his sacred person . it is somewhat strange , that when so many laws , that we all know are suspended , the law of nature , which is so hard to be found out , should be cited ; but the penners of this declaration had b●st let that law lie forgotten among the rest ; for there is a scurvy paragraph in it , concerning self preservation , that is capable of very unacceptable glosses . it is hard to tell what section of the law of nature has markt out either such a form of government , or such a family for it . and if his majesty renounces his pretensions to our allegeance as founded on the laws of england ; and betakes himself to this law of nature , he will perhaps find the counsel was a little too rash ; but to make the most of this that can be , the law of nations or nature does indeed allow the governours of all societies a power to serve themselves of every member of it in the cases of extream danger ; but no law of nature that has been yet heard of will conclude , that if by special laws , a sort of men have been disabled from all imployments , that a prince who at his coronation swore to maintain those laws , may at his pleasure extinguish all these disabilities . x. at the end of the declaration , as in a postscript , his majesty assures his subjects , that he will maintain them in their properties , as well in church and abbey-lands , as other lands : but the chief of all their properties being the share that they have by their representatives in the legislative power ; this declaration , which breaks thro that , is no great evidence that the rest will be maintained : and to speak plainly , when a coronation oath is so little remembred , other promises must have a proportioned degree of credit given to them : as for the abbey lands , the keeping them from the church is according to the principles of that religion sacriledge ; and that is a mortal sin , and there can no absolution be given to any who continue in it : and so this promise being an obligation to maintain men in a mortal sin , is null and void of it self : church-lands are also according to the doctrine of their canonists , so immediatly gods right , that the pope himself is only the administrator and dispencer , but is not the master of them ; he can indeed make a truck for god , or let them so low , that god shall be an easy landlord : but he cannot alter gods property , nor translate the right that is in him to sacrilegious laymen and hereticks . xi . one of the effects of this declaration , will be the setting on foot a new run of addresses over the nation : for there is nothing how impudent and base soever , of which the abject flattery of a slavish spirit is not capable . it must be confest , to the reproach of the age , that all those strains of flattery among the romans , that tacitus sets forth with so much just scorn , are modest things , compared to what this nation has produced within these seven years : only if our flattery has come short of the refinedness of the romans , it has exceeded theirs as much in its loathed fulsomness . the late king set out a declaration , in which he gave the most solemn assurances possible of his adhering to the church of england , and to the religion established by law , and of his resolution to have frequent parliaments ; upon which the whole nation fell as it were into raptures of joy and flattery : but tho he lived four years after that , he called no parliament , notwithstanding the law for triennial parliaments : and the manner of his death , and the papers printed after his death in his name , have sufficiently shewed , that he was equally sincere in both those assurances that he gave , as well in that relating to religion , as in that other relating to frequent parliaments ; yet upon his death a new set of addresses appeared , in which , all that flattery could invent was brought forth , in the commendations of a prince , to whose memory the greatest kindness can be done , is to forget him : and because his present majesty upon his coming to the throne gave some very general promise of maintaining the church of england , this was magnified in so extravagant a strain , as if it had been a security greater than any that the law could give : tho by the regard that the king has both to it and to the laws , it appears that he is resolved to maintain both equally : since then the nation has already made it self sufficiently ridiculous both to the present and to all succeeding ages ; it is time that at last men should grow weary , and become ashamed of their folly. xii . the nonconformists are now invited to set an example to the rest : and they who have valued themselves hitherto upon their opposition to popery , and that have quarrelled with the church of england , for some small approaches to it , in a few ceremonies , are now solicited to rejoyce , because the laws that secure us against it , are all plucked up : since they enjoy at present and during pleasure leave to meet together . it is natural for all men to love to be set at ease , especially in the matters of their consciences ; but it is visible , that those who allow them this favour , do it with no other design , but that under a pretence of a general toleration , they may introduce a religion which must persecute all equally : it is likewise apparent how much they are hated , and how much they have been persecuted by the instigation of those who now court them , and who have now no game that is more promising , than the engaging them and the church of england into new quarrels : and as for the promises now made to them , it cannot be supposed that they will be more lasting than those that were made some time ago to the church of england , who had both a better title in law and greater merit upon the crown to assure them that they should be well used than these can pretend to . the nation has scarce forgiven some of the church of england the persecution into which they have suffered themselves to be cosened : tho now that they see popery barefaced , the stand that they have made , and the vigorous opposition that they have given to it , is that which makes all men willing to forget what is past , and raises again the glory of a church that was not a little stained by the indiscretion and weakness of those , that were too apt to believe and hope , and so suffered themselves to be made a property to those who would now make them a sacrifice . the sufferings of the nonconformists , and the fury that the popish party expressed against them , had recommended them so much to the compassions of the nation , and had given them so just a pretension to favour in a better time , that it will look like a curse of god upon them , if a few men , whom the court has gained to betray them , can have such an ill influence upon them as to make them throw away all that merit , and those compassions which their sufferings have procured them ; and to go and court those who are only seemingly kind to them , that they may destroy both them and us . they must remember that as the church of england is the only establishment that our religion has by law ; so it is the main body of the nation , and all the sects are but small and stragling parties : and if the legal settlement of the church is dissolved , and that body is once broken , these lesser bodies will be all at mercy : and it is an easy thing to define what the mercies of the church of rome are . xiii . but tho it must be confessed , that the nonconformists are still under some temptations , to receive every thing that gives them present ease , with a little too much kindness ; since they lie exposed to many severe laws , of which they have of late felt the weight very heavily , and as they are men , and some of them as ill natured men as other people , so it is no wonder if upon the first surprises of the declaration , they are a little delighted , to see the church of england , after all its services and submissions to the court , so much mortified by it ; so that taking all together it will not be strange if they commit some follies upon this occasion . yet on the other hand , it passes all imagination , to see some of the church of england , especially those whose natures we know are so particularly sharpned in the point of persecution , chiefly when it is levelled against the dissenters , rejoyce at this declaration , and make addresses upon it . it is hard to think that they have attained to so high a pitch of christian charity , as to thank those who do now despitefully use them , and that as an earnest that within a little while they will persecute them . this will be an original , and a master piece in flattery , which must needs draw the last degrees of contempt on such as are capable of so abject and sordid a compliance , and that not only from all the true members of the church of england , but likewise from those of the church of rome it self ; for every man is apt to esteem an enemy that is brave even in his misfortunes , as much as he despises those whose minds sink with their condition . for what is it that these men would thank the king ? is it because he breaks those laws that are made in their favour , and for their protection : and is now striking at the root of all the legal settlement that they have for their religion ? or is it because that at the same time that the king professes a religion that condemns his supremacy , yet he is not contented with the exercise of it as it is warranted by law , but carries it so far as to erect a court contrary to the express words of a law that was so lately made : that court takes care to maintain a due proportion between their constitution and all their proceedings , that so all may be of a piece , and all equally contrary to law. they have suspended one bishop , only because he would not do that which was not in his power to do : for since there is no extrajudiciary authority in england , a bishop can no more proceed to a sentence of suspension against a clergy-man without a tryal , and the hearing of parties , than a judge can give a sentence in his chamber without an indictment , a tryal , or a iury : and because one of the greatest bodies of england would not break their oaths , and obey a mandate that plainly contradicted them , we see to what a pitch this is like to be carried . i will not anticipate upon this illegal court , to tell what iudgments are coming ; but without carrying our iealousies too far , one may safely conclude , that they will never depart so far from their first institution , as to have any regard , either to our religion , or our laws , or liberties , in any thing they do . if all this were acted by avowed papists , as we are sure it is projected by such , there were nothing extraordinary in it : but that which carries our indignation a little too far to be easily governed , is to see some pretended protestants , and a few bishops , among those that are the fatal instruments of pulling down the church of england , and that those mercenaries sacrifice their religion and their church to their ambition and interests ; this has such peculiar characters of misfortune upon it , that it seems it is not enough if we perish without pity , since we fall by that hand that we have so much supported and fortifyed , but we must become the scorn of all the world , since we have produced such an unnatural brood , that even while they are pretending to be the sons of the church of england , are cutting their mother's throat : and not content with judas's crime , of saying , hail master , and kissing him , while they are betraying him into the hands of others ; these carry their wickedness further , and say , hail mother , and then they themselves murther her . if after all this we were called on to bear this as christians ; and to suffer it as subjects ; if we were required in patience to possess our own souls , ând to be in charity with our enemies ; and which is more , to forgive our false brethren , who add treachery to their hatred ; the exhortation were seasonable , and indeed a little necessary ; for humane nature cannot easily take down things of such a hard digestion : but to tell us that we must make addresses , and offer thanks for all this , is to insult a little too much upon us in our sufferings : and he that can believe that a dry and cautiously worded promise of maintaining the church of england , will be religiously observed after all that we have seen , and is upon that carried so far out of his wits as to address and give thanks , and will believe still , such a man has nothing to excuse him from believing transubstantiation it self ; for it is plain that he can bring himself to believe even when the thing is contrary to the clearest evidence that his senses can give him . si populus hic vult decipi decipiatur . postscript . these reflections were writ soon after the declaration came to my hands , but the matter of them was so tender , and the conveyance of them to the press was so uneasy , that they appear now too late to have one effect that was designed by them , which was , the diverting men from making addresses upon it ; yet if what is here proposed makes men become so far wise as to be ashamed of what they have done , and is a means to keep them from carrying their courtship further than good words , this paper will not come too late . finis . their highness the prince & princess of orange's opinion about a general liberty of conscience, &c. being a collection of four select papers. correspondence. selections fagel, gaspar, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , : ) their highness the prince & princess of orange's opinion about a general liberty of conscience, &c. being a collection of four select papers. correspondence. selections fagel, gaspar, - . stewart, james, sir, - . correspondence. selections. burnet, gilbert, - . [ ], p. printed and are to be sold by richard janeway, london : . reproduction of original in cambridge university library and huntington library. papers originally edited or translated by gilbert burnet. i. mijn heer fagel's first letter to mr. stewart -- ii. reflexions on monsieur fagel's letter -- iii. fagel's second letter to mr. stewart -- iv. some extracts, out of mr. stewart's letters, which were communicated to mijn heer fagel, together with some references to mr. stewart's printed letter. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based 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site . eng william -- iii, -- king of england, - . mary -- ii, -- queen of england, - . fagel, gaspar, - . liberty of conscience -- early works to . freedom of religion -- england -- early works to . church and state -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion their highness the prince & princess of orange's opinion about a general liberty of conscience , &c. being a collection of four select papers , viz. i. mijn heer fagel ' s first letter to mr. stewart . ii. reflexions on monsieur fagel's letter . iii. fagel's second letter to mr. stewart . iv. some extracts , out of mr. stewart's letters , which were communicated to mijn heer fagel . together with some references to mr. stewart's printed letter . london , printed , and are to be sold by richard janeway , in queens-head-alley in pater-noster-row . . a letter , writ by mijn heer fagel , pensioner of holland , to mr. james stewart , advocate ; giving an account of the prince and princess of orange's thoughts concerning the repeal of the test , and the penal laws . sir , i am extream sorry , that my ill health hath so long hindred me from answering those letters , in which you so earnestly desired to know of me , what their highnesses thoughts are , concerning the repeal of the penal laws , and more particularly of that concerning the test : i beg you to assure your self , that i will deal very plainly with you in this matter , and without reserve , since you say that your letters was writ by the king's knowledge and allowance . i must then first of all assure you very positively , that their highnesses have often declared , as they did more particularly to the marquis of albeville , his majesties envoy extraordinary to the states , that it is their opinion , that no christian ought to be persecuted for his conscience , or be ill used because he differs from the publick and and established religion : and therefore , they can consent , that the papists in england , scotland and ireland be suffered to continue in their religion , with as much liberty as is allowed them by the states in these provinces ; in which it cannot be denied , that they en●●y a full liberty of conscience . and as for the dissenters , their highnesses do not only consent , but do heartily approve of their having an entire liberty , for the full exercise of their religion , without any trouble or hindrance ; so that none may be able to give them the least disturbance upon that account . and their highnesses are very ready , in case his majesty shall think fit to desire it , to declare their willingness to concur in the settling , and confirming this liberty , and as far as it lies in them , they will protect and defend it , and according to the language of treaties , they will confirm it with their guarranty , of which you made mention in yours . and if his majesty shall think fit fuether to desire their concurrence in the repealing of the penal laws , they are ready to give it ; provided always that those laws remain still in their full vigour , by which the r. catholicks are shut out of both houses of parliament , and out of all publick employments , ecclesiastical , civil and military ; as likewise all those other laws , which confirm the protestant religion , and which secures it against all the attempts of the roman catholicks . but their highnesses cannot agree to the repeal of the test , or of those other penal laws last mentioned , that tend to the security of the protestant religion ; since the r. catholicks receive no other prejudice from these , than the being excluded from parliaments , or from publick employments . and that by them the protestant religion is covered from all the designs of the r. catholicks against it , or against the publick safety ; and neither the test nor these other laws can be said to carry in them any severity against the roman catholicks upon account of their consciences : they are only provisions qualifying men to be members of parliament , or to be capable of bearing office ; by which they must declare before god and men , that they are for the protestant religion . so that indeed , all this amounts to no more than a securing the protestant religion from any prejudices that it may receive from the r. catholicks . their highnesses have thought and do still think , that more than this ought not to be askt , or expected from them : since by this means , the r. catholicks and their posterity will be for ever secured from all trouble in their persons or estates , or in the exercise of their religion ; and that the roman catholicks ought to be satisfied with this , and not to disquiet the kingdom because they cannot be admitted to sit in parliament , or to be in employments ; or because those laws , in which the security of the protestant religion does chiefly consist , are not repealed , by which they may be put in a condition to overturn it . their highnesses do also believe , that the dissenters will be fully satisfied when they shall be for ever covered from all danger of being disturbed , or punished for the free exercise of their religion , upon any sort of pretence whatsoever . their highnesses having declared themselves so positively in these matters , it seems very plain to me , that they are far from being any hindrance to the freeing the dissenters from the severity of the penal laws ; since they are ready to use their utmost endeavours for the establishing of it ; nor do they at all press the denying to the roman catholicks the exercise of their religion , provided it be managed modestly , and without pomp or ostentation . as for my own part , i ever was and still am very much against all those , who would persecute any christian because he differs from the publick and established religion : and i hope by the grace of god to continue still in the same mind ; for since that light , with which religion illuminates our mind , is according to my sense of things , purely an effect of the mercy of god to us , we ought then , as i think , to render to god all possible thanks for his goodness to us : and to have pity for those who are still shut up in error , even as god has pitied us , and to put up most earnest prayers to god , for bringing those into the way of truth , who stray from it , and to use all gentle and friendly methods for reducing them to it . but i confess , i could never comprehend how any that profess themselves christians , and that may enjoy their religion freely and without any disturbance , can judge it lawful for them to go about to disturb the quiet of any kingdom or state , or to overturn constitutions , that so they themselves may be admitted to employments , and that those laws in which the security and quiet of the established religion consists , should be shaken . it is plain , that the reformed religion is by the grace of god and by the laws of the land , enacted by both king and parliament , the publick and established religion both in england , scotland and ireland and that it is provided by those laws , that none can be admitted either to a place in parliament , or to any publick employment except those that do openly declare , that they are of the protestant religion , and not roman catholicks ; and it is also provided by those laws , that the protestant religion shall be in all time coming secured from the designs of the roman catholicks against it ; in all which i do not see , that these laws contain any severity , either against the persons or estates of those who cannot take those tests , that are contrary to the roman catholick religion ; all the inconveniences that can redound to them from thence , is , that their persons , their estates , and even the exercise of their religion being assured to them , only they can have no share in the government , nor in offices of ●rust , as long as their consciences do not allow them to take these tests : and they are not suffered to do any thing that is to the prejudice of the reformed religion . since , as i have already told you , their highnesses are ready to concur with his majesty for the repeal of those penal laws , by which men are made liable to fines or other punishments . so i see there remains no difficulty concerning the repealing the penal laws , but only this , that some would have the roman catholicks , render'd capable of all publick trusts and employments , and that by consequence , all those should be repealed that have secured the protestane religion against the designs of the r. catholicks , where others at the same time are not less earnest to have those laws maintained in their full and due vigour ; and think , that the chief security of the established religion consists in the preserving of them sacred and unshaken . it is certain , that there is no kingdom , commonwealth , or any constituted body or assembly whatsoever , in which there are not laws made for the safety thereof ; and that provide against all attempts whatsoever , that disturb their peace , and that prescribe the conditions and qualities that they judge necessary for all that shall bear employments in that kingdom , state or corporation : and no man can pretend , that there is any injury done him , that he is not admitted to imployments when he doth not satisfie the conditions and qualities required . nor can it be denied , that there is a great difference to be observed in the conduct of those of the reformed religion , and of the roman catholicks towards one another : the roma catholicks not being satisfied to exclude the reformed from all places of profit or of trust , they do absolutely suppress the whole exercise of that religion , and severely persecute all that profess it ; and this they do in all those places where it is safe and without danger , to carry on that rigour . and i am sorry that we have at this present so many deplorable instances of this severity before our eyes , that is at the same time put in practice in so many different places . i would therefore gladly see one single good reason to move a protestant that fears god , and that is concerned for his religion , to consent to the repealing of those laws that have been enacted by the authority of king and parliament , which have no other tendency but to the security of the reformed religion , and to the restraining of the roman catholicks from a capacity of overturning it ; these laws inflict neither fines nor punishments , and do only exclude the roman catholicks from a share in the government , who by being in employments must needs study to increase their party , and to gain to it more credit and power , which by what we see every day , we must conclude , will be extreamly dangerous to the reformed religion , and must turn to its great prejudice : since in all places , those that are in publick employments , do naturally favour that religion of which they are , either more or less . and who would go about to perswade me or any man else to endeavour to move their highnesses , whom god hath honoured so far as to make them the protectors of his church , to approve of , or to consent to things so hurtful , both to the reformed religion and to the publick safety . nor can i , sir , with your good leave , in any way grant what you apprehend , that no prejudice will thereby redound to the reformed religion . i know it is commonly said the number of the roman catholicks in england and scotland is very inconsiderable ; and that they are possessed only of a very small number of the places of trust : tho even as to this , the case is quite different in ireland : yet this you must of necessity grant me , that if their numbers are small , then it is not reasonable that the publick peace should be disturbed on the account of so few persons , especially when so great a favour may be offered to them ; such as the free exercise of their religion would be : and if their numbers are greater , then there is so much the more reason to be affraid of them ; i do indeed believe that roman catholicks , as things at present stand , will not be very desirous to be in publick offices and imployments , nor that they will make any attempts upon the reformed religion , both because this contrary to law , and because of the great inconveniences that this may bring at some other time both on their persons , and their estates : yet if the restraints of the law were once taken off , you would see them brought into the government , and the chief offices and places of trust would be put in thnir hands ; no will it be easy to his majesty to resist them in this , how stedfast soever he may be ; for they will certainly press him hard in it , and they will represent this to the king , as a matter in which his conscience will be concerned ; and when they are possessed of the publick offices , what will be left for the protestants to do , who will find no more the support of the law , and can expect little encouragement from such magistrates ? and on the other hand , the advantages that the r. catholicks would find in being thus set loose from all restraints , are so plain , that it were a loss of time to go about the proving it . i neither can or will doubt of the sincerity of his majesties intentions , and that he has no other design before him in this matter , but that all his subjects may enjoy in all things the same rights and freedoms . but plain reason , as well as the experience of all ages , the present as well as the past shews , that it will be impossible for r. catholicks and protestants , when they are mixed together in places of trust and publick employments , to live together peaceably , or to maintain a good correspondence together . they will be certainly always jealous of one another ; for the principles and the maxims of both religions are so opposite to one another , that in my opinion i do not see how it will be in the power of any prince or king whatsoever , to keep down those suspitions and animosities , which will be apt to arise upon all occasions . as for that which you apprehend , that the dissenters shall not be delivered from the penal laws that are made against them , unless at the same time the test be likewise repealed : this will be indeed a great unhappiness to them ; but the roman catholicks are only to blame for it , who will rather be content that they and their posterity should lie still under the weight of the penal laws , and exposed to the hatred of the whole nation , than be still restrained from a capacity of attempting any thing against the peace and the security of the protestans religion , and be deprived of that small advantage ( if it is at all to be reckoned one ) of having a share in the government and publick employments ; since in all places of the world his has been always the priviledge of the religion that is established by law ; and indeed these attempts of the roman catholicks ought to be so much the more suspected and guarded against by protestants , in that they see that roman catholicks , even when liable to the severity of penal laws , do yet endeavour to perswade his majesty , to make the protestants , whether they will or not , dissolve that security which they have for their religion : and to clear a way for bringing in the roman catholicks to the government , and to publick employments : in which case there would remain no relief for them but what were to be expected from a roman catholick government . such then will be very unjust to their highnesses , who shall blame them for any inconveniency that may arise from thence ; since they have declared themselves so freely on this subject , and that so much to the advantage even of the roman catholicks . and since the settlement of matters sticks at this single point , that their highnesses cannot be brought to consent to things that are so contrary to laws already in being , and that are so dangerous and so hurtful to the protestant religion , as the admitting of roman catholicks to a share in the government , and to places of trust , and the repealing of those laws , that can have no other effect but the securing of the protestant religion from all the attempts of the roman catholicks against it would be . you write , that the roman catholicks in these provinces are not shut out from the employments and places of trust ; but in this you are much mistaken . for our laws are express , excluding them by name from all share in the government , and from all employments either of the policy or justice of our country . it is true , i do not know of any express law , that shuts them out of military employments ; that had indeed been hard , since in the first formation of our state they joyned with us in defending our publick liberty , and did us eminent service during the wars ; therefore they were not shut out from those military employments ; for the publick safety was no way endanger'd by this , both because their numbers that served in our troops were not great , and because the states could easily prevent any inconvenience that might arise out of that ; which could not have been done so easily , if the roman catholicks had been admitted to a share in the government , and in the policy or justice of our state i am very certain of this , of which i could give very good proofs , that there is nothing which their highnesses desire so much , as that his majesty may reign happily , and in an entire confidence with his subjects ; and that his subjects being perswaded of his majesties fatherly affection to them , may be ready to make him all the returns of duty that are in th●●● power . but their highnesses are convinced in their consciences , that both the protestant religion , and the safety of the nation , will be exposed to most certain dangers , if either the test , or those other penal laws , of which i have made frequent mention , should be repealed ; therefore they cannot consent to this , nor concur with his majesty's will ; for they believe , they should have much to answer for to god , if the consideration of any present advantages should carry them to consent and concur in things which they believe would be not only dangerous , but mischievous to the protestant religion . their highnesses have ever pay'd a most profound duty to his majesty whcih they will always continue to do ; for they consider themselves bound to it , both by the laws of god , and of nature : but since the matter that is now in hand , relates not to the making of new laws , but to the total repealing of those already made both by king and parliament : they do not see how it can be expected of them , that they should consent to such a repeal , to which they have so just an aversion , as being a thing that is contrary to the laws and customs of all christian states , whether protestants or papists , who receive ●one to a share in the government , or to publick employments , but those who profess the publick and established religion , and that take care to secure it against all attempts whatsoever . i do not think it necessary to demonstrate to you how much their highnesses are devoted to his majesty , of which they have given such real evidences as are beyond all verbal ones ; and they are resolved still to continue in the same duty and affection ; or rather to encrease it , if that is possible . i am , sir , yours , &c. novemb. . . amsterdam , printed in the year ● reflexions on monsieur fagel's letter . sir , i shall endeavour to answer yours as fully and briefly as possible . . you desire to know whether the letter i sent you be truly monsieur fagel's or not . . whether their highnesses gave him commission to write it . . how far the dissenters may relie on their highnesses word . . what effects it has on all sorts of people . sir , roman catholicks may be pardoned if they endeavour to make that letter pass for an imposture , it is their interest so to do , and they are seldom wanting to promote that , let the methods be never so indirect which they are forced to make use of : it does indeed spoil many hopeful projects of theirs . but how any protestant among us can really doubt the truth of it , is strange to me . some things carry their own evidence along with them : i take this letter to be one of that kind . i do not desire you to believe me upon my bare affirmation that i know it to be genuine , ( tho this be most true ) but shall offer my reasons to convince you that it cannot be otherways . first , the letter is like its author , the matter is weighty , the reasoning solid , the stile grave , full and clear , like that of a lawyer : it has an air all over , which as well shews the religion and temper of its writer , as the matter and method of it do his capacity and judgment . now all these qualities make up the character of monsieur fagel . secondly , there are the same grounds to believe this letter to be m. fagel's , as there are to believe any thing you have not seen , viz. the constant asseverations of persons of undoubted credit that come from holland , who all agree in it , and assure us of it . m. fagel own'd it to several english gentlemen , and many both here and in holland knew two months ago that such a letter was written ; a forgery would before this time have been detected , esecially such a one as ruines the designs of the triumphing party . thirdly , it was written by m. fagel in answer to letters from mr. stewart , sent by his majesties special orders , and mr. stewart hath both an english and latin copy sent him : therefore the english copy is not called a translation , but it is a sort of original ; for you are not to doubt but the matter was ordered so , that her royal highness might peruse it as well as his majesty . in the next place you would know whether their highnesses gave order to monsieur fagel to write it . i wish sir , you would take the pains to read the letter over again , and consider who this monsieur fagel is ; he is pensionary of holland , and first ministor of state , raised to that dignity by the prince's favour , he answers letters written to him , which are ordered by his majesty to be communicated to their highnesses . in his answer , he gives an aceount of their highnesses opinions about the repeal of the penal laws and test ; matters of a national concern , and of the greatest importance . now you must have a strange opinion of monsieur fagel , if you think him capable of so great an indiscretion ( or rather imposture ) as to write such a letter of his own head. the letter it self demonstrates , that whoever writ it is no fool , and the circumstances i have marked show that he is no knave . and indeed the substance of it is not new , it only repeats to his maiesty the same answer which the prince and princess had formerly given to his majesties envoy there . in short , you may leave the whole matter to this plain issue : if this letter be a false one it will be disown'd , if a true one it will be owned . their highnesses love not to do things that will not bear the light. it is evident , they did not intend the matter of it should be a secret , having told it to monsieur d'albeville , as often as he ( in his discreet way ) necessitated them to do it . but how it came to be printed , i cannot inform you justly ; however you shall have my conjecture . i remember as soon as it was noised about town , that mr. stewart had received a letter of such a nature from monsieur fagel , care was taken that the writer of the common news letters which are dispersed over the kingdom , should insert in them that their highnesses had declared , themselves for the repeal of the test . this pias fraus might , i suppose , give occasion to the printing of the letter , as the wisdom and policy of our states-men ( in putting mr. stewart on writing such letters ) had procured it : i say letters , for monsieur fagel had five or six on that subject before he answered , so unwilling were they in holland to return an answer , since they could not give one that was pleasing , or do any thing that look'd like meddling . the third thing you desired to be satisfied in , is , whether the dissenters may rely on their highnesses word . i am as apt to mistrust princes promises as you are . but shall now give you my reasons , why i think the dissenters may safely do it . and at the same time , because of the affinity of the matter , i will tell you why i think we may all rely on their highnesses for our civil liberties , as well as the dissenters may do for liberty of conscience . much of what i have to say is equally applicable to them both , yet because i know you have had an account of her royal highness , better than i can give you , i shall for the most part , speak only of the prince . my first reason is the certainest of all reasons , that it will be his highnesses interest to settle matters at home , which only can be done by a legal toleration or comprehension in matters of religion ; and by restoring the civil liberties of the nation , so much invaded of late . that this will be his interest is evident , if his designs lye abroad , as it 's certain they do . designs at home and abroad at the same time are so inconsistent , that we see his majesty , though raised above his fears at home by his late victory ; and invited abroad , by all that can excite his appetite for glory , cannot reconcile them : the truth is , one that would undertake it , is in the same condition with officers that beat their men , to make them fight , they have enemies before and behind . but you may happily object , that princes do not always follow their true interests , of which it is not difficult in this age to give several fatal instances . i answer , that it is to be presumed that princes , as well as other men , will follow their interests till the contrary appear ; and if they be of an age to have taken their fold , and have till such age kept firm to their interests , the presumption grows strong ; but if their inclinations , the maxims of their families , the impressions of their education , and all their other circumstances do side with their interest , and lead them the same way , it is hardly credible they should ever quit it . now this being the present case , we have all the certainty that can be had in such matters . the prince of orange has above these years given so great proofs of his firmness and resolution , as well as of his capacity and conduct in opposing the grand ravisher ( i may add the betrayers too ) of liberty and religion , that he is deservedly ( by all impartial men ) own'd to be the head of the protestant interest : a headship , which no princes but the kings of england should have , and none but they would be without it . now one may rationally conclude , that when the prince shall joyn to his present possession of this headship , a more natural title , by being in a greater capacity to act , he will not degrade himself , nor lay aside designs and interests which ought to be the glory of england , as they are indeed the glory of his family , acquired and derived to him by the blood of his ancestors , and carried on and maintained by himself with so much honour and reputation . i might add here , that the prince is a man of a sedate even temper , full of thoughts and reflection : one that precipitates neither in thinking , speaking , nor acting ; is cautious in resolving and promising , but firm to his resolutions and exact in observing his word : inform your self , and you 'll find this a part of his character , and conclude from hence what may be presumed from his inclinations . now as to the maxims of his family , let us compare them a little where it may be decently done . the french king broke his faith to his protestant subjects , upon this single point of vain glory , that he might shew the world he was greater than most of his predecessors , who though they had the same inclinations , were not potent enough to pursue them effectually , as he has done , to the everlasting infamy of his name and reign . the maxims of the french kings have been to outvie each other , in robbing their neighbours , and oppressing their subjects by perfidiousness and cruelty . but those of the family of orange on the contrary , have been to rescue europe from its oppressors , and maintain the protestant interest , by vertue , truth , honour and resolution ; knowing that such methods are as necessary to make protestant princes and states flourish , as vice and oppression are to maintain popish government . no popish prince in europe can pretend to have kept his word to his protestant subjects , as the princes of orange have always done to their popish subjects at orange , and elsewhere ; and the papists have often broke their word to that family , and have been , and are its declared enemies ; and though the princes two great grand-fathers , admiral coligni , and prince william , were assassinated by the authority , and with the approbation of that whole party , yet it cannot be made appear , that ever the princes of that family failed in keeping their word , even to such enemies , or used their own popish subjects the worse for it , in making distinction between them and their other subjects , or influenc'd the states to use theirs so : i say the states , who allow their r. c. subjects all the priviledges of their other subjects , only they are kept by a test from having any share in the government , which is truly a kindness done them , considering that ill-natured humour of destroying all those that differ from them , which is apt to break out when that religion is in power . now the church of england may justly expect all sort of protection and countenance from the successors , when it 's their turn to give it , they have a legal right to it , and impartial dissenters must acknowledge , that of late they have deserved it . but as for the protestant dissenters , i think no honest man amongst them will apprehend , that their highnesses who keep their word to their popish enemies , will break it to protestant subject , tho differing from the publick establishment . the next thing i am to make good , is , that his highnesses education must have infused such principles as side with his interest : there must be a fatal infection in the english crown , if matters miscarry in his highnesses hands , his veins are full of the best protestant blood in the world : the reformation in france grew up under the conduct and influence of coligni . prince william founded the government of the united netherlands on the basis of property and liberty of conscience . his highness was bred and lives in that state which subsists and flourishes by adhering steadily to the maxims of its founder . he himself , both in his publick and private concerns , as well in the government of his family , and of such principalities as belong to him , as in that of the army , and in the dispensing of that great power which the states have given him , has as great regard to justice , vertue and true religion , as may compleat the character of a prince , qualified to make those he governs happy . it does not indeed appear , that their highnesses have any share of that devouring zeal which hath so long set the world on fire , and tempted thinking men to have a notion of religion it self , like that we have of the ancient paradice , as if it had never been more than an intended blessing , but all who have the honour to know their highnesses and their inclinations in matters of religion , are fully satisfied they have a truly christian zeal , and as much as is consistent with knowledge and charity . as to his highnesses circumstances , they will be such when his stars make way for him , as may convince our scepticks , that certain persons , times and things , are prepared for one another . i know not why we may not hope , that as his predecessors broke the yoke of the house of austria from off the neck of europe ; the honour of breakin● that of the house of bourbon is reserved for him . i am confident the nation will heartily joyn with him in his just resentments . resentments which they have with so much impatience long'd to find , and have miss'd with the greatest indignation in the hearts of their monarchs . his highness has at present , a greater influence on the councils of the most part of the princes of christendom , than possibly any king of england ever had . and this acquired by the weight of his own personal merit , which will no doubt grow up to a glorious authority when it is cloath'd with soveraign power . may i here mention ( to ●ay the jealousies of the most unreasonable of your friends ) that his highness will have only a borrowed title , which he may suppose will make him more catious in having designs at home , and his wanting children ( to our great misfortune ) will make him less solicitous to have such designs . but after all , it must be acknowledged , that in matters of this nature , the premises may seem very strong , and yet the conclusion not follow . humane infirmities are great , temptations to arbitrariness are strong , and often both the spirit and flesh weak . such fatal mistakes have been made of late , that the successors themselves may justly pardon mens jealousies , a widow that has had a bad husband , will cry on her wedding-day , though she would be married with all her heart . but i am confident you will grant to me , that in the case of the present successors , the possibilities are as remote , and the jealousies as ill grounded , and that there is as much to ballance them , as ever there was to be found in the prospect of any successors to the crown of england . now may i add , to conclude the reasons that i have given you , why we may depend on their highnesses , that i know considerable men , who after great enquiry and observation , do hope that their highesses ( being every way so well qualified for such an end ) are predestinated ( if i may speak so ) to make us happy in putting an end to our differences , and in fixing the prerogative , and in recovering the glory of the nation , which is so much sunk , and which now ( when we were big with expectations ) we find sacrific'd to unhappy partialities in matters of religion . the last thing you desire to know , is , what effects this letter has had . but it is not yet old enough for me to judge of that , i can better tell you what effects it ought to have . i find the moderate wise men of all perswasions are much pleased with it . i know roman catholicks that wish to god matters were settled on the model given in it ; they see the great difficulty of getting the test repealed : and withal , they doubt whether it is their interest that it should be repealed or not : they fear needy violent men might get into employments who would put his majesty on doing things that might ruine them and their posterity . they are certainly in the right of it . it is good to provide for the worst . a revolution will come with a witness ; and it 's like it may come before the prince of wales be of age to manage an unruly spirit , that i fear will accompany it . humane nature can hardly digest what it is already necessitated to swallow , such provocations even alters mens judgments . i find that men who otherways hate severity , begin to be of opinion that queen elizabeths lenity to the r. c's proves now cruelty to the protestants . the whole body of protestants in the nation was lately afraid of a popish successor , and when they reflected on queen maries reign , thought we had already sufficient experience of the spirit of that religion ; and took self-preservation to be a good argument , for preventing a second tryal . but now a handful of roman catholicks , perhaps reflecting on queen elizabeths reign , are not it seems afraid of protestant successors . but if some protestants at that time from an aversion to the remedy , hoped that the disease was not so dangerous as it proves , i am confident at present , all protestants are agreed , that henceforward the nation must be saved , not by faith. and therefore i would advise the r. c's to consider that protestants are still men , that late experiences at home , and the cruelties of popish princes abroad , has given us a very terrible idea of their religion . that opportunity is precious and very slippery , and if they let the present occasion pass by , they can hardly ever hope that it will be possible for them to recover it . that their fathers and grandfathers would have thought themselves in heaven to have had such an offer as this is , in any of the four last reigns , and therefore , that they had better be contented with half a loaf , than no bread. i mean it will be their wisdom to embrace this golden occasion of putting themselves on a level with all other english-men ; at least as to their private capacity ; and to disarm once for all , the severity of those laws ; which if ever they should come to be in good earnest executed by a protestant suceessor , will make england too hot for them : and therefore i should particularly advise those among them , who have the honour to approach his majesty , to use their credit , to prevail with him to make this so necessary a step in favour of the nation ; since the successors have advanc'd two thirds of the way for effecting so good and pious a work . then , and not till then , the r. c's may think themselves secured , and his majesty may hope to be great by translating fear and anger from the breasts of his subjects , to the hearts of his own and the nations enemies . but if an evil genius ( which seems to have hovered over us now a long time ) will have it otherwise ; if i were a r. c. i would meddle no more , but live quiet at home , and caress my protestant neighbours ; and in so doing , i should think my self better secured against the resentments of the nation , than by all the forces , forts , leagues , garranties , and even men children that his majesty may hope to leave behind him . as for the protestant dissenters , i am confident the body of them will continue to behave themselves like men , who to their great honour have ever preferred the love of their country and religion to all dangers and favours whatsoever , but there are both weak and interested men among all great numbers ; i would have them consider how much the state of things is altred , upon the coming out of this letter , for if hitherto they have been too forward in giving ear to proposals on this mistake , that they could never have such a favourable juncture for getting the laws against them repealed ; i hope now they are undeceived , since the successors have pawn'd their faith and honour for it , which i take to be a better security ( as matters go at present ) than the so much talk'd of magna charta for liberty of conscience would be , though got in a legal way ; for our judges have declared , that princes can dispence with the obligation of laws , but they have not yet given their opinion , that they can dispence with the honour of their word ; nor have their highnesses any confessor to supply such an omission . however it is not to be charg'd on their highnesses , if such a magna charta be not at present given them , provided the test be let alone ; but i fear the roman catholicks zeal will have all or nothing ; and the test too must be repealed , by wheedling the dissenters to joyn with willing sheriffs in violating the rights of elections , which are the root of the liberties of england ; a prudent way of recommending their religion to all true english-men . but if any of the dissenters be so destitute of sense and honesty , as to prefer a magna charta , so obtained , void and null in it self , to their own honour and conscience , to the love and liberties of their countrey , to the present kindness of all good men , and their countenance at another time , and above all , to the favour and word of the successors , who have now so generously declared themselves for them ; we may pronounce , that they are men abandoned to a reprobate sense , who will justly deserve infamy , and the hatred of the nation at present , and its resentments hereafter . is it possible , that any dissenter , who either deserves or loves the reputation of an honest man , can be prevailed with by any pretences of insinuations how plausible soever , to make so odious and pernicious a bargain , as that of buying a precarious pretended liberty of conscience , at the price of the civil liberties of the country , and at the price of removing that which under god is the most effectual bar to keep us from the dominion of a religion , that wouldas soon as it could , force us to abandon our own , or reduce us to the miserable condition of those of our neighbours , who are glad to forsake all they have in the world , that they may have their souls and lives for prey . as for the church of england , their clergy have of late oppos'd themselves to popery , with so much learning , vigour , danger and success , that i think all honest dissenters will lay down their resentments against them , and look on that church , as the present bulwark and honour of the protestant religion . i wish those high men among them , who have so long appropriated to themselves , the name and authority of the church of england , and have been made instruments to bring about designs , of which their present behaviour convinces me , they were ignorant , as i suppose many of the dissenters are , whose turn it is now to be the tools . i say , i wish such men would consider , to what a pass they have brought matters by their violences , or rather the violences of these whose property they were , and at length be wise ; they cannot but be sensible of the advantages they receive by this letter . i suppose they apprehend ( i am sure they ought to do it ) that the ruine of their church is resolv'd on : but if the dissenters upon this letter withdraw themselves , the r. c's have neither hearts to keep firm to such a resolution , nor hands to execute it . since therefore , they themselves , have unhappily brought their church into such pre●pices by provoking the dissenters , it is in a particular manner their duty , as well as their laterest , to endeavour to soften them , by assisting the letter , and promoting the design of it . but if the old leaven still remain , they continue to argue as formerly , if the surplice be parted with , the church of england is lost ; if the penal laws be repealed , the test will follow : and comfort themselves with this most christian reflection , that the r. c. will not accept of what is offered them ; such men deserve all the misery that is preparing for them , and will perish without pity , and give thinking men occasion to remember the proverb , beat a fool ( or a zealot ) in a morter , yet his foolishness will not depart from him . but the dissenters ought not to be much concerned at this , they have their own bigots , and the church of england theirs ; there will be tools whilst there are workmen . this a time for wisdom to be justified of her children , when honest men ought to leave off minding the lesser interests of this or that particular church , and joyn in securing the common interest of the protestant religion . and to conclude , i would particularly beg of the dissenters to make use of their best judgment on this so critical an occasion , which they will do in my opinion , in keeping close to the contents of this letter , by endeavouring to obtain in a fair and legal way such a liberty to all perswasions , as is the natural right of freemen , and as our protestant successors declare themselves willing to joyn in ; and if those who have an equal , nay a greater interest than themselves , will not agree to such a liberty , because they will be masters or nothing ; the dissenters will have the comfort of having discharged their own consciences , as prudent men and good christians ought to do , and may safely trust god with the event . sir , i thought i had made an end , but looking your letter over again , i find i have forgot to answer a reason or two you give , why you doubt whether the letter be truly m. fagels : you are informed ( you say ) that such and such great men doubted of it ; but some might as well pretend to doubt of the truth of that letter , ( tho they knew it to be true ) as believe her majesty to be with child , almost before she knew it her self ; and that she was quick , when the embryo , as anatomists say , is not much above an inch long ; i don't think that popish successors , like certain weeds , grow faster than others : the persons you name may trim , and presume on their merit , least they might be thought capable of resentment . a dangerous reflection . i say their merit ; you have seen a long relation of the great services some ( when they were in power ) did their highnesses ; it is bound up with a relation of the true causes of their sufferings for their ( or rather their highnesses ) religion . you know even how one of them the last summer payed them his reverence with all the respect and humility of a due distance , and with the same caution with which the invincible monarch fights out of cannon shot . but , sir , though the character of a trimmer be ordinarily the character of a prudent man , there are times and seasons when it is not the character of an honest man. i acknowledge that since their highnesses marriage , nothing has hapned so much for the good of the protestant interest as this letter of m. fagels , and if i had been either the writer or adviser of it , i should be very proud of it , and think the nation much in my debt . but sir , that was not a very good reason to make you doubt of it ; for a good cause will have its time , tho not so often as a bad one , which hath ordinarily the majority on its side . i am confident at present we have all the reason in the world to expect it , for my own part , though i am neither young nor strong , i hope to live to see a day of jubilee in england for all that deserve it ; when honest men shall have the same pleasure in thinking on these times , that a woman happily delivered hath in reflecting on the pain and danger she was in . but knaves shall remember them , as i am told the damned do their sins , cursing both them and themselves . sir , i am yours . january , . a letter writ by mijn heer fagel , pensioner to the great and mighty lords , the states of holland and westfriesland . writ in french on the th of april , n. stile . to the marquiss of albeville , envoy extraordinary of his majesty of great britain , to the high and mighty the states general of the vnited provinces . to which is prefixt an account in dutch of the letter writ by mijn heer fagel , on the th of november , in the year . to mr. stewart , written by the said pensioner , and published by his order . printed at the hague by james scheltus , printer to the states of holland and westfriesland . translated out of the french and dutch into english . reader , i gaspar fagel , having the honour to serve the great and mighty states of holland and westfriesland , in the quality of their pensioner , cannot any longer delay the giving the publick this account , that in the month of july last . i was very earnestly desired by mr. james stewart advocate , to write to him what were the prince and princess of orange's thoughts concerning the repealing the test and the penal laws : but i was not easily brought to put pen to paper on this subject , because i knew that their highnesses thoughts did not agree with his majesties ; so that the writing in such matters was extream tender : therefore i delayed it till i was more earnestly pressed to it : and it was intimated to me , that those pressing desires were made by his majesties knowledge and allowance : at last i did according to the mind of their highnesses , draw the letter which i writ to mr. stewart on the th of november : i transmitted the draught of my letter to their highnesses , and received upon it their order to send it , after that their highnesses had read and examined the draught in dutch , together with the translation of it into english : upon all this i sent my letter to mr. stewart in the beginning of november ; and received an answer from him , by which he signified , that he had shewed my letter , both to the earl of melfort and to the earl of sunderland , and that it was also shewed to the king himself ; nor did he in the least intimate to me that it was desired that i should make any great secret of it ; or take care that it should not become publick : that letter , was afterwards about the middle of january , printed in england ; and upon its coming over into this country , it has occasioned a great deal of noise ; yet i have not hitherto concerned my self in all those discourses , or in all that has been writ and printed upon it , but have let all people reason or write concerning it as they pleased : but i have lately seen an english book , entitled , parliamentum pacificum , printed in london , in this present year , by vertue of a licence signed by the earl of sunderland ; in which that letter writ by me , is not only called a pretended piece , but it is said , that which i had set forth in my letter , concerning the prince and princesses thoughts , relating to the repeal of the test and the penal laws was advanced by me without the knowledge of their highnesses , at least of her royal highness : and by this the reader may be perhaps wrought on to believe either that my letter was a pretended piece , and forgery , or that i writ it without order from their highnesses ; since it may indeed seem scarce probable , that the author could have obtained a license for the printing of a paper that contains such falshoods in it , which the court and in particular the earl of sunderland could not but know to be such : for they know well both that the letter was writ by me , and that i was ordered to write it by their highnesses : therefore i could not delay any longer to undeceive the world. thus i am obliged to publish this account of the matter . i have still in my possession , those letters by which i was earnestly pressed to write the fore-mentioned letter , in which it is expresly said , that they were writ by his majesties knowledge and allowance : i have also that letter in which notice is given that my letter had come to hand , and that it was shewed not only to the earls of melf●rt and sunderland , but to his majesty himself , so that they know well that it is no pretended piece . i have also by me the letter , by which his highneses desired me to send ●●●●●ter to mr. stewart , together with the english translation of it : all which i will print , if i find it necessary . so that it is a gross abuse put on the world , to say that my letter is a forgery , since as it was truly writ by me , so it has been avowed by me ever since it first appeared : and it is a base calumny and slander , to say , that i writ that account of their highnesses thoughts concerning the repeal of the test and the penal laws without their knowledge : which appears so much the more evident , since it cannot be imagined , that their highnesses would not have expressed their just resentments , at so high and extravagant a presumption as i should have committed , if i had written any account of their thoughts , without their knowledg : all this has obliged me for my own vindication to write the following letter , to the marquess of albeville , his majesties envoy to the states : because i have had much discourse with him concerning the writing of that letter , long before this book called parliamentum pacificum was published : but i will not engage my self any further to examine the reasonings of the author of that phmphlet : for i know well , that in those matters the world is divided into very different sentiments , and that men are apt to approve or censure such things , according to their preconceived opinions : of all this i thought it necessary to advertise my reader , and to order this account of my letter to be printed by a known printer , from a copy signed by my hand . at the hague the th . of april , . gaspar fagel . a copy of the letter writ by mijn heer fagel , to the marquis of albeville , bearing date the th . of april , . sir , there has appeared here an english book , printed at london this year , entitled parliamentum pacificum with an im●rimatur before it signed by the earl of sunderland : ●f which i cannot but complain to you how averse soever i am 〈◊〉 things of that kind . it is affirmed in that book , that the letter which i writ to mr. stewart the th . of november last year , concerning the test and the penal laws is a pretended piece , or at least that i writ it without order ; and without the consent of their highnesses , and more particularly of her royal highness the princess of orange : i will not engage my self to examin and refute the particulars that are in that book , for that were as unsuteable to the character i bear , as it is to my own inclinations ; which do both concur in making it unfit for me to enter upon a publick dispute in things of this nature : but you cannot think it strange , if i desire you to call to mind , that it was not of my own head that i was engaged to write that letter which is now called in question : it was far from that . i was pressed by earnest and often repeated instances for the space of four months , that were made to me in his majesties name , to write upon that subject ; which at last prevailed with me ; yet i went about it with all the caution that a matter of such importance required ; and i took care not to write one single period in that whole letter , that i apprehended might give his majesty the least offence : yet after all i see this letter is treated as an imposture , in a book published by authority : tho both his majesty and the whole court know the truth of this matter ; which sir , i have in particular owned to your self , as being the kings minister here : as i have also owned it to all that have spoke to me upon the subject . but that which troubles more is , that i am accused for having made use of their highnesses name , and in particular of her royal highnesses without their order , as if i were capable of so infamous a forgery , and of an imposture so unworthy of any man of honour , and that chiefly in a matter of so great consequence . sir , you must not think it strange , if in this i appeal to your self , to that which you know , and which you have often owned to me your self : that their highnesses , and particularly her royal highness have often expre●sed to you their thoughts concerning the test and the penal laws , conform to that which i writ in their names : which you owned to me , that you had writ to the court of england , long before i writ that letter , and that therefore you could not imagin upon what reason the court could press me so much as they did to write to mr. stewart . i do assure you , i find my self very little concerned in what is said in this late book , or in any other of that kind : i foresaw well enough from the beginning that i should be attackt upon the account of my letter : in which it was indifferent to me what any man thought of it . but this book being published by the authoaity of a licence granted by the earl of sunderland , president of his majesties privy council and secretary of state , i find my honour is so touched in it , that i am obliged to undeceive the world , of the false accusation with which i am charged in it . and i thought sir , that i could not do this better , than by writing to you , that are his majestys minister , and who know perfectly the truth of the matter that is now called in question : and therefore i desire you will write concerning it , to the earl of sunderland : i believe he has not seen or at least that he has not considered the passages of that book that do concern me . for i am sure if he had done that , he would never have licensed it : for my lord sunderland knows , as well as any man alive does , that my letter to mr. stewart is no pretended piece : he himself saw the letter , or at least the english translation of it that i sent along with it : and he could not but know likewise , both by your letters , and by what you told by word of mouth , that their highnesses , and in particular her royal highness , have often owned to you , their sense of the test and the penal laws , conform to that which i writ in their name to mr. stewart . so i do persuade my self , that my lord sunderland will have the justice and goodness to recall this licence , which has been obtained of him by a surprise : and that the author of so manifest and so injurious a calumny , shall be punished as he deserveth . i will not likewise conceal from you , the design i have of publishing an account of all that has passed in this matter , as well as of this letter , which i take the liberty now to write to you , in which my design is not to enter into any dispute concerning the matter it self , much less to offend any person whatsoever , but only to cover my honour which is struck at by this attrocious calumny . i am sir your most humble and most obedient servant gaspar fagel . to all which this attestation of the printer is added . i the under subscribing james scheltus printer in ordinary to the great and mighty lords the states of holland and westfriesland , dwelling in the hague , do declare and attest by these presents , that the writing here published , together with the copy of the letter writ in french to the marquis of albeville , envoy extraordinary of his majesty of great brittain to the states , were delivered into my hands in order to their being printed , by mijn heer gasper fagel , pesioner to the above named lords and states of holland and westfriesland , and that i have printed them by his express order . at the hague the th of april . j. scheltus . some extracts , out of mr. james stewart's letters , which were communicated to mijn heer fagel , the states pensionary of the province of holland . together with some references to mr. stewart's printed letter . mr. stewart staid about seven months , after he had received the pensionary's letter , before he thought fit to write any answer to it : and then instead of sending one in writing to the pensioner , or in a language understood by him , he has thought fit , by a civility peculiar to himself , to print an answer in english , and to send it abroad into the world , before the pensioner had so much as seen it . the many and great affairs that press had upon that eminent minister , together with a sad want of health , by which he has been long afflicted , have made that he had not the leisure to procure mr. stewart's letter to be translated to him , and to compare the matters of fact related to in it , with the letters that were writ the last year by mr. stwatr , which are in his possession ; nor did he think it necessary , to make too much haste : and therefore if he has let as many weeks pass , without ordering an answer to be prepared , as the other had done months , he thought that even this slowness , might look like one that despised this indecent attempt upon his honour , that mr. stewart has made in giving so unjust a representation of the matter of fact. he hopes he is too well known to the world , to apprehend that any persons would entertain the hard thoughts of him , which mr. stewart's late print may have offered to them ; and therefore he has proceeded in this matter , with the slowness that he thought became his integrity , since a greater haste might have look'd like one that was uneasy , because he knew himself to be in fault . as for the reasoning part of mr. stewart's paper , he has already expressed himself in his letter to mr. d' albeville , that he will not enter into any arguing upon those points , but will leave the matter to the judgement of every reader ; therefore he has given order only to examine those matters of fact , that are set forth in the beginning of mr. stewart's letters , that that so the world may have a true account of the motives that induced him to write his letter to mr. stewart , from the words of mr. stewart's own letters : and then he will leave it to the judgment of every reader , whether mr. stewart has given the matter of fact fairly or not . it is true , the pensioner has not thought fit to print all mr. stewart's letters , at their full length ; there are many particulars in them for which he is not willing to expose him : and in this he has shewed a greater regard to mr. stewart , than the usage that he has met with from him deserves : if mr. stewart has kept copies of his own letters , he must see that the pensioners reservedness is rather grounded on what he thought became himself , than on what mr. stewart has deserved of him . but if mr. stewart , or any in his name , will take advantages from this , that the letters themselves are not published , and that here there are only extracts of them offered to the world , then the pensioner will be excused , if he prints them all to a tittle : the truth is , it is scarce conceivable how mr. stewart could assume the confidence that appears in his printed letter , if he have kept copies of the letters that he writ last-year : and if he engaged himself in affairs of such importance without keeping . copies of what he writ , it was somewhat extraordinary : and yet this censure is that which falls the softest on him : but i will avoid every thing that looks like a sharpness of expression ; for the pensioner expects , that he who is to give this account to the english nation , should rather consider the dignity of the post in which he is , than the advantages that mr. stewart may have given for replying sharply on him . and in this whole matter the pensioner's chief concern is , to offer to the world such a relation of the occasions that drew his letter to mr. stewart from him , as may justify him against the false insinuations that are given : he owed this likewise as an expression of his respect and duty to their highnesses , in whose name he wrote his letter , and at whom all those false representations are levelled , though they fall first and immediately upon himself . the sum of the matter of fact , as it is represented by mr. stewart , amounts to this , that he was so surprised to see in january last , the pensioner's letter to him in print , that he was inclined to disbelieve his own eyes , considering the remoteness of the occasion that was given for that letter : that he had never writ to the pensioner , but was expresly cautioned against it : but that seeing the sincerity of the king's intentions , he was desirous to contribute his small endeavours for the advancing so good a work , and for that end he obtained leave to write to a private friend , who , he judged might have opportunity to represent any thing he could say to the best advantage : but that of the letters which he writ to his friend , there were only two intended for communication , in which he studied to evince the equity and expediency , of repealing the tests and the penal laws : and that with a peculiar regard , to the prince and princess orange's interest ; and he desired that this might be imparted to friends , but chiefly to those at the hague . and that this was the substance of all that he writ on that occasion . but finding that the prince had already declared himself in those matters , he resolved to insist no further : yet his f●ind insinuating , that he had still hopes to get a more distinct and satisfying answer , from a better hand , tho without naming the person , he attended the issue ; and about the beginning of november , almost three months after his first writing , he received the pensioners letter , though he had not writ to him ( which is repeated again and again ) and in it an account of the prince and princess of orange's thoughts about the repeal of the tests and penal laws ( which he had not desired ) upon which he took some care to prevent the publishing of it : put when he saw it in print , he clearly perceived that it was printed in holland ; and so wonders how the pensioner could say , that it was printed in england , which he found in his printed letter to mr. d' albeville ; he knows not upon what provocation the pensioner writ that letter ; but in it he finds that he writ , that he was desired by himself to give him an account of the prince and princess of orange ' s thoughts , and that these pressing desires were made to him by his majesties knowledge and allowance ; this being so different from the letters he had writ , of which he is sure that the account he has given is true in every point , he was forced to vindicate the the king's honour and his own duty . he writ not out of any curiosity to know their highnesses though 's , which were already known , they having been signified to the marquis of albeville , and therefore he had no orders from the king for writing on that subject , but only a permission to use his little endeavours for the advancing of his service ; but it was never moved to him to write , either in the king's name or in the name of any of his secretaries . this is mr. stewart's account in the first nince pages of his letter , and is set down in his own words . now in opposition to all this , it will appear from the following extracts , that mr. stewart writ to his friend , as the most proper interpreter for addressing himself to the pensioner ; that he repeated his proposition frequently , finding his friend unwilling to engage in so critical a matter . he gives great ●●surances of his majesty's resolutions never to al●●r the succession ( which is plainly the language of a treaty ) he presses over and over again to know the prince's mind , whose concurrence in the matter would be the best guarentee of the●●iberty . he by name desires his letters may be shewed to the prince and princess of orange ( though he says , he only ●rder●d ●hem to be shewed to friends at the hague : so it seems he has the modesty to reckon them among the number of his friends ; but it is a question whether their highnesses do so or not . ) he says in one leteer , that what he writ was from his majesty himself , and enlarges more fully on this in two other letters ; and he desires , that the prince's answers , with his reasons , might be understood ; which very probably gave the occasion to all the reasoning part of the pensioner's letter . and it appears by that letter , that the return to all this was expected by the king , and in almost every letter he presses for a return . and in conclusion , upon his receiving the pensioner's letter , he expresses likewise a great sense of the honour done him in it ; that he had so far complied with his insignificant endeavours , he mentions his acquainting both the king and the earls of sunderland and melfort with it ; and in another letter , after new thanks for the pensioner's letter , he laments that it was so long delay'd . but all these things will appear more evident to the reader from the passages drawn out of mr. stewart's own letters , which follow . mr. stewart seems not to know upon what provocation the pensioner writ to mr. d' albeville , and yet the ponsioner had set that forth in the letter it self ; for the pamphlet entituled parliamentum pacificum , that was licensed by the earl of sunderland , contained such reflections on his letter to mr. stewart , either as a forgery , or as a thing done without the princess of orange ' s knowledge , that the pensioner judged himself bound in honour to do himself right . as for mr. stewart's criticalness , in knowing that the pensioner's letter was first printed in holland , and his reflection on the pensioner for insinuating that the letter was first printed in england ; it is very like that mr. stewart , after so long a practise in libels , knows how to distinguish between the prints of the several nations better than the pensioner , whose course of life has raised him above all such practices . but it is certain , that wheresoever it was first printed , the pensioner writ sincerely , and believed really it was first printed in england . this is all that seemed necessary to be said for an introduction to the following extracts . july . . and i assure you by all i can find here , the establishment of this equal liberty is his majesty's utmost design — i wish your people at the hague do not mistake too far both his majesty and the dissenters ; for as i have already told you his majesty's utmost design , and have ground to believe , that his majesty will preserve and observe the true right of succession , as a thing most sacred ; so i must entreat you to remark , that the offence that some of the church of england men take at addressing , seems to me unaccountable , and is apprehended by the dissenters to proceed so certainly from their former and wonted spirit , that they begin to think themselves in large more hazard from the church of england's re-exaltation than all the papists their advantages . and next , that the prince is thought to be abused by some there to a too great mislike of that which can never wrong him , but will in probability in the event be wholly in his own power — i hope you will consider and make your best use of these things — i expect an account of this per first , i mean , an answer to this letter , and pray improve it to the best advantage . the second letter , without a date . that it is a thing most certain , that his majesty is resolved to observe the succession to the crown as a thing most sacred , and is far from all thoughts of altering the same ; and that his majesty is very desirous to have the prince and princess of orange to consent to and concur with him in establishing this liberty — so that upon the whole it may be feared , that if the prince continue obstinate in refusing his majesty , he may fall under suspicions of the greatest part of england and of all scotland , to be too great a favourer of the church of england , and consequently a person whom they have reason to dread — and many think that this compliance in the prince , might be further a wise part , both as to the conciliating of his majesty's greater favour , and the begetting of an understanding betwixt the king and the states ; and the parliament will consent to the liberty so much the rather , that they have a protestant successor in prospect — i cannot on these things make any conclusion , but simply leave them to your reflection , and the best use you please to make of them — i will expect your answer per first . vvindsor , july . . . the hints that i gave you in my two former letters i shall now explain more fully in this — and therefore i heartily wish , that the prince and princess may understand all that you think needful on this subject . it troubles his majesty to find them so averse from approving this liebrty , and concurring for its establishment — so that in truth i cannot see why their highnesses should not embrace cheerfully so fair an opportunity to gratify both his majesty and the far greater and better part of the nation — now upon the whole ; i expect that you will make all i have written fully known at the hague , especially with the prince — but the main thing i expect from you , is to have your mind , whether or not his highness may be so disposed , as that a well chosen informer sent to himself might perfect the work. and this answer i will expect per first ; where ever the prince be , you know who are to be spoken and how — i again entreat your care and dispatch in this , with your return . london , july . . mine of the july , with my last of the th july , v. st. will i am sure satisfy you fully ; for therein i have indeed answered all can be objected , and have given you such an account of the confirmation of all i have writ from his majesty himself , that i must think it a fatality if your people remain obstinate . — and i again assure you , if your people be obstinate , it will be fatal to the poor dissenters , and i fear productive of ills yet unheard of ; and therefore pray consider my letters , and let me know if there be any place to receive information by a good hand — but however , let us endeavour good all we can , and i assure you i have my warrant . — haste your answer . windsor , aug. . . and in a word , believe me , if the prince will do what is desired , it is the best service to the protestants , the highest obligation on his majesty , and the greatest advancement of his own interest that he can think on ; but if not , then all is contrary — but pray haste an answer . windsor , aug. . . i have yours of the . instant , long looked for ; you remark , that you have received mine of the of july , but say nothing of that of the . which was my fullest , and which i assure you was writ , not only with permission , but according to his majesties mind sufficiently expressed ; our religion ought certainly to be dearer to us than all earthly concerns . it is very true what you say , that mistakes about its concerns ( especially in such a time ) may be of the greatest importance , which no doubt should perswade to a very scrupulous caution : but yet i am satisfied , that the simple representing of what was wrote to you ( which was all i required ) was no such difficult task — but to be plain with you , as my friend , your return was not only long delayed , but i observe such a coldness in it , different from the strain of your former , that i think i mistake not when i understand by your letter more than you express — i wish the p. may see or hear this from end to end . london , aug. . . i have yours of the th instant ; when i said your last was more cool , i meant not as your affection , but as to your diligence in that affair — for i am perswaded , that the establishing of this liberty by law , is not only the interest of protestant dissenters above all others , but that his highness s consenting to it , would be its secure guarantee both against changes and abuses — as you love the quiet of good men and me , leave off complements and ceremonies , and discourse his highness of all i have written — i am now hastening to scotland — but may return shortly ; for the kings is most desirous to gain the prince and he will be undoubtedly the best guarantee to us of this liberty , and also to hinder all your fears about popery . newwark , aug. . . but now i must tell you , that though — i know — to be my very good friend , yet he hath not answered my expectation ; for you see that to seven of mine , he gave me not one word of answer ; although i told him , that the substance of them was writ by the king's allowance , and a return expected by him — besides , the answers he makes are either generals or complements , whereas my desire was , that the prince should know things , and that his answer with his reasons might be understood , — but my friend has delayed and scruffed things . from scotland , septemb. . . i have yours of the th of aug. but have delayed so long to answer , because i had written other letters to you whereof i yet expect the return — my most humble duty to my friend at the hague . edinburg , octob. . . as for that more important affair , wherewith i have long troubled you , i need add no more ; my conscience bears me witness , i have dealt sincerely for the freedom of the gospel — i had certainly long e're now written to the pensioner fagel , were it not that i judged you were a better interpreter of any thing i could say : i know his real concern for the protestant religion ; and shall never forget his undeserved respect to me ; but alas ! that providences should be so ill understood . london , novemb. . . i have yours of the st of november — the enclosed from the l. pensionary surprize me with a testimony of his favour and friendship , and also of his sincere love to the truth , and fair and candid reasoning upon the present subject of liberty , beyond what i can express ; he hath seriously done too much for me ; but the more be hath done in complience with my insignificant endeavours , the more i judge and esteem his noble and zealous concern for religion and peace , which i am certain could only in this matter be his just motive : i hope you will testify to him my deep sense of his favour and most serious profession of duty with all diligence , until i be in 〈◊〉 to make his l. a direct return . i showed the letter to my l●rd melfort , who was satisfied with it . london , novemb. . . which it seems is by a mistake of the date . i have your last , but have been so harassed and toiled , that i have not had time to write to you , much less to my l. pensionary ; yet since my last , i acquainted the earl of sunderland with his answer , as the king ordered me ; but i see all hope from your side is given quite over , and men are become as cold in it here as you are positive there . london , novemb. . . by my last of the th . instant , i gave you notice of the receipt of my lord pensionary ' s letter , and what was and is my sence of his extraordinary kindness and concern in that affair . since that time i have had the oppertunity to shew them to the king , and at his command did read to him distinctly out of the english copy all the account given of her highnesses mind touching the penal statutes and the test ; and withall , signified the sum of what was subjoyned , especially the respect and difference therein expressed to his majesty ' s person and government ; but to my own regret , i find that this answer hath been too long delayed , and that now the king is quite over that matter , being no ways-satisfied with the distinction made of the tests from the penal laws ; and no less positive , that his highness is neither to be prevailed upon , nor so much as to be further treated with in this matter . the conclusion . and thus all that relates to the occasion that drew the pensioners letter from him , appears in its true light . if this discovery is uneasie to mr. stewart , he has none to blame for it but himself . it is very likely the first article of his merit , for the defacing of all that was past , was the pains he took to work on their highnesses , by the pensioners means : but that having failed him , the abusive letter that he has published upon it may come in for a second article : and now the reproaches to which this discovery must needs expose him , must compleat his merit . if upon all this he is not highly rewarded , he has ill luck , and small encouragement will be given to others to serve the court as he has done . but if he has great rewards , it must be acknowledged that he has paid dear for them ; the printing and distributing copies of his letter , is only the publishing his shame to persons , though it is to be doubted if so many could be found in the nation who would give themselves the trouble to read so ill a paper . finis . the reasonableness of toleration, and the unreasonableness of penal laws and tests wherein is prov'd by scripture, reason and antiquity, that liberty of conscience is the undoubted right of every man, and tends to the flourishing of kingdoms and commonwealths, and that persecution for meer religion is unwarrantable, unjust, and destructive to humane society, with examples of both kinds. penn, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the reasonableness of toleration, and the unreasonableness of penal laws and tests wherein is prov'd by scripture, reason and antiquity, that liberty of conscience is the undoubted right of every man, and tends to the flourishing of kingdoms and commonwealths, and that persecution for meer religion is unwarrantable, unjust, and destructive to humane society, with examples of both kinds. penn, william, - . [ ], [i.e. ] p. printed for john harris ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng freedom of religion. liberty of conscience. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reasonableness , of toleration , and the unreasonableness of penal laws and tests . wherein is prov'd by scripture , reason and antiquity , that liberty of conscience is the undoubted right of every man , and tends to the flourishing of kingdoms and commonwealths ; and that persecution for meer religion is unwarrantable , unjust , and destructive to humane society . with examples of both kinds . offer'd to the consideration of a person of honour . london : printed for john harris at the harrow against the church in the poultrey , . the reasonableness of toleration , and the unreasonableness of penal laws and tests , &c. it has been for many hundreds of years the main scope and aim of the clergy in most opinions , to grasp into their clutches the exercise of temporal jurisdiction ; & as in former times , so now of late our church of england men , have not been the least ambitious of that authority : 't is true , the clergy of england could never fix such jurisdiction in themselves : but what they could not perform by their spiritual authority , they brought to pass by the assistance of the civil power . they found that the scripture , had not given them the least title to lord it over the consciences of men in matters of religion , nor had left them any weapons to combat dissenters in opinion , nay even error it self , onely christian admonition ; and at last , when that would not prevail , publick separation from communion with such as obstinately persisted in defyance of the truth . for this reason they never ceased to amuse and alarm the civil magistrate with continual suspitions and fears , to render him jealous of all other men that were not conformable to their humours and ceremonies . a passionate conceit of their own perfection above others , which no man of common sence can be reconciled to , and a convincing argument that those persons must have but little or no conscience themselves , who with so much vigor and obstinacy labour to uphold a civil persecution so directly opposite to all the dictates of scripture , reason , and conscience . as for scripture , the authority of it is so evident to the contrary that nothing can be more , where it instructs the servants of god , to be gentle to all men , sorbids christians to judge one another , and tells us , that every man is to stand or fall to his own master ; that one man esteems one day above another , and another esteems all days alike ; yet happy is he who condemns not himselfe in that which he allows : that is to say , whose conscience does not inwardly accuse his outward profession : the same great and zealous preacher of the gospel , in the case of the unbelieving wise and husband gives such a mild and condescending answer , as if he had taken his pen from a doves wing ; let neither her nor him that unbelieves depart , if pleased to stay ; for that god had called us to peace ; adding withal , that as god has called every one , so let him walk ; and so he ordained to all the churches : certainly there could be nothing more divinely uttered to oblige the professors of christianity , in charity and meekness to forbear one another , then such an express injunction of so authentick an apostle , to live peaceably with an infidel . nay , writing to the christians , he absolutely denyes that even the apostles themselves , have any soveraignty over the conscience , but only commissions to aid and assist their consciences : not ( says he ) that we have dominion over your faith , but are helpers of your joy : altogether conformable to that doctrine of meekness wherein christ instructs his disciples , not to aspire to the title of rabbi , or master , in spiritual affairs : besides that we are admonished to let the tares grow among the wheat , till the time of harvest . nor is it for any man to suggest , that this mild and moderate temper was only intended for those primitive times , when the christians were liable to persecution without any temporal power to defend themselves : for let the choicest champions but grant that those were the best and purest times , and then it will behove them to shew a dormant vvarrant in the scripture , by which christ ever gave commission to his disciples to cut the throats of all dissenters , or to despoil them of their estates , and send them to perpetual banishment , and they have done their work : but if they can bring no such authority , they must acknowledge that lording o'er the conscience is an unwarrantable piece of tyranny over the rights and liberties of a christian . true it is , that the successors of constantine were taught by their eclesiasticks , that there were two duties required from them ; one as christians , the other as soveraigns : that as christians , they were bound to obey divine precepts , as every private man is bound to do ; but as princes , to make good laws , and keep their subjects steady in the practice of piety , honesty and justice , chastizing the transgressors of his sacred laws , espeaclally the deacalogue . and because they who transgressed against the first table , which relates to divine worship , were worse then they who transgressed against the second , which relates only to justice between man and man , therefore princes were oblig'd to punish blasphemy , perjury , and heresy , more severely then murder or theft . as for blasphemy and perjury , there was reason sufficient why they should be punished by civil penalties , for blasphemers and perjured persons cannot be thought to be men of conscience , nor are they that take that liberty to be endured , for that blasphemy and perjury are criminal in all religions , and differing opinions whatever , as being contrary to good manners , and contaminations of civil society ; but it does not follow from hence , that every man must be punished as a heretick , who differs in his judgement from the church of england . certainly it must be first agreed upon , what a heretick is , and who is that heretick , and which is that law that reaches his offence , before they can punish him by any law. now those things that make a heretick , are errors in fundamentals or about fundamentals , conviction and contumacy ; and they are hereticks , who obstinately and against the most evident light of truth , defend some doctrine directly or of necessary consequence tearing up the foundations of christian faith. the church of england therefore should have made it out , that the dissenters and roman catholicks were hereticks of this sort , convicted and contumacious ; and then all they could do , was to put them under excommunication , not to torment their persons and estates , with mulcts , imprisonments , fines , and sequestrations , which how dissonant it is from the golden rule of god himself , still preferring mercy above sacrifice , is evidently apparent . the character of menelaus in the second of maccabees is , that he was unworthy of the preisthood , as one that had the fury of a cruel tyrant , and the rage of a savage beast . conformable to which , was that of cicero , quoted by lactantius , it is the most miserable thing in the world , ( says he ) to carry a savage and cruel disposition under the shape of a man. it is said that diana of the scythians , had a temple and an altar near the entrance into the lake meotis , upon which it , was the custom of the heathens to sacrifice the bodies of living men ; a cruelty little differing from the severity of those people that seem to make their interest their scythian diana , and living men the sacrifices to their ambition , and the support of their spiritual grandeur . yet this must be the main design of those that study thus the destruction of all other mortals but themselves within the verge of their jurisdiction ; which as it is a great argument of a spiritual arbitrary government , so is it at the same time a sign of no less presumption for a particular number of men , enclosed within the narrow circle of episcopacy , compar'd with those vast multitudes of dissenters and roman-catholicks , that under various names of distinction invented by their adversaries , spread themselves over the fourth part of the world , to arrogate to themselves to be the only flock of christ ; and that they are the only pastors who have power to drive men to heaven ; for this is to disclaim the popes supremacy , and usurp it to themselves ; to preach down one antichrist , and set up six and twenty : for if meekness , mildness , unity , peace , and concord , are the vertues that embellish christian jurisdiction ; cruelty , rigor , persecution and violence , must be the marks of antichristian tyranny . they therefore that so vehemently persecute the professors of christianity , because they either doubt or happily err in some particulars that will admit of ambiguity , and which it may be , have been otherwise understood in former ages , are most unjust . for we find that the antient jews did never punish the sadduces , tho they denied the doctrine of the resurrection . for that tho it were most true , yet then it was but only glanced at in their law , and not taught at all , but covertly under types and figures . but supposing the errors to be such , as among equal judges might be easily confuted , both by the authority of the scriptures , and the common consent of the fathers ; nevertheless the great strength of an over-grown opinion is to be considered , and how the endeavours of men to defend their own sects , diminishes the strength and liberty of their judgments . a man will sooner part with any thing than his opinion : an opinion , says chrysostom , that has taken deep root through custome , is hardly to be removed : for that there is nothing that we alter with more unwillingness then our customes in religion . but whether this different opinion be an error , and how it is to be punished , he only can without danger judge , who is the eternal judge , who alone knows the true measures of knowledge and the proportion of faith. let them rage against you , says st. austin concerning the manichees , who can presume to be without errors themselves ; for my part i neither can nor dare , for i ought to bear with you as others did formerly with me , and to treat you with as much patience , meekness , and gentleness , as they did me , when i was blindly carryed away with your errors . religionis non est religionem cogere , says tertullian ; and athanasius also highly blames the arrians , because they were the first that call'd in the civil power to their assistance against their antagonists , and that endeavoured by force , stripes , and imprisonments , to draw such to themselves , whom they could not win by the strength of their arguments . gregory , bishop of rome , writing to the bishop of constantinople , said that it was a new and unheard of manner of preaching , to enforce faith by stripes and punishments . history also affords us the examples of several french bishops , who were condemned by the judgment of the church for calling in the civil power against the priscillianists ; and of a whole council in the east that was condemned for consenting to the burning of bogomilus . conformable to the sayings of plato , the punishment of him that errs , is to be instructed . and of seneca , that no wise man ever hated those that erred ; for if so , he must necessarily sometimes hate himself : and therefore the emperour valentinian is highly commended , because he never persecuted any man for his religion , nor ever commanded this or that to be adored ; nor forced his subjects to embrace his own manner of worship . infinite are the sayings of the primitive fathers and men of learning , their successors , who have all along condemned the forcing of conscience , or compelling men to do a thing which is contrary to their conscience , or to abstain from such exercises as they in conscience esteem necessary and profitable for their salvation : all centring in the utter detestation of all manner of violence and imposition in matters of religion . a maxim which not all the usurpations of ecclesiastical persons have bin able to corrupt . and therefore it was the saying of montluc , a roman catholic , and bishop of valence , that the rigors of torments was never to be practized towards people who had no other crime but only a perswasion which they thought to be good and pious . peter martyr speaking of the power of the church , it is her duty , says he , to correct sinners , not with the sword , not with penal-laws or fines , not with imprisonment or exilement , but after her own method , by the efficacy and power of the word . it is said of maximilian the second , emperour of germany , that tho he persever'd to his death a roman catholic , yet he was never the less disesteemed by the protestants ; for that in matters of religion he observed an exact moderation between both parties , and never ceas'd till he had obtain'd the use of the cup in the eucharist , for those of his subjects that desir'd it . the same emperour also gave this advice to henry the third of france , then returning out of poland , to quiet all disturbances in his kingdom at his first entrance into it ; according to the example of his father ferdinand , who after he had long toyl'd and labour'd in the reign of charles the v. to appease the troubles in germany , and settle the differences about religion , when he found the minds of the people more provok'd , then any remedy obtain'd by force and violence , with the consent and applause of all the orders of the empire , made those favourable concessions , which when nothing also would do , restor'd tranquilitie to the empire . more remarkable was that saying of henry the third of france himself , upon his death-bed , after he had received his deaths wound from clement the monk , nor let the cause of religion deter ye : this error long possess'd me , and drew me into inextricable mistakes . the pretence of religion hurried us into faction . leave that to the judgment of the orders of the kingdom , and keep this in your minds as a fix'd and constant maxime , that religion , which is inspir'd into the minds of men by god , cannot be commanded by men. nay , pius the fourth , the none of the best of popes , yet being sollicited by the french embassador for the use of the eucharist in both kinds , had so much kindness for toleration , that he gave for answer to the embassador , that he had always thought the use of the sacrament in both kinds , and liberty for the priest-hood to marry , were things indifferent , and as depending rather upon the decrees of the fathers , then upon divine authority , might be altered according to the constitutions of times , and alteration of customes . and in the council of trent , several of the wisest and chiefest of the prelates stiffly argu'd against the prohibition of the use of the cup , affirming those to be void of christian charity , who stood so strictly and so nicely upon a particular ceremony , the granting of which might prevent the effusion of much blood , and recover into the bosom of the church many that were fallen from her. and thus what scripture and humane authority justify , common reason is no less ready to uphold . for first , if the word of god be the sole rule of faith , and no humane authority be so highly impowr'd as to bind up our assents to whatever interpretations shall be propos'd , then of necessity it follows that every christian indifferently has an equal interest in the will of the creator , so that no particular person has a right to impose a force upon the judgment of his brother . thus one holds the baptizing of infants to be necessary ; another deems it lawful ; a third denies both these opinions , yet admitting that it may , but that there is no necessity it should be done ; therefore they conferr texts , and examine the original ; yet after all diligence used , they still are but where they were . now what reason can there be to advise persecution for such a difference as this ? besides , there are several disputes upon various points of christianity , that cannot be cleard to any man by arguments meerly natural , as being matters of fact , such are the miracles and resurrection of christ , the real presence , &c. for the belief of which therefore , there is a need of faith , which is the gift of grace , and not of nature : which being so , and seeing more-over that it is not within the power of man to give a reason why some men believe , and others are of a contrary opinion ; it cannot fall under the imagination of man , that either the defect or surplusage of belief , which may perhaps glide into superstition , which of the two so'ere be the cause of the difference , should be subject to the punishment of human laws ; for tho both have the same outward helps and means to inform themselves , yet the potent cause is in the will of god , who will have mercy upon whom he will have mercy , and whom he will he hardens . and therefore for this cause it was that tertullian avers that the new law of the gospel does not call for the sword to revenge the injuries done it . and sisibutus king of spain , was justly tax'd for compelling the jews to christianity by the coercive power of the sword , when he ought to have won them to the faith by meek and gentle perswasions . in the next place this violent and rigorous proceeding and tyrannizing over the consciences of men , is contrary to the purpose of god in the order of the creation , who made and ordain'd all man-kind free from bondage , and never advanc'd him over all the works of his creation , to be a contemptible slave to the will of his fellow creature , even in things temporal ; much less in matters spiritual and relating to eternity . so that this same actual violence of imposing by force in matters of faith , worship and duty to god , of one man upon another , or of some persons over all , is an act of the highest presumption imaginable , that goes about to subdue to bondage and slavery , those that are created by god to equal priviledges and immunities with themselves ; subjecting them by oppression , not to the divine will of the creator , but to the will , ambition and interest of mortal creatures , no less fraile and subject to error then they over whom they affect illegal dominion . a thing which is quite contrary to the most pure and perfect order of the creation , which was altogether blessed . from which whatever is degenerated by corruption , or has deviated by temptation from that pure and regular order , either in things temporal or divine , must be included within the curse of sin , and be lookt upon as an opposing the creator himself . and of this nature , is compulsion exercised in spiritual matters ; as being the highest product of degenerate usurpation , and the grandest swerving imaginable from the chief design of the creation . for without all question , the creator himself reserved and retained in his own power alone , the priviledge of supremacy over the inward man , in all matters touching immortality , that he might be the only lord in that case , to give spiritual laws , and to command the souls and hearts of men , in reference to his own worship , and that obedience which is due to himself ; so that of necessity it must be a usurpation of the creators rightful dominion , a robbing him of his dignity and prerogative , an act of violence against his soveraignty , and a bold intruding into his proper right , for any persons to assume to themselves dominion and authority over others , by commanding and imposing in spiritual matters upon their consciences , in the worship and service of god. add to this that force is punishment , and consequently unjust , unless the offence be voluntary : but he that believes according to the evidence of his own reason , is necessitated to that belief , and to compel him against it , were to compel him to renounce the most essential part of man , his reason : and that same injunction would be altogether vain , to hold fast that which w● find to be best , if after the most serious and deliberate election , we must be whipt out of our consciences by penalties . 't is but odly done to preach a company of poor souls into just so much liberty of scripture as may suffice to beget their torture , and not permit them to rest where they find their satisfaction : either utterly prohibit the search , or let them enjoy the benefit of it . to believe what appears untrue , is somewhat impossible ; but to profess what we believe untrue , is absolutely damnable . nor is it one of the least arguments against compulsion of conscience , that it breaks the bands of civil society , and annihilates all manner of love , unity , fellowship , and concord among men . neighbours are at enmity among neighbours , brethren with brethren , and families are divided among themselves . princes and their subjects , rulers and their people are at discord and debates , that many times turns to absolute disobedience and rebellion ; while the one labours to impose , the other to keep off the oppression . men , says zenophon , resist none with greater animosity , then those that affect to tyrannize over their bodies ; more especially such as seek to establish an illegal dominion over their minds and consciences . they contend pro aris in the first place , and pro focis afterwards ; thereby preferring the liberty of their consciences , before the security of their estates ; which they rather choose to abandon , then to be deprived of their spiritual freedom . and this is that which causes , and has caused so many thousands in this nation to forsake their native soyle , their friends & relations , to the decay of civil fellowship and commerce , and out of a detestable antipathy to their oppressors , to seek for forraign protection , under which to enjoy the more noble and agreeable pleasure of enjoying the free exercise of their sentiments in divine worship . again , grotius tells us , that there never was any sect that could discern all truth , nor any but what held something that is true ; as then they are to be favoured for what they hold of truth , so are they not to be punished for what they maintain of mistaken beleif ; since all men are free by nature to believe whatever they think to be good and honest . we cannot love god too much . now supposing that the clergy of england , may esteem the roman catholicks over zealous in some points of worship which may be thought too superstitious , what then ? for superstition does not sin in worshiping god too much , but in worshiping him erroneously ; in point of which error and consequent non-complyance with the episcopal tenents of the church of england , these failings of theirs , are not to be squeez'd out of their bones and purses , but to be reform'd by gentle instructions and convincement , according to the true duty of bishops to instruct , perswade , exhort and reprove , but not to command or compel . to what has been said , may be added the vanity of the undertaking , it having been all along evinc'd by the stories of all ages , that forcing of conscience , and persecution for religions sake , have not only become frustrate , but increased the number of those sects and divisions of which they sought the extirpation , and that the sword , exile , fagot , imprisonment , and heavy fines , rather provoak then cure the obstinacy of reluctant minds . for the conformation of which , we find from the beginning and for a long time the christian relgion industriously opposed by the most potent adversaries , then ruling in the world , and extirpation of it no less cruelly labour'd by the fury of ten persecutions ; yet could not all that vast effusion of blood put a stop to its progress , nor prevent its growing to such a head , as at length to turn tyrannick heathenism with all her fantastick abominations , and false divinities quite out of the world. the same may be said of the albigenses , against whom the fryers preached , the inquisitors plotted , the princes made war , while the pope accursed their persons , and interdicted their lands , yet for all the pope could do , they could not be supprest . and of the waldenses , says thuanus , tho they were toss'd from post to pillar , yet there were ever some found , who still in their several courses renewed their doctrine , buryed as it were for a season . for sects and opinions are like books , which the more they are suppressed , the more they are sought after and caress'd : and therefore tacitus , speaking of the annalls of cremutius cordus , condemn'd by the senate to be burnt , for advancing the praises of brutus and cassius , relates that some indeed were burnt by the edils , but more were preserv'd , and , afterwards published . an argument ( says he ) sufficient that the vanity and madness of those men , is to be derided , who imagin by present power to stifle the remembrances of future ages . and the author of the council of trent , speaking of the prohibition of heretical books , observes that it did more harm then good , while the books being sought for as such , did but serve to raise and instill new doubts and scruples in the minds of the readers . the same is to be said of the persecutions of men in their bodies and goods ; for others observing the extream patience and constancy of so many people suffering for their particular opinions in matters of religion , become curious to understand what that religion should be that inspires men with so much resolution to suffer the worst of miseries , rather then abandon the profession of it , which is the reason that persecutors according to the opinion of strada , though they are not concerned in tormenting , yet they dread the triumphs of the tormented at their executions , for that it has been frequently known that one martyr ● made many proselytes , by his resolute maintaining to the last , the profession for which he dyed . from hence we may proceed to shew the dreadful effects and mischiefs that have attended the persecutions of tender consciences in matters of religion , which have generally prov'd most fatal , and in the end redounded to the greatest loss of the persecutors themselves ; for of all the roman emperours that exerciz'd those horrid cruelties upon the christians under their subjection , only trajan and septimius severus dy'd a natural death ; for as for antoninus the philosopher , tho he suffer'd a persecution in asia , yet in other parts of his dominions the christians were unmolested , and served him in his army , where they fought for him so effectually , as well with their prayers as with their swords , that he acknowledged to the senate , as much hated as they were , that certainly the christians had god for their protector . all the rest came to untimely ends ; either their own executioners , or murdered by their own souldiers and servants ; tho none so remarkably punished for their cruelties as valerian , who being vanquished by sapor the persian , was by him made his foot , stool when he took horse , and at length was flead alive . what occasioned the cossac war so prejudicial to poland , but because the russian polonians of the catholic religion would have forc'd the cossacks to the observation of their churches , and to that end have shut up the grecian churches ? what occasioned the revolt of the rustic's in germany , and the hussites in bohemia ? what occasioned the league of smalcald , and the cruel vvar that ensued , but the oppression of the ecclesiasticks ? by which all that was got was this , that the bloody ecclesiasticks satisfy'd their revenge with the slaughter of the poor people ; while the other indulge'd their hatred , and sacrific'd to their antipathy the vvealth and religious structures of their persecutors ; and between both , whole regions and countries were depopulated and ruin'd . vvhat lost philip the second so fair a portion of his dominions , but his severity in forcing conscience ? but his bigotted zeal to gratify the interest of rome , by suffering his grand executioner alva to ride triumphantly in the chariot of the abominated inquisition , over the necks of his tender-conscienc'd subjects , till he had by all manner of torments disburden'd the countrey of no less then eighteen thousand innocent christians . the reign of charles the ninth , deform'd with civil vvars , with various success of battel , with seiges and sacks of cities and towns , and havock of his subjects , was rendered yet more in famous by the parisian massacre , then which , there never was a more inhumane piece of barbarity known among the heathens themselves . but what was the advantage of their butchery ? what the issue of it to the king , after he had emptyed his kingdom of ten thousand of his subjects , among which five hundred all persons of quality ? in the first place , upon too late a consideration , a deep repentance for having given his consent , and a resolution had he liv'd to have punished his advisors : then every night his slumbers interrupted with nocturnal terrors , till having linger'd under most grievous and tedious pains , and long perceiv'd his death approach before he dy'd ; he ended his days a young youth , in the th year of his age. to omit the loss of the low-countries , by reason of the cruelty of the inquisition , we find the people in all places the most devoted and accustomed to ecclesiastical rigour , mutinying even to blood-shed , against the torments of that tribunal . in naples , peter of toledo the viceroy , in obedience to the pope , would fain have brought it in ; but when he began to put it in execution , it caus'd such an uproar among the people , that it came to be almost a petty vvar between the commonalty and the garrison , wherein many were slain on both sides , so that the viceroy was forc'd to desist in his design ; neither has any offer been made to obtrude any such kind of office upon that kingdom ever since . even in rome it self , the people detested the cruelties of the inquisition to that degree , that the breath was no sooner out of the body of paul the iv. but that they went with great furie to the new prison of the inquisition , brake down the doors and let out all the prisoners therein detained , & could hardly be restrained from setting on fire the church of the dominicans , as being the persons entrusted with the execution of that rigid employment more then that , in detestation of the inquisition , all enrag'd , they forc'd their way into the palace , and meeting the popes statue all of parian marble , and a noble piece of workmanship , they cut off the head and the right hand , and for three days together kickt them about the streets , and made them the sport of the whole city . nor has england it self felt the least share of the inconveniencies of spiritual persecution : where acts of parliament have been made use of only as traps and snares to dis-people the nation . what false crimes were laid to the primitive christians by the flatterers of the emperour sep. severus , to incense him to the first persecution , the same accusations were lately thrown upon the dissenters , of being homicides , turbulent , sacrilegious , traytors against caesar , and in a word meer canibals : and by vertue of which pretended calumnies and meditated slanders , the civil magistrate , out of the good opinion he has of those that make the clamour , not presently discerns the trapan which is put upon them to make laws for the punishment of those persons , over whom they have indeed no jurisdiction ; till at length the ill use of those laws better informs their judgement , and that they were imposed upon to frame persecuting statutes , and authorize prosecutions , not to prevent disturbances in government , but to gratifie the pride and ambition of their hot-headed advisers ; hence under pretence of disaffection to the civil power , continual plots and treasons are discovered , and the discovery so well managed , that some are hanged , others fin'd , others condemned to long imprisonment . which accusations , because they reach not many , therefore all the rest , as being birds of the same feather , must suffer for their sakes ; and the same pretences being still kept on foot for a covert , they let fly the arrows of their indignation against the whole body , and chastize the pretence , where they could not find any fact committed to punish . and indeed the grounds of the pretence are the only crimes committed against them ; all that will not conform to their ceremonies are supposed to be seditious persons ; none that go to meetings and conventicles can be good and loyal subjects : and therefore all that will not conform , or refrain from going to meetings , must be scourged with the scorpions of ecclesiastical censure and excommunication ; must be amerc'd at pleasure , imprison'd till submission , many to their utter impoverishment , or till they pine away in jayle : and they that would live peaceably and quietly under the government , can have no rest in their own families . upon this thousands take their flight beyond sea , and draw off their estates , by which means the kingdom is depopulated , the manufacture of the nation carryed into forraign countries , and the prince loses the assistance of the wealth and persons of so many of his subjects , to the ruine of the kingdom and scandal of the government . a sort of christian politicks which the church of england could only learn from the uncharitable bigotrie of that same prince , who cryed out , that he would rather choose to be king of a countrey without people ; then of a kingdome peopled with heriticks : contrary to the saying of adrian , one of the wisest among the roman emperours , that he wished his empire strengthed rather by the encrease of people and inhabitants , then excess of treasure . but this was neither the policy of the antient heathens , nor of the more prudent common wealths and governments of latter ages . among all the heathen nations that we meet with in history , the egyptions were the first from whom all the world beside , the jews excepted , deriv'd that same dark knowledge which the other had of the gods and divine worship . their early superstition had set up no less then twelve divinities to begin withal , who were all worship'd in various shapes with various rites and ceremonies ; all which with their several portraitures and sacred mysteries ( for so they call'd the rites of adoration belonging to every idol ) the grecians afterwards translated into their own countrey , and for a while exactly observed the precepts and methods of their first instructors . here was a great number of divinities with every one a particular form of worship attending him , and yet we do not find that the grecians were afraid to transport them all into their several cities , for fear least the variety of superstitions , should set their people together by the ears , while one priest cry'd up his divinity , another extoll'd his , and shatter'd the vulgar into factions and contentions , which was the best . no , the priests were still contented with what followers they had , and every man was left to his freedom to worship what divinity he pleas'd , as his affection and devotion govern'd him . a strange misfortune to christian religion , that the heathens should be so conformable in the midst of so much varietie of feign'd divinities , and we not be able to adjust those few ceremonies in dispute relating to the worship of the true and one god , when we have his own inspir'd scripture for our guide . in athens there were as many sects and opinions dayly taught , as there were almost philosophers in the city ; and many differing in their sentiments even concerning the gods themselves . yet the magistrate was never call'd upon for their suppression , but rather they were cherish'd and honour'd with statues after their death . the magistrates , rulers and greatest captains of that age were their hearers and disciples , adhering at pleasure to whom they thought fit , as their reason and judgement lead them . and this publick toleration it was that render'd athens one of the most famous and flourishing cities of the world. nor was socrates punish'd for introducing an innovation in their religion , but because he neither could inform his judges , nor they were able to understand who that god was , therefore they put him to death for injuring all the rest whom they believ'd to be as true as his unknown deity . i pass but lightly over the jews , by reason they had the knowledge of the true god , and were oblig'd not to engage in the superstitions of the heathens ; yet were they not so rigid neither as to exclude the gentiles from among them , but had their atrium gentium for their reception , altho unconverted ; nor did they refuse the sacrifices and oblations of the the kings of egypt , nor those of augustus and fiberius ; all which they thought no breach of their laws to offer up in their holy temples . but to return to the gentiles , this is farther to be observ'd , that they were so far from suppressing varietie of opinions , that they took no notice of the many fables of the poets , that dayly uttered such irreverent and mean thoughts of their ador'd divinities , as to make them robbers , adulterers and drunkards ; incident to all the frailties , and guilty of all the crimes that the worst of men can be said to commit . how soever these fables every day made some change or other in their religon ; for the gods still multiplying by procreation and canonization of heroes , greece was so stockt and replenisht with deities , that they sent whole colonies of feign'd divinities among their neighbours , who gave them free admission , without disputing the toleration of their new invented sacrifices , lustrations and other superstitions , tho perhaps never heard of before . 't is true , their gods would be sometimes out of humour ; but their particular priests had a care how they pusht their feigned anger too far , & found out a way by some oracle or other to understand their meaning and set all right again . however it shews that had the priest-hood been as captious then , as some of ours at this time , they might have put so many capricio's into the heads , sometimes of one , and sometimes of another idol , as might have given the civil magistrate no small vexation . among the romans the catalogue of their gods exceeded thirty thousand ; and their forms of worship were as various as they . for their god pan they had their luperci and lupercalia . for ceres their secret mysteries and female priests . for hercules they had their potitij and pinarij . they had also their arval fraternity , and their sixty curiones to offer up sacrifice in behalf of the several curiae or parishes in rome . they had their colledge of augurs , and their flamin's ; for mars they had their salij ; for their goddess dea bona , they had their vestal nuns ; for cybele , their galli and corybantes . all this lookt like the variety of our sects and opinions at this day ; and yet we never hear of those contentions , disputes and enmities that rage among us . they never incens'd the magistrate to persecution , but as they agreed singly together , so they agreed in the whole ; or if any difference happened among them in point of religion , 't was but repairing to the colledge of pontiffs , where their questions were immediately resolv'd , and their determinations never contradicted . and for a farther mark of this general toleration , we find the pantheon erected , and after it was burnt down , rebuilt by adrian , where all the gods were worshiped in common . moreover we find mention made in suetonius of collegia antiqua et sacra , in the plural number , upon which cujacius animadverts , that the senate and princes of the roman people permitted several colledges as well for the exercise of forraign religion , as of that of their own countrey : and augustus confest , that he permitted the colledges and assemblies of the jews , because he found them to be the schools of temperance and justice , not as they were reported , the seminaries of sedition . to proceed to the christians , they were no sooner grown numerous , but we find them muster'd in the armies of the heathen emperours , and tolerated without disturbance by commodus , tho a bad prince ; in whose time pontienus set up a school in alexandria , where he publicly taught the christian religion . alexander severus gave public toleration to the christians , in so much that when a complaint was made to him by the rabble that kept public tipling-houses , that the christians had taken possession of a place to build a church in the ground that belonged to them , he return'd for his answer , that 't was much better that god should be worshiped in that place after any form , then that it should be allow'd for houses of debauchery . and thus we find that toleration of religion was allow'd so long as heathenism continued in the world. to these succeeded constantine , the first of all the roman emperours that made open profession of christianity . by whom we find such an indulgence given not only to the christians , but to all manner of religions , with the consent of his collegue in the empire , licinius ; that we could not omit the insertion in this place of the most material part of it . at what time , i constantine augustus , and licinius augustus happily met at millain , and had in consultation whatever might conduce to the public benefit and security ; among the rest we thought those things were first to be taken care of , which would prove most profitable to most men , as relating to the worship of the supream deity ; to which purpose we thought fit to grant to the christians and all others , free liberty to exercise what religion every one best approv'd , to the end we might render that supream divinity who sits in his coelestial throne , propitious to us and all the people under our dominion : wherefore following this wholsome counsel , and the dictates of right reason , we thought it our safest and wisest course not to deny liberty to any one , who either followed the profession of the christians , or addicted himself to any other religion which he thought most agreeable with his judgment , that the most high god , to whom we freely and heartily yield obedience , may afford us his wonted favour and kindness in all our enterprizes . for this reason we give your excellency to understand that it is our pleasure , that all restraints formerly appearing in your office in reference to the christians being disannull'd , we do now enact sincerely and plainly , that every one who has a mind to observe the christian religion , may freely do it without any disturbance or molestation . which we have thought fit fully to signify to your excellency , to the end you might understand that we have given free and absolute leave to the christians for the exercise of their religion . and as we have granted this indulgence to them , so your excellency is likewise to understand that we have granted the same open and free liberty to all others to exercise the religion to which they have chosen to adhere , for the tranquility of our reign , to the end that every one may be free in the election of his worship without any prejudice from us , either to his honour or to his religion . and this we thought fit moreover to decree in reference to the christians , that their meeting-places be restor'd them without any hesitation or delay , and without the demand of any fees or sums of money : and if any fines or mulcts have been sequester'd formerly into our exchequer , or taken by any other person , that the same be also restor'd them without the least diminution . or if they have any favour to request further at our hands , let them make choice of any of our advocates to take care of their affairs . [ the rest i omit , as less pertinent to our purpose . ] but after them , when the emperours began to lend an ear to ecclesiastic rigour , and sects became predominant as they were guarded by the power and protection of the civil magistrate , 't is a strange thing how soon the several schisms and opinions that had taken root under the milder sway of the heathens , began to rend the church into a thousand factions ; and whereas a single colledge of pontiffs would serve the heathen priest-hood to resolve their doubts the determination's of national councils could not put a stop to the growing controversies of the christians , but from words they fell to blows ; and happy they who could get the soveraign prince on their side , for the other were sure to go by the worst . so early was the civil power made an engine to support the pride and ambition of spiritual contenders . at what time an eutychian pope , by name horsmisdas , having the upper hand , gave this motto for answer to all that admonish'd him of his severity . nos imperare volumus , nos imperari nolumus . it were to be wish'd that this motto may not have got too much footing in england . and now liberty of conscience seem'd for a time exterminated from the earth , till we meet with it again among the goths , who as procopius alledges , would never in the height of all their conquests , compel the vanquished to embrace the religon which they professed , but left them to their own : it being always the maxime of rulers truly generous , to engage men rather as their friends then as their slaves , thinking themselves far more safe in a free , then in a compell'd obedience . but to descend to latter times , we find that even among the mahumetans , all over turky , no man is compell'd to embrace the mahumetan superstition , but that all people , unless the professors of heathenish idolatry , are left to the exercise of their own religion . and this , as several authors observe , was at first the chiefest means by which the turks enlarged their empire over the christian vvorld . for that many people rather chose to live under the turk , permitting them the liberty of their consciences , then under the exorbitant tyranny of the spanish inquisition . and further , others observe , that nothing has rendered the turk more powerful then the king of spain's expulsion of all the moors and turks out of his territories , in the year , at what time above a hundred and twenty thousand of those exiles retir'd into africa and other parts of the turkish dominions , to the great benefit of the turks , who learnt from them to combat the europeans with their own weapons , and their own arts of war. the persians give liberty to the melchites under the patriarch of antiochia , who obstinately maintain all those errors that were condem'd by the synod of florence ; together with the nestorians and christian armenians , who have no patriarchs of their own ; nor are the roman catholics excluded the chief city of ispahan . to which we may add their toleration of the jews , and the dissenting sects in their own religion . in poland , tho generally the nobility adhere to the church of rome , yet they prohibit none ; and the mixture of lutherans , calvinists , socinians , anabaptists , greeks and jews , who there enjoy most ample priviledges , apparently demonstrates , well-constituted government to be no enemy to liberty of conscience . nor does the scrupulous muscovite exclude those of the augustan confession from having a church of their own within view of the city of moscow it self . that the switzers are a prudent people appears by the permanent constitution of their government , by them upheld and propagated for so many ages together ; their concord has rendered them populous , and their populousness has made them formidable to all the neighbouring princes , by whom they have been all along courted for their assistance , and to whom they have been beholding for the chiefest part of their conquests . all this while a people half protestants , half catholic's , yet in general so equally unanimous , and in some particular cities so peaceably intermix'd , that you never hear among them , since they first leagu'd together for the common security , of any quarrels or contentions for superiority ; or of any fines , imprisonments , or banishing of the dissenting parties ; nor do they refuse their protection to any that fly from other countries to seek tranquility of conscience among them . there is the same mixture of the two professions of popery and calvinism among the grisons , and the same unanimity ; and this confirm'd by the league of the ten jurisdictions , by which all disputations concerning religion are forbid , to prevent exasperation and contests among nations and friends , tho differing in opinion . in venice the roman catholic religion prevails ; yet such is the prudence and generosity of the government and governours , that they cannot deny to others that liberty which they enjoy themselves ; in so much that tho they admitted the inquisition into their territories , yet they fil'd it's sharp fangs in such a manner , that the malice and fury of it was render'd ineffectual ; for they decreed that the inquisition should not meddle either with witches or inchanters ; nor with those that should offer to buffet an image , or lampoon the vices and disorders of the clergy , nor indeed have any power to prohibit the printing of any books whatever . that it should have no power over blasphemy , or such as married two wives ; nor in causes of usury . that it should have no jurisdiction over jews ; infidels , or those that follow the ceremonies of the greek church ; nor any authority over any secular trade or profession ; and in all other causes whatever that were brought before the tribunal of the inquisition , they reserv'd to themselves the examination , judgment and final determination of the matter ; which indeed was an absolute toleration of jews , infidels and greek christians , and under that notion , of all other opinions that they pleas'd themselves . as to witches , they gave this reason why the inquisition should not meddle with them , for that they were generally women , a poor people craz'd in their understandings , and therefore more fitting to be instructed by the minister , then punished by the judge . as for blasphemy , the punishment of it belong'd to the civil magistrate ; and so for bigamy and usury . as to the toleration of jews , &c. they argu'd from st. paul , that the ecclesiastical authority had no power over those that were not in the church . and in behalf of the greeks they urg'd , that the difference and disputes between the greek and roman church were yet undetermined , and that therefore it was not sit the church of rome should be judge in her own cause . lastly , against the prohibition of books they pleaded , that it was the way to stifle learning , and prevent the coming forth of many good books , necessary for the instruction of man kind . that it belong'd only to the civil magistrates to prevent the enormities of scandalous writers , and therefore that the ecclesiastie's were not to thrust their sickles into other mens harvests . thus we find the venetians , tho in other things obedient to the see of rome , yet in the point of toleration altogether dissenting from it ; for they believe it to be their interest to take care , least the people being depriv'd of the liberty of their minds , should be alienated in their affections from the government ; therefore they are contented that the people should enjoy their liberty , provided they do not disturb the public peace . to return into germany , even in vienna it self , the chief city of the empire , the emperour maximilianus the second allow'd the evangelic's the free exercise of their religion in the monastery of the minorites , which tho it were deny'd them by his son rudolphus the second , was again by the indulgence of matthias the emperour restor'd them ; so that they had their public assemblies at hornals , a village close by the city ; within the walls of which they had besides the freedom to baptize , administer the sacrament , and marry according to their own forms , till ferdmand the second retracted their priviledges , and forc'd them , whenever the duty of their worship required , to go as far as presburgh or edenburgh . it would be too long to trace the several regions of germany , where so many soveraign princes and free states , exemplary for their justice and moderation , foster liberty of conscience as the main support of their governments . 't will be enough to mention briefly those of chiefest note ; the dukes of saxony , brunswick and lunenburgh , the dukes of wittenbergh and holsatia , the elector palatine , the duke of bavaria , tho of the romish perswasion , the duke of newburgh and the landgrave of hessen , the cities of ratisbone , frankford upon the main , and spire , where the evangelic's are allow'd the free exercise of their religion , and meet every sunday , from seven till eight in the morning , and from twelve till one in the afternoon : not to omit auspurgh , where the chief magistrates of the city are half protestants and half papists ; nor those most noble emporiums of the northern parts of europe , hamborough , lubeck , breme and dantzick : to which if we should add the states of the united netherlands , it would be only to trouble the reader with what is known to all the world. and yet the flourishing condition of these countries and territories , the number of people , and the tranquility which they enjoy , apparently demonstrate , that liberty of conscience is no such enemy to man-kind , as to be so rudely harrass'd and exterminated from the earth with all the rigors and vexations that render life uncomfortable . having thus established the truth of religions toleration upon the foundations of scripture , reason , authority and example , certainly the wonder must be very great among discerning persons , that men who boast a more refin'd profession of christian religion , who aspire to peace , to love , to moderation , and truth toward all men , should with so much passion and bitter animosity , exercise their hatred upon their brethren , for the niceties of different opinions ; so that if we come to know of what profession they are , 't is their imperfection , not their perfection that makes the discovery : which preceeds from hence , that ecclesiastical functions and dignities are esteem'd for the benefits and advantages men reap thereby either of wealth or fame . which abuse once crept into the church , was the first occasion that many men of evil principles greedily thirsted after ecclesiastical preferments ; and that the love of propagating sacred religion degenerated into avarice and ambition ; and that the church it self was turn'd into a theater , where the great doctors studied not the plainness of true preaching , but to shew the quaintness of their oratory . they never bent their minds to teach the people , but to tickle their ears into an admiration of their elegant expressions and gingling satyrs upon dissenters and papists , as they thought their themes would be most pleasing to their auditors ; which did but inflame the contentions already rais'd , and beget contempt and hatred to themselves , and breed an animosity not easy to be reconcil'd in them who had been so rudely , tho undeservedly handled . no wonder then that nothing remain'd of primitive religion besides the external worship ( with which the people rather seem'd to flatter then adore the supream divinity ) and that faith was now become no other then credulity and prejudice . that very prejudice , that renders men of rational creatures , brutes ; as being that which hinders every man from making use of his free judgment , and being able to distinguish truth from falshood ; and which seems to have been invented on purpose to extinguish the light of the understanding . piety and religion are made a compound of erroneous mysteries of humane policy ; and they who contemn reason , and reject the directions of the understanding as corrupted by nature ; would themselves be thought to have the divine light ; tho had they but the least spark of divine light , they would not so proudly insult , but learn more prudently to worship god , and as now in hatred , so then in love , to excel the rest of their brethren . nor would they persecute with such an open hostility , those that cannot in conscience comply with their impositions , but rather take pity of their failings , unless they would be thought more fearful of their own worldly interest , then sollicitous for the others salvation . seeing then that the establishing of any religious perswasion by force , is so contrary to scripture , reason and common sence , it remains then that only worldly interest , and the support of a domineering hierarchy , must be the chief motives that engag'd the late persecutors to procure those penal laws , which in contempt of the light of nature , and their own videmus meliora's , they put so rigorously in execution . laws that punish the very supposition of crimes and transgressions in conceit ; laws that punish the body with corporal vexations for the supposed transgressions of the mind and will ; laws that pretended to dive into the breasts of men , and to discover evil in their thoughts , as if enacted to torment the souls of mankind before their time : in a word , laws that were abolish'd by reason as soon as made ; for if laws are grounded upon reason , and these laws are contrary to reason , as it is plain they were , for that laws are made to redress , not to increase the grievances of the people ; then were they null as soon as form'd . for if laws do not arise out of natural reason , but are only made to avoid some greater mischief pretended to be foreseen ; we are not rashly to admit of such an interpretation , as to make that sinful or criminal which is otherwise lawful . thus to seperate from the church of england , is a thing no way in it's self unlawful , and therefore cannot be made criminal by a law , there being no natural equity to make it so , and consequently not punishable by the law. : nor can their meeting in conventicles be a crime ; for that the doctrine of men that teach those things which are just and honest , can never be fear'd , especially when they are exact in their obedience to the magistrate ; nor should their private assemblies be envied or suspected , as being just and innocent men , till they are convicted of being otherwise . and therefore they that persecute such people , ought rather to be prosecuted themselves ; for that by them the law of nature is brok'n in doing injustice to them that never offended ; and it is but natural equity to punish those that wrong their neighbours without a cause . which cause can never be found in a law made contrary to reason ; in a law made to gratify the ambition and interest of a single party , to the disturbance of the greater part of the nation , which is contrary to the common good , and consequently the end of law. moreover , there is no humane law that can command or prohibit an act , purely directly and secundum se , internal . and this is grounded upon the common axiome , cogitationis paena nemo meretur : no man incurs the punishment of thought , for the law has nothing to do with internal acts ; and therefore because it cannot naturally and of it self punish those acts , therefere neither can it either command or prohibit them ; for the legislative power is compulsive , and if it cannot be compulsive as to the inward act , neither can it make a law in reference to it : the reason of this assertion is , for that the legislative power among men is only ordain'd for preservation of the outward peace and honesty of humane community , to which those acts have no relation which are conceived in the mind . then again this power springs immediately from humane community it self , by the means of natural reason . now there is no humane community that can grant a power immediately and of it self , over actions meerly internal , as being altogether without the limits of its knowledge , and without the bounds of its jurisdiction ; for no man is naturally subject to another in his soul , but in his body . therefore said a learned schoolman , he is in an error who believes that servitude lays hold of the whole man ; the better part is excepted . our bodies are lyable to our superiours and governours , but the mind is its own lord and master . then again , the conditions of humane laws are , that the law must be honest , just , possible , convenient to time and place , and conformable to religion and reason . the penal laws are not honest , because they would enforce men to abandon the worship of god , which in their cons●●ences they have made choice of , as believing it to be the most ●●●…e and conformable to scripture , and to submit themselves 〈◊〉 ceremonies , which they as firmly believe to be no way necessa●● for their salvation , but rather contrary to those sentiments ●hich they have of the truth of sacred adoration . they are not just , because they would bereave men of that christian liberty which all men have a priviledge to claim ; and which the most zealous promoters of the penal laws would take most heavily to be themselves depriv'd of . in the second place , they ought to command those things which may be justly observed ; but these laws would enforce men to sin against the dictates of their consciences , the consequence is easy to any . thirdly , the penal laws are not agreeable to religion , for they prohibit what the laws of god allow , which is liberty of conscience , and uphold what the laws of god prohibit , which is spiritual tyranny and dominion in matters of religion . fourthly , the penal laws are contrary to reason and the common benefit of civil society ; for it is not rational that people should be imprison'd , fin'd , and banished , and common security of liberty and property be infring'd even to the loss of men lives , and the depopulation of a kingdom , for pretences over which the civil magistrates pretends not to have any jurisdiction . add to this , that to rendering laws effectual , there are required all the three parts or sorts of justice . first , justitia legalis , whose office is to aim at the common good , and consequently to preserve the due priviledges of all the subjects in general . secondly , justitia commutativa , which requires that the legislator command no more then lies in his power . thirdly , distributive justice , which takes care that the private good of a few , be not respected more then the public good of the whole body . in all which parts of justice , the penal laws being defective , it follows that they were not duly made , consequently invalid and no way obliging . and this is the opinion of all the famous casuists , aquinas , sctus , medina , caster , tolinus , panormitanus , and others , conformable to that of st. austin himself , l. . de civit. dei. c : . the perverse constitutions of men are neither to be accounted nor to be said to be laws ; when that is only to be accounted right and just , which flows from the fountain of justice . now that it is the intrinsic end of all laws duly made , to aim at the common good , is plain from the laws of god themselves , which are such , that tho ordain'd by god himself to his own glory , yet he seeks therein not his own advantage , but the good and benefit of men . in like manner as all humane laws are imposed upon a community of people , so ought they to be made for the general good of that community , otherwise they are irregular ; for it is against all justice to reduce the common good to private interest , or to subject the whole to the part for the parts sake . another reason may be deduc'd from the end it self , for the end must be proportionate to the act , its beginning and efficacy . now the law is the common rule of moral operations ; therefore the first principle of moral operations ought to be the first principle of the law ; but the end or happiness is the first principle of moral operations ; for in morals the beginning is the end of the operations , and so the ultimate end is the first principle of such actions ; but the common good or felicity of a city or kingdom is the ultimate end of it in its government , therefore it ought to be the first beginning of the law , and therefore the law ought to be for the common good. now it is apparent that the penal laws were made only for the particular good and felicity of the church of england men , all others being by them excluded from the benefit of their native priviledges , that could not in conscience conform to the ceremonies of their worship , to the ruin and vexation of many thousands , which was positively against the common good and felicity of the nation and general community of the people , divided only in some points of religion , but in an equal poise of obedience and loyalty to the supream magistrate , and therefore justly deserving equal share of provision by the laws for their security and protection . and therefore unless it can be prov'd that it is for the common good and benefit of the whole nation , that men should be persecuted to uphold the hierarchy of the church of england , the penal laws are unduly made , and therefore as of no force , to be repeal'd and annul'd . therefore the intention of the divine laws might have taught the promoters of these penal statutes better and more christian learning ; for therefore are prelates call'd pastors , because they ought to lay down their lives for the good of the sheep ; not the sheep to lay down their lives for the good of them : they are call'd dispensers and not lords ; ministers of god , not primary causes , and therefore they ought to be conformable to the divine intention in the exercise of their power : god principally intends the common good of men , and therefore his ministers are bound to do the same . they are tyrants , not governours in the church , while they seek their own support and not the common benefit . as to the injustice of the penal laws , experte materiae , in commanding those things which ought not to be observed , this axiom from thence arises . that no unjust law can be a law , and then there lies no obligation to accept it , or to observe it if accepted ; for that the subjects are not only not bound to accept it , but have it not in their power , when the command is clearly and manifestly unjust : as when men are commanded not to meet above such a number under such a penalty , for the exercise of their religion according to their consciences . this is an evil command , because it debars men from the free worship of god ; for unless it could be prov'd that the religion of the church of england is the only true religion in the world , and they the only infallible ministers upon earth , it is unjust in any law to constrain others to believe that , which may be as erroneous in them , as what the other professes : for tho i may believe the liturgy of the church of england to be the purest form of supplication under heaven , yet another may not believe so , neither is it a crime in him to believe otherwise . we have said that the penal laws are defective in point of honesty , which is another reason why they are invalid , and therefore to be annull'd . for the immorality of the precept is contrary to god himself , because it includes a crime and a transgression against god , and therefore ought not to be observ'd as no way obligatory : seeing that it behoves us to obey god rather then man , which is the reason these laws ought not to be observed , as contradicting our obedience to god , and subjecting us to the compulsions of men. in the last place , no law can be valid beyond the intention of the legislators . now it is not rational to think that those persons who made the penal laws upon a presumption of danger from factious and turbulent spirits , ever intended those laws sor the punishment of those that liv'd peaceably and obediently toward the government in all the passive duties of good loyal subjects , for that had been to make laws for the punishment of good men , which was never the design of any just and vertuous legislator in this world. now then the presumption of the danger being remov'd by his majesties most gracious indulgence , the foundation of the penal laws are remov'd , and consequently the obligation to them ; for it is not to be imagin'd that the framers of these laws ever meditated to establish the dominion of a spiritual oligarchy upon the ruin of so many families of pious and religious people ; and therefore the suspitions which were the grounds of these laws being vanish'd , the laws themselves are to be laid aside , as altogether vain and frivolous , and such as have only serv'd to gratify the revenge and animosity of their promoters : for we never hear'd of traytors or factious persons , that were ever try'd upon those laws , there being others of greater force to take hold of such criminals . as for the test , it appears to be an oath continued to prevent the sitting of any commoner or peer in either of the houses of parliament , from coming into his majesties presence or court , and from bearing any office or imployment , military or civil , in any of his majesties realmes of england or ireland , &c. and they that are to take this oath , are thereby to abjure the belief of transubstantiation , invocation or adoration of saints , and the sacrifice of the mass , &c. the learned are of opinion , that to make an oath binding , it is requisite that it refers to things lawful ; for that if the thing promised upon oath be forbidden either by the law of nature , or by the divine laws , or interdicted by the laws of men , it has no power to oblige the swearer . now the q●●●●●●n will be whether this oath does not positively 〈…〉 laws of the land , by enforcing a peer of the realm ▪ or any other free-born english-man of lower degree , to ac●use himself , with so strong and dangerous a temptation to perjury , where the choice is only this , either to forswear their religion , or lose their native priviledges and preferments , and all possibility of advancing their fortunes . a piece of severity that constrains the inward belief of the mind , which god the searcher of all hearts has resorv'd to himself . that this is an act contrary to the known laws of the land , is undoubtedly true , as is apparent from the great charter , and several statutes of the realm ; therefore the test has no power to oblige the swearer , and consequently to be repeal'd as useless . that it is against the law of god , is apparent from hence , for that there is nothing more strongly prohibited in scripture , then to ground a penal prosecution upon the enforc'd oath of the party without witness or accuser . in the next place it seems a hard case to oblige the papist to swear away his religion , before he has another provided for him by those that impose the oath . for certainly transubstantiation is no point of state : nor does the doctrine of good works make a man a good subject : and it is possible for a papist to be loyal to the supream authority , and yet believe there is a purgatory . all these are no fundamental points of christian faith , clearly set down in scripture , but infer'd from passages and glances of the text , to which the answers are believ'd as probable by the papists , as the objections against them by us ; and therefore there is no reason they should be so cruelly tested for doctrines that are but either obscurely reveal'd , or not necessarily enjoyn'd . as little reason is there to enforce this test upon the papists , when we know that many of our own perswasions would scruple to take it , and some so nice as absolutely to refuse it . at least it is very severe to compel such as are young and unlearned ( for all are not casuists that enter the parliament house , or have preferment in the kingdom ) to swear that such an opinion or doctrine is not true , which they have been always bred up to from their infancy ; especially to come bluntly upon them without any preceding instructions or endeavours to convince their understandings , only swear or else depart the kings presence and quit your imployment . but all this is done , they say to prevent the growth of popery , and secure the publick peace : as if the taking the test would avail to make a man either a better neighbour or a better subject . for experience tells us , that they who impose this test , conside never the more in those whom they have frighted to take it ; and tho by taking it they may preserve what places they have , yet is it not in it self any step to preferment . rather indeed is there less reason to conside in those that are unwillingly drawn to an outward complyance , then in those that obstinately refuse to be obliged ; since there can be no greater cause of hatred and resentment , then the remembrance of their being compell'd publickly to swear against their consciences ; unless their judgments are really chang'd , and then all penalties to enforce them are superfluous . whence it must be concluded , that the tests and all oaths of that nature , are always either absolutely pernicious or altogether unnecessary : if against the inward judgment , damnable , as being the highest degree of perjury , and spiritual murder of the soul ; if according to the internal sentiments , useless . more then this , it was the opinion of isidore , that a man ought to make no scruple to break an oath that would bind him to a dishonest and unjust action : for that the promise must needs be wicked that cannot be fulfill'd , but by making a man wicked . and what can make a man more wicked then to renounce his religion for private gain ? so that if the test , as it is an oath that would bind a man to such an unjust action , as the renouncing his religion for worldly honour or preferment , may be so easily broken , to what purpose is it kept on foot ? since it has not power enough to bind the person that takes it . and indeed , if the power of an unjust oath were so great as some would make us believe , how deeply are they perjur'd that took the covenant and engagement , yet after that were so instrumental in restoring of his late majesty of blessed memory , whose right and title to the crown they had so solemnly abjur'd . but they have their absolution from st. ambrose , who tells us , that some promises cannot be perform'd , nor some others kept without the violation of our duties both to god and man. upon these considerations we have just reason to believe it was , that our supream legislator and soveraign prince set forth his most gracious act of indulgence , thereby to free from spiritual bondage , the enflav'd consciences of his suffering subjects , groaning under the tyranny of ecclesiastical jurisdiction . therein truly resembling the divine majesty , whose vicegerent upon earth he is , while he sheds down down upon all in general , the rayes of his christian compassion , and spreads the cherubim wings of his mercy over multitudes so latety tormented with the unsanctified vexation . he has publicly declar'd it to be his aim to fix his government on such a foundation as may make his subjects happy in the enjoyment of their religion with freedom of exercise , and their property without invasion . under the reign of such a prince , whom god preserve , what cause or grounds can there be for fears or jealousies ? 't is an ill sign of obedience in subjects , when they distrust the solemn declarations of their prince : and on the other side , to deny him so small a recompence for his excess of benignity in his royal toleration , as the repeal of cruelty and injustice ; cruelty in the penal laws , and injustice in the test ; is the highest ingratitude in the world. certainly it cannot be thought but that a monarch so tender of the liberties and consciences of his subjects , must be ill at ease till he has removed those scourges of imposition that hang over their heads in such a threatning posture . and therefore since soveraign consideration thinks it meet to have them taken away , 't is a very rude piece of obstinacy , to be froward and peevish in opposition to soveraign reason . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e this was finished before the translation of lactantius , and therefore as not being borrowed from him , i thought fit to let it pass with this advertisement . his grace the duke of buckingham's speech for liberty of conscience in m.dc.lxxii buckingham, george villiers, duke of, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) his grace the duke of buckingham's speech for liberty of conscience in m.dc.lxxii buckingham, george villiers, duke of, - . sheet ( p.). printed for j. curtis ..., london : . imperfect: creased, stained, and with print show-through, and loss of text. reproduction of original in: huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience. dissenters, religious -- england. great britain -- history -- charles ii, - . broadsides -- london (england) -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his grace the duke of buckingham's speech for liberty of conscience in m.dc.lxxii . licens'd april th . to the reader . having by me a short speech of the late duke of buckingham's , under his own hand , relating to liberty of conscience , i thought this a proper season to publish it . if you are not of my opinion , it will take up so little of your time to read it , that you may easily pardon your humble servant jo. harington . th april . my lords , there is a thing call'd property , which ( whatever some men may think ) is that the people of england are fondest of , it is that they will never part with , and it is that his majesty , in his speech , has promis'd us to take a particular care of . this , my lords , in my opinion , can never be done , without giving an indulgence to all protestant dissenters . it is certainly a very uneasie kind of life to any man that has either christian charity , humanity , or good nature , to see his fellow subjects daily abus'd , diverted of their liberty and birthrights , and miserably thrown out of their possessions and freeholds , only because they cannot agree with others in some niceties of religion , which their consciences will not give them leave to consent to ; and which even , by the confession of those who 〈…〉 upon them , is no way necessary to salvation . but ( my lords ) besides this , and all that may be said upon it , in order to the improvement of our trade , and the increase of the wealth , strength , and greatness of this nation , ( which , under favor , i shall presume to discourse of at some other time ) there is , methinks , in this notion of persecution , a very gross mistake , both as to the point of government , and the point of religion . there is so as to the point of government , because it makes every man's safety depend on the wrong place , not upon the governor , or a man's living well towards the civil government established by law , but upon his being transported with zeal for every opinion that is held by those that have power in the church then in fashion . and it is , i conceive , a mistake in religion , because it is positively against 〈◊〉 ●express doctrin and example of jesus christ . nay , ( my lords ) as to our protestant religion , there is something in it yet worse ; for we protestants maintain , that none of those opinions , which christians differ about , are infallible ; and therefore in us , it is somewhat an inexcusable conception , that men ought to be deprived of their inheritance , and all the certain conveniences and advantages of life , because they will not agree with us in our uncertain opinions of religion . my humble motion therefore to your lordships is , that you will give me leave to bring in a bill of indulgence to all dissenting protestants . i know very well , that every peer of this realm has a right to bring into parliament any bill which he conceives to be useful to this nation : but i thought it more respectful to your lordships to ask your leave for it before , i cannot think the doing of it will be of any prejudice to the bill , because i am confident the reason , the prudence , and the charitableness of it , will be able to justifie itself to this house , and to the whole world. finis . london , printed for j. curtis near fleet-bridge , . the inconveniencies of toleration, or, an answer to a late book intituled, a proposition made to the king and parliament for the safety and happiness of the king and kingdom tomkins, thomas, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing t estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the inconveniencies of toleration, or, an answer to a late book intituled, a proposition made to the king and parliament for the safety and happiness of the king and kingdom tomkins, thomas, ?- . [ ], p. printed for w. garret, london : . attributed to thomas tomkins. cf. bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jenkins, david, - . -- proposition for the safety and happiness of the king and kingdom. liberty of conscience. great britain -- politics and government -- - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the inconveniencies of toleration , or an answer to a late book , intituled , a proposition made to the king and parliament for the safety and happiness of the king and kingdom . in those dayes there was no king in israel , but every man did that which was right in his own eyes . judg . . . london , printed for w. garret . . inconveniencies of toleration , &c. liberty of conscience is a thing which hath often made a very great noise in the world ; and is at the first view , a thing highly plausible ; but although it looks hugely pretty in the notion : yet it was alwayes found strangely wild and unmanageable when ever it came to be handled by experience ; and we shall constantly find , that those which cryed it up for the most reasonable thing in the world , when themselves stood in need of it , as soon as ever they came in power , would never endure to hear of it any longer . they who plead for it for themselves , do not use to allow it to others ; it hath always been so unlucky , as soon as ever it hath succeeded , to be laid aside . now liberty of conscience is either absolute , and universal , or limited and restrained : if universal and absolute , it layeth us open to all the folly and phrenzy imaginable , to all those heresies which the scripture calls damnable , and is a publick invitation to all sorts of strong delusions , and the believing of lyes , which st. paul cautions us so much against , thes. . , . and in rev. . . . the church of pergamus is charged not with holding errors her self , but tolerating them in others . her guilt was , that she had among her , those who held the doctrine of balaam and the nicolaitans . but if it be limited and restrained : then it is no longer liberty of conscience ; but there is a clear confession , that conscience is not so sacred a thing , but it ought to have limits and restraints set upon it . if it be asked , will you force men to go against their consciences ? i answer , that consciences may be such , that men ought not to be suffered to act according to them . the scripture tells us of seared consciences , reprobate minds ; and those whose very mind and conscience is defiled ; so that conscience alone is no sufficient justification ; conscience hath its rule , may swerve , and ought very well to be looked to . i know that no man ought to act against his mind or perswasion ; but i know withall , that there ought great care to be taken , what minds and perswasions men are of . thus much i thought fit to premize , because that the cause is thought sufficiently pleaded , as soon as ever it can be alledged , this is our conscience : for it may be your conscience and your crime too . the first thing which i shall observe in this treatise , which pretends to so much peace , good will and moderation , is the time of its coming out , and that was the time of an invasion : was this a time to rip up and aggravate discontents at home , when we were set upon with a powerful enemy from abroad ? who but a dutch man would have gone about to have affrighted the credulous vulgar , with this canting dismal strain ? p. . there are i perceive many fears and hopes upon the minds of people , and the presages of their hearts are many : i know not whether there be any dark notices from some spirits that preside over us , of some great events , sometimes when they are near us : but methinks the minds of some have of late aboaded some very great evil , or great good not to be far from us , &c. he who at such a time , proclaims the fears of the nation , intended sure to make them fear much more : this way of divulging such melancholy omens , could have no end , but to dishearten our people , or to inflame them . i could not , me thoughts , pass by this observation ; because it was one sad instance , that the puritan spirit hath not at all altered his old way of acting ; for so did their forefathers in try how far they could terrifie the state at that time , because it was a time of great danger . a england at this time did labour not onely with a war abroad , but with schism at home : for schismatical pravity never fails to add a new combustion to the heat of war ; the contumacy , impudence , and contumelies of these men did never shew it self with greater insolence . cambd. eliz. p. . in editione lond. mdcxv . they persumed upon the necessities of the state ; then they thought they might propose and rail at pleasure , because the queens hands were sufficiently full of other business ; then came out mar-prelate , diotrephes , the demonstration , &c. thus they use their native countrey as simeon and levi did the sichemites , as soon as they were sore , then not fail to fall upon them. if ever the state lies under a disadvantage , these will not fail to help on the disturbance . but from the time of the publication , proceed we to the book it self ▪ the first thing we find observable is p. , , . there is a company of people about us in the countrey , &c. the most of them are certainly inoffensive persons , and there is no more against them , than pliny had against the christians ; that they meet and preach and pray together , &c. how harmless , or inoffensive they may seem to you , we know not : but this , nor our neighbour nation , hath not found them to be such tame and modest things : the time hath been known , when they could devour widows houses , as well as for a pretence make long prayers . our charity prompts us to hope , that there are amongst this sect several good and well meaning people , and such which of themselves would be very harmless and inoffensive ; yet , law makers ought to consider not only what people are , or would be of themselves , but what use others are like to make of them : it is no news for men to be made the instruments of a design , and yet to know nothing of it ; to be the great engines of such businesses , which had they seen thorough them , they would have dyed , rather than to have any thing to do with : we are therefore not only to consider the people who meet there , but who they are , which have the managing of such meetings ; as suppose now that the separated congregations should think those men the fittest to be their guides , who led them on to the late war ▪ that the chief speakers there should be the abetters and applauders of the murther of the king. and these amongst them who are of their own nature the most harmless and inoffensive , are the most likely there to be imposed upon : it is therefore the greatest kindness of government toward such innocent men , not to permit the subtle and malicious , to make a prey of them , and abuse their credulity to be the instrument of their teachers contrivances . and whereas it is here said , that they meet only to preach and pray together : it ought to be considered that we could repeat strange things , which have been said in prayers and sermons ; neither are we sure that they meet only to do that : we know , that there may be , and do verily believe , that there is a quite other use of such assemblies , viz. to form and to know a party , to communicate intelligence and discontents , to have a plausible and unperceivable way of scattering abroad among the whole nation , all sorts of little and malicious stories . there is no such dangerous way of libelling , as that which is vulgarly called a good gift in prayer . the next thing observable is p. . i wonder really in whose shops . they have bought their spectacles , that they can see this great thing unity of folks spirits , in uniformity , &c. surely uniformity doth of all things in the world look most like to unity : and st. paul recommends it to us upon this very score ; that we all speak the same things , being with him a very great evidence , that there are no divisions amongst us. but because the the credit of these glasses wherein we perswade our selves , that we see clearly unity in uniformity , doth it seems depend very much upon the shop they came out of : we shal gratifie our author so far , as to let him know whence we had them ; and to go no further , we were advised , in the making and using of this sort of glasses by one who we are sure , will not be denyed to be a most skilful work-man in such like affairs ; even the non-conformists entirely beloved mr. calvin in his epist. ad protectorem angliae , where we have him expressing his judgment clearly and fully for uniformity in all its parts , and utmost extent of it . " it is fit ( saith he ) to take great heed of the desultory wits , i. e. the light giddy heady people , who desire for themselves too boundless a liberty ; the gate is also to be shut against curious , i. e. new fangled doctrines . but how is this , think you , to be done , by liberty of conscience ? no , but by a more sober way . and for this , there is but one ready and assured way : if there be some one form of doctrin received of all , which in their preaching all should follow , to which also all the bishops and the parish priests should by oath be bound ; and that no man should be admitted to any ecclesiastical benefice , unless he promised that that consent of doctrin should be to him inviolable . here we have him clear and express , full and home for uniformity so far as doctrin reacheth . but secondly , he is as clear for uniformity in prayers , and the rites and ceremonies thereof . as to the form of prayers and rites ecclesiastical , i do very much approve , that there be one certain one , partly to provide against the simplicity and idleness of some , and partly to demonstrate the agreement of our churches between themselves , and lastly to provide against the desultory levity of those men who are alwaies affecting novelties . the second of these reasons comes home to what our author makes such a wonder of , viz. that uniformity is a great degree and evidence of our unity : and we are told a little before in the same epistle that there are a sort of seditious people in england , which all authority is highly concerned to provide against , and he describes them thus , there are ( saith he ) some brain-sick people in england , who under the pretence of the gospel , bring in all sorts of disorder . and his sentence is very peremptory concerning them ; that they ought , to be restrained by the avenging sword. now who these people are , who are complained of , as the destroyers of all order , is not surely hard to be conceived : they are the destroyers of all order , who refuse to be under any , who will own the obligation of no law ( as to these externals wherein order alone can have any place ) but take it very ill ; that they are not left wholly and altogether to their own humour and capriciousness , or what ever else it is possible for them to mistake for , or to pretend to be their conscience . and now if we think that uniformity looks like unity , we hope the glasses which we see this thorough , will be no longer derided , when we consider in whose shops we found them exposed to our open view , and we our selves were particularly called upon by the chief artificer , to make use of them for this very particular purpose and occasion . but that uniformity is a thing highly to be desired , and by all possible means to be endeavoured after and procured , is a thing which i suppose will not be denyed by that party which is here chiefly pleaded for ; because that they have with hands lifted up to heaven , sworn themselves , and not only so , but with all manner of art and violence , did perswade and force every one they had interest in , or power over , to swear with them ; that they would endeavour to bring the churches of god in the three kingdomes , to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion , confession of faith , form of church-government , directory for worship and catechising . see the first article of the covenant . we have one argument more for uniformity , and that is , the horrible divisions which we have seen to arise for the want of it ; and here we appeal to the sober part of our adversaries , who when time was , made great complaints of this very thing , the sight of the hideous heresies , schisms and scandals , which did immediately arise among themselves , did make them cry out mightily to their rulers for a law , to set bounds to the consciences of their own brethren . liberty of conscience is so wild a spirit , as no circle will keep in order : and to speak the truth , it is a contradiction to own that pretence , and then to offer to set any bounds unto it . but to draw towards a conclusion of this argument , we do verily believe , that uniformity if it were carefully maintained , and diligently looked after , would in a few years recall our ancient unity ; the people would quickly forget all these fantasies , if it were not for these small levites which are perpetually buzzing them into their ears ; we should quickly see , that the people would come to the churches , if there were not so many conventicles to keep them thence ; and if they were but used for a little while to come thither , they would not find the liturgy to be such a fearful idol , as they have been often told of : and i durst confidently say , that if a tryal were made in any gathered church about the town , and many of our prayers were there repeated memoriter , that that man would be accounted one of great gifts that could pray so sweetly : it is nothing but unacquaintedness which makes them lyable to be so scared , with all those terrible and groundless stories . and i here durst boldly appeal to thousands , who have since the kings return , gone once or twice to hear the common-prayer out of curiosity , and have gone ever after out of conscience ; and have much wondered at and despised their own credulity , in that they were ever brought to entertain such hard jealousies of so harmless a thing . but we are told in the next place , that to make laws in religious matters especially , ( and by the same rule in every thing else ) is a thing , to say no more , perfectly insignificant and absolutely useless , for , it is a principle of a serious tender christian , that he would not do any thing for fear , which he would not out of conscience , i. e. as these words must signifie in this place , he will do no more for the sake of the law , than he would have done without it : and it is a deadly temptation against the present injunctions , that they have a penalty annexed to them . did ever any hear of a law without a penalty ? was ever an injunction drawn up in this form ? these things we do enjoyn you to do ; and if you do them , it shall be to you the same thing as if you let them alone . if the church hath power to command us any thing , we need go no farther than common sense to infer ; that she hath power to punish , if that be not done which is commanded ; and now that the church hath power to make injunctions of this nature , we have evidence enough from the scripture it self , where we find out saviour so far owning this authority , as that he submitted to it : the feast of the dedication was of institution purely humane , and yet our lord observed it ; john . . nay farther , our saviour did not onely observe humane institutions , where there was no particular command in scripture for them ; but he also did observe such as were in outward circumstances , quite different from what the scripture hath appointed them to be in . if this seem strange to us , let us look into exod. . . where we find the very manner of eating the passover plainly prescribed to us , to be done in a standing-posture , and that with all the punctual formality , of their loyns girt , shooes on their feet , and staves in their hands . now our saviour eats it quite otherwise , in a table-posture leaning , without ▪ loyns girt , shoos on his feet , or staff in his hand , in perfect compliance with the uniform practise of that age he lived in . and that all good order and authority was not buryed with the synagogue , is apparent from st. paul , cor. . . let all things be done decently and in order . upon which calvin : this which st. paul here requires , cannot be had , unless some constitutions ( like bonds ) be added , by which order and decorum may be observed . and melancthon in his common places , cap. de politiâ ecclesiast . throughout : take away the obligation of humane ordinances , men cannot be governed or restrained ; so that let us assure our selves ; that take away the ordinances of the church , and the church it self is in danger . add in the close of that argument , let us look but into humane nature , and man-kind's way of living , and we shall find that it cannot want ceremonies . but why do we mention particular persons ? when if there were occasion to multiply words in so clear a case , we have the joint confession of all the reformed churches ; and he who pleaseth to look into the harmony of confessions , may satisfie himself at leisure : we shall onely mention the bohemian , because it carries its reason along with it . c. . sect. . p. . they do teach likewise , that there ought to be a set-constitution , and a certain order of administration in the holy church ; for without a constitution and an outward administration for order , it cannot possibly go well with the church , as with no other , no not the least community . but now suppose the church make these laws , how if inferiors will not obey them ? for that mr. calvin shall be their judge in his epistle to farel p. . this hath always obtained in the church , which hath also been decreed by the ancient synods , that he who will not be subject to the laws of the publick discipline , should be put out of his office and employment . having now upon these several , and we hope convincing grounds , shewed , that the church should have a power of commanding , and consequently , of imposing penalties in case of disobedience : we shall a little return and take some small notice of the first ground of this his argument . that a tender christian will not do any thing for fear , which he would not out of conscience . if this be intended to represent the gallantry of that party , which is here pleaded for ; as being a company of heroick spirits , as that they may be perswaded or encouraged , but are at no hand to be frighted into any thing : we shall then say , that we never yet saw reason to believe that they were persons of such great bravery and resolution : we have heard indeed by one who knew them well ( king james ) that no deserts would oblige them , nor no oaths bind them ; but we never yet heard , but they were as liable to be terrified as any other mortals . we suppose that mr. love may well pass for one of these serious and tender christians , and yet fear prevailed so far upon him , as to make him acknowledg his great guilt and unfeigned sorrow for his great offence ; and own those whom he conspired against , as the supreme authority , and promise all manner of duty and submission , in hopes of a reprieve ; and that this was not altogether conscience , appears , in that when they would reprieve him no longer , he called them rebels and traitors . once again , mr. jenkins too , did recant then ; and we are more sure that he did comply then , out of the principle of fear , than we are that his not-conforming now , proceeds purely out of a principle of conscience . nay , did not that whole party lay aside all mention of the covenant from mr. love's death , till just upon the king's restauration ? now i suppose fear had some influence upon them in this , as well as conscience . the truth of it is , they are like spaniels , if they seem to love any , it is after they have been soundly beaten ; or rather , they are of the basest of all dispositions , who really love no body , but yet will cringe and fawn upon any one , so long as they are afraid of him . and if this be the character of a tender christian , to do nothing for fear ; sure we are , that the tender christian is ( of all places ) the most unlikely to be found amongst those who talk so much of having tender consciences . in pursuance of the former argument , we are told , p. . that , if in lieu of proposing such a piece of banishment to fright the nonconformists into the late oath enjoyned in the act at oxford , there had been offered a liberty of the ministry , on that condition , without any penalty , the act had been perhaps to purpose . it is to me not a little wonder ; that any one who hath but the face of a man , can pretend to complain , as if there had been any severity in enjoyning the oath made at oxford : and to satisfie any , whether that which is here called banishment , ( i.e. removal five miles from a corporation ) be a punishment any thing less necessary for the refusing that oath , there will be little requisite besides consulting the oath , which follows in these words , viz. i a. b. do swear , that it is not lawful on any pretence whatsoever , to take arms against the king ; and that i do abhor that trayte ous position , of taking arms by his authority against his person , or against those who are commissionated by him , in pursuance of such commissions ; and that i will not at any time endeavour any alteration of government either in church or state. now it is clear , that this oath is not an ecclesiastical , but a civil oath , made purely for the safety of the king's person and authority , and was , with some addition , in force before ; and being refused , the pretence was not any thing of disloyalty , ( no , the time was not come to profess that ) but because there was in it a clause for the renouncing of the covenant : the parliament therefore being willing to comply , not only with their infirmity , but with their very peevishness , contrived the substance of the former oath without that clause in it , only binding them to profess , that it was not lawful to bear arms , &c. ut supra . now the refusal of such an oath as this , wherein they are only required to swear , that they will not serve this king as they did his father ; one would think were confiscation of goods , perpetual imprisonment , or banishment , in the proper sense of that word ; when lo , it is nothing but the being removed five miles from a corporation . they who will not promise , not to subvert the government , shall have the whole protection of it , with this only caution taken against them , that they shall not live in such populous places , where they may have opportunity to seduce great numbers every day , to those attempts which they will not be brought so much as to profess for to disclaim . and yet even this is not exacted , as those who walk london streets , know well enough ; and now where there is so direct , so reasonable , and withal , so merciful a law ; one would think , that instead of complaining , they should rather express their gratitude towards the king for his so wonderful , i had almost said so groundless an indulgence , in not putting in execution this act , which is so great a piece of his own security , as it is a restraint upon those who will not so much as engage themselves , not to destroy him and his government . the next , p. , is a project of our author 's against his own brethren ; and that is , to serve them as julian did the primitive christians , to keep them out of every office and employment . and i shall thus far yeild to his advice , as to acknowledg , that if it were carefully followed , we should quickly see that it would have a very good effect . but we must add , that he hath put a very odd complement upon his majesty and the parliament in thus representing them to be worse than julian . but the next , p. , is infinitely more inexcusable ; he doth there tell us how the king of japan first put to death every man who was a christian : this not serving the turn , he executed the whole family where any christian was harbour'd : this not doing it neither , he commanded that both that house where any christian was found , and the next two houses on both sides of it , should be all put to execution . and now when he did reasonably suppose , that every one who reads this dismal passage , had his heart full of horror and detestation at this so barbarous and unexampled inhumanity , he most spitefully inferrs . that this is the course which he and his are to expect likewise . lay that right hand on your breast , weigh what i say ; you must either come to this , if you see to the end , or you must come to an accommodation . have these men already forgot how their lives were ( by the plain known laws of the land ) every one forfeit to his majesty ? and how earnest the king was to pass the act of indemnity : how religious he hath been in observing it ? and when themselves find the government so mild , as they by this sort of scribling dare show how little they are afraid of it ; see what manner of returns they make . ought not now some other course besides mildness , be taken with them , who shall thus dare to allarum the nation , that if he and his have not their wills , there is approaching the most horrid tyranny which ever the sun saw ? i dare confidently say , that however these jealousies may promise their design , in inflaming the people ; yet themselves do not in the least believe , that ever such rigour is intended toward them : and if they were more afraid , they would not complain half so much . hitherto we have had little but lamentations and complainings , that there are in general , laws and injunctions which they cannot away with . but now , p. . we are plainly told what there is in those laws which doth so much offend them : first , negatively ; it is not the dignity of the bishops , their lordships and revenues ; it is not their cathedrals , organs , and their divine service , in what state and magnificence they please : it is not common-prayer , no nor any ceremony of the church , for all its significancy , if it be but a circumstance of worship , and no more , that could hinder most of the judicious and sober nonconformists to come over to you , &c. these things it seems are lawful , and they can come over to them : it were to be wished that they would instruct their proselytes but thus much as they here openly profess , and not for ever infuse dismal jealousies into the heads and hearts of the people , against those things which themselves own so perfectly innocent , and what they can at any time come over to : but hath not the irresistible evidence of truth , here forced them to give up at once no less then their whole cause , or at least , to take away all manner of colour from it ? for seeing that these things are all innocent , what one thing can there possibly be alledged to create any longer scruple ? here is a clear confession , that these men are guilty of the most unreasonable schism that ever was , or ever can be in the world , because it is such a schism which is in their own judgments utterly without any reason ; for there is not any thing required , but what they here profess that they can come over to : the church exacts conformity to nothing but what the very dissenters acknowledg that all the sober and judicious men among them can come over to . but are these men to be esteemed , or sober , or judicious , which stand out in so causless a schism ? which keep up so needless a separation , and divide ( not to say the church , but ) their native country , by refusing to do such things which they know and own , that they may do , and do them very unlawfully . but if these things do not keep them out , what doth ? for these are all the things which the dispute lies about ; why ? it is these declarations , subscriptions , and oaths , which you impose upon them , &c. if the former doth not hinder , i see no reason why this latter should ; for , if we may do such a thing , why may we not declare that we will do it ? if we do believe these things , why may we not subscribe to them ? and what is the harm of an oath to a thing which hath no harm in it : and as to the imposition , that alone cannot alter the case ; for if such a thing ( suppose a significant ceremony ) be in it self lawful , then the magistrate by imposing a significant ceremony , hath only imposed that which is a lawful thing . the law is here notoriously and confessedly innocent in every particular , because that every particular which it doth require , is owned and confessed to be innocent . but as for oaths , we are farther told , that be they taken , or be they not taken , they signifie nothing . we live then certainly in a very mad age. but of all men , the presbyterians are the best qualified to teach this doctrine , that oaths , be they taken , or not taken , they signifie nothing . all europe will bear witness , that with them they have indeed signified nothing . and that , not only because there is no hole whereout a man can creep , that hath taken a former oath , but he can get out of the same , or find another like it , in any new oath you put upon him , p. . at this rate , there must be no oaths at all , because too many may be tempted to break them ; but i shall not make any longer annotations upon this , because i will not presume to vie skill with a puritan in what belongs to the shifting out of any oath , especially if it be a lawful one ; i shall readily acknowledg , that they are , of all others , the most experienced masters of that faculty . but in confirmation of what went before , we are farther told , that there is nothing that is a mans duty , or unlawful , before he hath taken the oath , but it remains as it was , after he hath taken it ; and he will be obliged neither more nor less , ( i speak as to the thing , not degree ) whether he take it , or not take it . the obligations of oaths is certainly much stronger than this author seems here to make it : the thing which was my duty before , if once i become sworn to it , this is a very strait bond to tye me faster to it ; my soul is particularly laid in pawn , and god almighty , besides a judg , is a party to exact the thing in that i have sworn it : nay , in unlawful things , the oath hath a sad obligation ; not to do the thing , it is true ; for nothing can bind me to commit a sin : but alas , by taking this unlawful oath , i have brought my self into a necessity of sinning , let me take which course i can ; whether i do the thing it self ▪ or break the oath whereby i swore to do it . if the limitation in the parenthesis ( i speak as to the thing , not degree ) were intended to qualifie the crudeness of this ( otherwise ) wild assertion , i am content to let it pass : i shall only add , that if we should grant these premisses , he could not infer a conclusion wide enough for his purpose , because his enumeration of particulars is very lame ; for , besides , those things which are duty absolutely , and those which are absolutely unlawful , there are a sort of things of a middle nature , only lawful of themselves , but not necessary ; which before the oath i might have done , but after the oath i must do ; and this part of the division ought not to have been forgot , because our great contest is concerning these things of this middle nature . but p. , , the proposer speaks home , i would to god there had never been an oath , besides the assertory oath , &c. aud p. , indeed an oath in civil things , that is taken of good will , is of moment ; but an oath upon constraint we abhor . sure the wisdom of all nations hath been strangely mistaken , if so be , that promissory oaths are not things of very great use and obligation : solomon , among other reasons by which he presseth obedience to kings , reckons up this as one , and that not the least considerable , in regard of the oath of god. the examples of this in the scripture , are very frequent , david and jonathan , david to bathseba concerning solomon's succèssion ; to the gibeonites , with many others : and the indispensable obligation of such oaths , is declared numb . . v. . if a man vow a vow , or swear an oath ▪ to bind the soul with a bond , he shall not break or profane his word , he shall do according to all that proceedeth out of his mouth . well , but this , perhaps if the oath be taken voluntarily , of our own accord : for , indeed , an oath : in civil things , which is taken with a good will , is of moment ; but an oath upon constraint we abhor . then if any will of their own accord swear not to kill the king , these may , but at no hand we must not compel them to it . the scriptures furnish us with many examples of imposed oaths , by moses , josua , david , asa , iehoida and nehemiah , &c. chr. . . asa caused the people to come to jerusalem , and there they made a covenant to seek the lord god of their fathers ; but perhaps the people were every one of them unanimous , and desirous to enter into such a covenant : that is not likely , that there should be so immediate , and so sudden a change , seeing that v. . they had been for a long season without the true god , and without priest to teach , and without the law : and v. . we see a plain , and a very great coercion used , and whosoever will not seek the lord god of israel , shall be slain , whether he were small or great , man , or woman . ezra v. . he caused the chief priests , and the levites , and all israel to swear , that they would do according to this word . and thus did all the good kings of judah , as it were easie to produce , impose oaths , and that too in religious matters : now there were amongst them divers certainly of different perswasions , who would have been glad to have been exempt from those oaths , as appears by their several groves and high-places ( amongst which , no doubt , there were several pious and well-meaning , however deluded persons , who might have said , we worship god according to our consciences , and the best of our light. ) but these different lights and perswasions did not hinder those godly , as well as wise magistrates , from imposing such an oath ; but rather it was the grand cause or motive of such impositions , to discover who they were who were of another perswasion , that they might be observed , and care taken of them , that they might be questioned , and , if possible , in time reduced . the next is a rare reason , why there should be never any more laws made , ruit humanum genus per vetitum ; to command a thing wherein we were before left free , is enough to whet our humane nature unto opposition ; to prohibit it , will make it coveted , &c. if people do grow eager after a thing , meerly because there is a law against it , there is but one way to prevent 〈◊〉 and that is , to put the law in vigorous execution . i must confess , that a little restraint doth sometimes whet our appetite ; and that the vulgar are so silly as to desire a thing sometimes meerly because it is forbidden them ; and we shall readily grant that it is thus in the instance he hath given us , that , if many of the ejected ministers who are flockt to now when they venture to preach , had liberty to say on till they had wearied themselves and auditors out , we should see how the rowling snow-balls would melt , and , excepting a few of the eminent of them , their congregations would quickly grow thin enough . we are easily perswaded ▪ that the people would quickly see cause to grow weary of them , and do very much wonder what it is which makes them at all flocked after ! how such flat , and empty , and wretched stuff , should ever have the luck to be esteemed gospel-preaching . page . i do verily hope in the lord , that there is nothing in these fears and dreadful abodings of many good mens hearts , about the discipline and way of worship in our church , but a conceit , the lord knows , i do not know . is it not therefore very wisely and christianly done of the magistrates , to silence those men who make it their great business to put such foolish and odd conceits into the peoples heads , who make them to fear , where you confess that no fear is ? are these men fit to have the charge of souls committed to them , who love to keep their proselytes all their life-time in pupillage , under those childish and empty terrors , which you properly resemble to ghosts and goblins ? things which may indeed fright us very much , but it is only because we will not be made to understand that there is nothing in them : and whereas we are advised , p. . to root out such conceptions ; we must still accept our author's concession , that these are conceptions fit to be rooted out ; and we think , that if that sort of teachers were removed , who nourish up such silly apprehensions , these jealousies , as having no foundation , would in a little time , of their own accord , wear all away . the next thing considerable , is an argument for liberty of conscience upon a politick account , that liberty of conscience is the thing which always prevails , which side soever it is of . it was this which 〈◊〉 the better of the king in the warres , pulled down the bishops , w 〈…〉 ng with the parliament-army , afterward pulled up the parliament , and sate down and reigned with cromwel , p. . is this the chief art they have to recommend liberty of conscience to the king's affections , to lay before him how it murdered his father , proscribed himself , and sate down with the usurper on the royal throne ? sure this is not intended , as that this was a likely way to endear it to the king , that it has done so much against him : it is strange that this should be used as an argument to this king and parliament , to establish any thing , because it was the thing which reigned with cromwel , and shall eternize that mortal , ibid. i cannot perswade my self , that one , who only intended to supplicate for favour , would ever have pleaded so unsuitable a motive : i rather , therefore , construe it as a tacit threat : this is that which liberty of conscience is able to do ; and if you will not grant it , you have felt its force once already , and you know not how soon you may feel it again . but of all the things which are here said in the behalf of liberty of conscience , i cannot chuse but smile , that it is here said to restore the king , p. . surely the church of england may say , without boasting , that her sons were the truest , the most constant subjects the king had : you cannot name any other party in the nation , chuse where you will , but something may be objected , as to their deviation from the strict rules of loyalty , among the nobility , gentry , citizens , countrey-men ; if there were any who were beyond their neighbours eminently royallists , they were likewise noted as eminently prelatical : these were the men who made every other government uneasie , by dissenting from , and upon all occasions opposing of it : all other denominations set up , courted , owned every usurping power , engaged , addressed , did what they could to make an interest , vvhile the episcopal perswasion alwayes held off . these were alwayes praying , pleading , plotting for the king ; when according to your own confession , the tender consciences vvere pliable enough to be bent any way ; and your darling , liberty of conscience , as you are not ashamed to tell us , made no scruple of conscience , to sit down and reign with cromwel . but if in cromwel's time , you were one of those who enjoyed the liberty of your conscience , we are sure that we could not enjoy the liberty of ours : was not prelacy , as well as popery , excepted in the instrument of government , that liberty should not extend to that perswasion ? was not the reading common-prayer a thing then prohibited ? and that under no less a penalty than deprivation , and sometimes deportation for the third committing such an offence ? an episcopal divine was then forbidden to preach , or so much as to keep a school . let us remember the major generals , and then we shall not forget what kind of liberty of conscience that was which sate down , and reigned with cromwel . this is , i must needs say , a bold way of making a proposition to the king , to tell him of eternizing of cromwel . pag. . we here meet with a query so very impertinent to the matter in hand , that i wonder how it was brought in . the bishops , and deans , and prebends , he thinks , should not have had the whole p●ofit of their leases , the arrears might have been left for publick accounts , and good works . in a discourse which pretends wholly to peace and accommodation , i wonder how this comes in , being perfectly extrinsecal to any thing which they at present have any occasion to plead for , unless they have a fancy that they cannot serve god now according to their consciences , because that the bishops , seven years ago , were permitted to have the letting of their own leases . but if a tender conscience be that which is afraid of the very appearance of sin ; how comes it to pass that they are so angry that the state did not commit sacriledg ? these men cannot be content , if the church doth ever recover her own , and be but once , as it were , expostliminio , restored to those rights which they had once robbed her of . not to mention merits , or sufferings , we only speak of the justice of the thing . his majesty's piety is indeed for ever to be celebrated , in being thus the church's nursing-father ; it had suffered for him , and he scorned that advice which would have had it to suffer by him. and as for the good works which he fancied that money might have been better employed in , who shall secure us , that , suppose the church had lost it , it should have been employed wholly in good works ? was not this the very plea of judas , might not this have been sold for five hundred pence , and given to the poor ? how charitable and publick-spirited are these men grown upon other mens purses ! former sacriledges have been committed upon such plausible pretences as the publick benefit and security ; but if we consult things aright , we shall not find that the publick ever gained by such courses , nor do we believe that it ever will ; nor indeed is it fit that it should do so . while these things continue in the church , the publick hath a considerable interest in them : take them away thence , and you raise some private families , whose turn being now served , the publick hath no influence upon them any longer . men may talk of the common good , and pretend that ; but no man will be an instrument of sacriledg , without an eye to his private interest . as the case now stands , how much of the churches revenue is still payable to the king ? and how much more hath he the disposal of ? now those lands are in the hands of those who are the king 's constant dependants ; take them away , and you may give them to those who may immediately turn his enemies ; and if we should make an observation upon experience , we might perhaps find , that those who have enjoyed the spoils of the church , have not alwayes shewed themselves the firmest friends to the crown . but as to that money for fines , which the author speaks only about , we think it was employed about very good works : was not the repairing of the twenty years losses of so many learned , pious , and loyal persons , of it self a very good work ? the repairing of cathedrals , and furnishing of them , was a very good , and a very costly work : the redemption of captives , was a very good work : his majesty's favour was most humbly acknowledged in a large benevolence : the re-building of houses , and augmentation of vicaridges to eighty pounds per annum , was a good , and a very great work . and to these let them add , how much was abated to the tenant , of that proportion which any other landlord would have taken ; let us consider these things , i say , and we shall find , the summes of money which came really into the pockets of the clergy at that time , not to have been in any proportion near that which envy hath suggested . i shall add but one consideration more , which i did not joyn with the rest ; because , though it was a great loss and charge to the church , i can scarce reckon , to have been a good work ; and that was , the consideration , which was taken of the purchasers , who of all men had perhaps the least reason to be considered ; yet so generous was the churches mercy , as she did not only forgive , but reward those who had been the robbers of , and spoilers of her houses and her patrimony . in the next place , p. . our author thinks that the covenant ought not to have been renounced , &c. if this care had not been taken , the people might have had some temptation to believe , that the state had tacitly confessed , that the covenant had had some real obligation : and if that were once allowed , the whole foundation of this proposition had been utterly removed ; so great a part of the nation having ( as we have before observed ) sworn to bring the nation to uniformity , . art . of the cov. this might have been a president for a violent faction , or part of the two houses to impose an oath another time ; had not that practise of theirs been so solemnly disclaimed , it might have been then said , that this had been done by them once before , not only without , but against the kings express command and authority , and that act of theirs was not so much as questiomed ; which sure it would have been , had it not been warrantable ; especially since all who took the covenant , have therein sworn to defend each other , in the maintaining and pursuing thereof ; and that they shall not suffer themselves directly , or indirectly , &c. to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed union , whether to make defection to the contrary part , or to give our selves to a detestable indifferency , or neutrality in this cause , &c. but shall all the dayes of our life , zealously and constantly continue therein against all opposition , and promote the same according to our power , against all lets and impediments whatsoever , &c. see art. of cov. the king's enemies had an act of indemnity ; but nothing could have secured the king's friends , so long as the covenant was not declared null ; the fourth article lying as a bond upon a considerable part of the nation , to bring all them to tryal and condign punishment . now is it at all credible , that any nation in the world would allow a great part of the people to believe themselves to continue under the obligation of an oath entred into , in the time of , and in the pursuance of a rebellion ; an oath downright contrary to the standing laws and government , and yet not so much as call upon them to disclaim it ? no , sure all wise estates would agree to that known saying of henry the fourth , that he would be ready to make a peace with any of the leaguers , but he would never make any peace with the league . page . there are among the non-conformists , sober and godly men , which are to be compounded with ; and there are zealous and giddy , which are to be born with , &c. but how are we sure that it will not displease the former , that we bear with the later ? we do very well remember , that there was a time that themselves would not have done it , and that they were very angry with those who did do it . what composition , or what toleration will serve the turn , we know not : but if themselves will once agree upon it , what it is which will please them , each and all ; they shall then know more of our minds concerning it . for the later of these sorts , it is proposed , viz. the zealous and giddy , that there may be a liberty granted to these people , for assembling according to their consciences ; ( a rare contrivance this , that there must be publick liberty to giddy zeal ! ) but their meeting-places should be open , ( that others may turn giddy , by beholding their giddiness ) that so if they speak any thing against the state , there may be some ready to bear witness of it : alas , how easie is it to couch sedition in words very innocent of themselves , so that the law shall not be able to take advantage over them : and yet the auditors shall very well understand their meaning ! but if this be not caution enough , we have one more , that no man be suffered to speak there , who is not forty years of age , at least thirty five . now these two cautions he supposeth will render conventicles very harmless : and truly we like them only thus far , as they have something of a rule in them ; for the lesser liberty they have , the lesser harm they will do ; the more a conventicle is bound up , the less it is it self , and consequently , the less mischievous : but we doubt , that this caution will not be sufficient ; because , when men arrive to those years , they may perhaps be more wary , but not at all the less dangerous . but why may not some of those , whom this rule excludes , reply upon this proposition , that he who makes it , is himself a borderer upon antichrist ; and that his feet stand upon the very brink of babylon : he hath in him so plain a tang of an imposing-spirit . must the motions of the spirit exspect , till he arrives at forty ? hath not a man a conscience , and that a tender one , till he is thirty five years old ? must precious gifts wait till we are of such an age ? what is this but a contrivance of man , a plain issue of a carnal spirit ? liberty of conscience ought to be left to its own liberty , or it cannot possibly be called by that name . doth the scripture tie us up to such a year ? and who shall dare to impose , what christ hath left free ? what ever answer you would return to so wild a discourse , think upon and try , whether it would not justifie the magistrates proceeding altogether as well as your own , you will find , there is a necessity of a rule , and then your great pretence for each private conscience , stating its own liberty , is utterly and unavoidably laid aside and gone . but p. . he readily foresees , that a much greater latitude than himself intends , will be apt to get in at this wide door of liberty of conscience ; and therefore he takes care to shut it against the papists . there is nothing more plain , than that if these arguments of his are valid , they conclude for the papists and the turk too , if any one of them be a man of conscience , and that in his religion he act according to it . but the parliament will provide well enough in that matter , p. . no doubt they will , but we are sure that they cannot possibly do it but by doing that which this whole book is designed against , viz. in imposing penalties in matters of religion , and exacting those penalties too , although those whom they exact them of , should happen to be really conscientious . page . we meet with some proposals to alter divers of our civil laws , as enfranchisements of servile tenures , enjoyning every one to buy his own tythe , and the money laid out in glebe , a register of estates , tenderness toward consciences . these are fine projects , and if the author thinks it worth his while , he may deal with those who are most concerned in his designed alterations ; but the first of them makes us doubt , that the man may be enclined to be a leveller ; and so we leave him to the mercy of the landlords . but these inventions do delight our author so very much , that he thinks that they alone are security enough for the everlasting peace of the nation ; and they are enlarged upon , as if the man really thought that there were something in them ; for , when things are brought about , as he hath contrived , then there must needs for ever after , be amongst us a calm and a most setled peace : for saith he , where there are no hopes from innovation , no body will go about to make it ; but when a people have all that can be had , &c. then there will be no hopes from an innovation ; ergo , when these things are taken into consideration , then shall our government of monarchy in this land , ( leaving the persons of our successive sovereigns unto providence and their chances ) be out of danger for future generations . what is here meant by ( leaving the persons of our successive soveraigns unto providence and their chances ) i wish our author had farther explained himself ; but as for his contrivance to settle things at that pass , that no body shall have hopes from , nor desire to , an innovation : i dare say that this gentleman is no states-man , in that he supposeth such a thing so much as possible ; this thing is only then to be hoped for , when there will be no ambitious , no revengeful , no discontented , no poor , no mistaken man in the nation . there will be always those who wish for a change , because that there will be always those , whose present condition is not altogether so splendid as they could wish it to be : in the most happy times , some will really be , more will fancy themselves to be , unhappy . our author some pages backwards , tells us , that if he is mistaken in the argument he there prosecutes , he will shut up his table-book , and make no more observations from experience . truly i shall even give him leave to do so , seeing that he hath learnt no more from it , than to believe that innovators are in earnest , when they profess that they take up arms only for the common good . these proposals being over , there is a long pitiful address ; the summ of all that which it is founded upon , being p. . do you know that many of these things are really against mens consciences ? and would you indeed have any such to do them , though they be so ? if these things are really , and in good earnest against their consciences , we are sorry for it , and do not know how to help it , but themselves do , or when they please may do so : in the mean time , why should not this author joyn with us , in condemning those preachers which infuse such needless jealousies into the peoples heads , which himself confesseth ( as we have often observed ) that there is no real cause for ? himself confesseth that they are not more panick , than empty terrors ; he resembleth them to the fear of fairies , and supposeth that there is nothing in them . but , which , now think we , should give place ? the publick law , or the private consciences ? especially in our case , where the apologist owns the law as to the matter , to be in the right , and verily believes that the conscience as to the scruple is in the wrong . but what is now to be done as the case stands ? the command is only to a lawful thing as it hath been often granted , but it is believed to be unlawful : i shall answer this which is the grand fundamental doubt , out of the words of one of the chief ring-leaders of that party , ( and for his sake , i hope they may meet with a fair reception ) mr. baxter in his disputations about church-government , chap. . p. . if we do through weakness or perversness , take lawful things to be unlawful , that will not excuse us in our disobedience , our error is our sin , and one sin will not excuse another sin ; & paulò post , it is their own erring judgment that intangleth them in a necessity of sinning till it be changed . with much more to the same purpose , in that whole chapter throughout . but after all this dispute , suppose at the last that it shold not be conscience , and in many of their leaders , we have great evidence , that it is not so . at the conference at hampton court before king james , dr. reynolds , mr. knewstub , mr. chatterton , did clamour as loud about conscience as any now do , or can . but when the arguments upon which their consciences pretended to be founded , were to their own conviction , all weighed and answered , there was then desired an indulgence for some few worthy and sober men , because of their credit : and are we sure , that credit hath nothing to do in this case ? men are loath to use those ceremonies , lest they should lose the credit of that zeal , which hath formerly appeared so much against them . but p . it is not the severity of laws that can do any thing with the mind , though it may with the outward man : force may make men hypocrites , not converts , to a faith which is enjoyned , &c. to this we answer with st. austin , if it doth not remove the error , yet it may prevent its spreading . if it doth not utterly take away the cause , yet it hinders most of its mischievous effects : and in a little time , it may do the other too : heresie is not seated so solely and altogether in the mind , but st. paul thinks fit to rank it among the works of the flesh ; it hath often-times no sublimer motives , than many other of the most sensual transgressions ; outward considerations , are very frequently its cause , and may sometimes be its cure. and this our author himself assures us of , that this is the best way to fetch in others , who certainly will grow weary at the long run , when they shall have work provided , but no benefice , till they conform : one of his own projects depends upon this , that the having no benefice , will be a most effectual means to make them in time , willing to conform . i shall only add to this , that these are very bold beggars , who whilst they are pleading for indulgence and moderation , cannot forbear to throw out threatnings . if the bishops will not , &c. they may write down in the books of what shall hereafter befall them . moniti meliora p. &c. this is something of the strain of martin junior , we have sought to advance this cause of god , by humble suit to the parliament , &c. seeing now , the means used by us have not prevailed , if it come in by that means , which will make all your hearts to ake , blame your selves . bancrof . out of mart. p. . dangerons positions and practises . there is one concession behind , which we are to thank our author for , that he seems p. , , to hold it unlawful to expect deliverance from any , but the king : we desire only to know whether all the party which he pleads for , be of that mind too . mr. hocker assures us , that your predecessors were of the opinion , that their way was to be set up whether her majesty or the state will or no. hooker pref. out of martin , p. . and in the king 's large declaration , concerning the tumults in scotland , p. . we meet with several of their positions laid down , amongst which , this is one , it is lawful for subjects to make a covenant and combination without the king , and to enter into a band of mutual defence against the king , and all persons whatever ; and yet there were two acts of parliament at that time in force , which declared all such contrivances punishable with death . and we do not at all doubt , but that if we had a mind to it , we could give one considerable instance within the memory of man , how this whole parcy here pleaded for , did unanimously ▪ and with great vigour list themselves apace , did contribute their persons , prayers and purses , toward the forming and maintaining of an army , to say no more , not raised by the king. it doth therefore highly concern these people publickly to disown their predecessors , and their own principles and practices , or else they cannot expect to be believed in this , so seemingly loyal a concession , that it is unlawful to expect deliverance from any but the king. i do not remember any other passage in this proposition , to be at all considerable ; only one notion he hath , which is scattered up and down his book , that penaltits and rigour doth but alienate their minds farther from us ; whereas indulgence would work upon their affections , and by degrees upon their judgments . now on the other side , we think , and that upon the grounds of experience , as well as reason , that there is not good nature enough in them for kind usage to work upon ; of this we shall give one , but that shall be a most convincing evidence . the kings majesty , immediately after his most happy restauration , being desirous to satisfie so many of all parties , as did not resolve for ever to remain unsatisfied , did accordingly give so much respect to the clamours then made against the liturgy , as to order a review of it . but withal did , by his declaration set forth about that affair , desire , that so many of them as would be thought conscientious , or peaceable , would in the mean time read so much of the liturgy , as themselves had no exception against : an easie request one would think ; read only so much as you have no exception against : here conscience sure could not be pretended , when their own conscience ( nay their very jealousie ) was the only rule which was set them to walk by , yet they stood it out , only because there was no danger in standing : out and after all , the act of uniformity brought many of the fiercest to read the whole of that , of which before they could not be brought to read a syllable ; so much is a law more available than an indulgence : and as many did come in that bartholomew-tide , so ( had there not been so great expectation of a toleration ) we have reason to believe , that many more would have come in . we have now considered every passage in this treatise , which seems to be any way material ▪ and must take leave to profess that we are not able to guess what it is which this author really would have ; and we farther believe , that he himself cannot tell us : nor need we desire the laws to continue in force any longer , than till the tender consciences can agree what to have in the stead of them . the penner seems in one place , to be one of the most moderate , and not to desire the removal of our present constitutions , but only a temporary indulgence toward some persons , whom he thinks very well of , as being in his opinion , men sober in their judgments and in their lives , only they have got some odd jealousies in their heads ; which though the apologist , is verily perswaded , that they have nothing in them ; yet he would have the men born with , as being otherwise good men ; and besides he thinks , that by this means there is great hopes , that liberty , and custom may in time prevail over these acknowledgedly groundless fancies . this is his sense , p. . . . &c. but a law , with an indulgence annexed to it , is felo de se : it may something be resembled to nebuchadnezzar's image , whose feet were partly iron , and partly clay : ( i. e. ) as daniel there interprets it , such a kingdom shall partly be strong , and partly broken ; and as it is there said that the iron shall not mix with the clay , so it will be here , the conformists and non-conformists shall never care to joyn , or be heartily brought to love one another : the difference of judgment doth unavoidably slide into distance of affection , and from the profession , we are naturally brought to mislike the persons who are of it . besides to relax a law upon the account of conscience , or the pretences of a higher degree of purity in the same religion , is as much as to proclaim the dissenters , to be the most really conscientious : that those who do conform , are meer formalists , time-servers , compliers with that which is uppermost ; but the non-conformists shall be taken for the sincere men , who walk according to light , and to keep the gospel pure without the mixture of humane inventions : and this alone will be a very great temptation to many an honest , but weak man , who hath more zeal than knowledg , to enrol himself among those men , who are allowed to differ from the religion of the state upon the pretence of higher purity , and greater attainments . but because that this proposal pretends to be made very much upon hopes ; that by this means , the differences will in a short time , be brought to cease of their own accord : we desire therefore to know , how long he would have this time of tryal last ; or will he yield , that if this course doth fail , as to this promised effect , that after such a time is past , we shall have recourse to our old laws again ; and for the present , i wish it were stated now , how far he would have this indulgence reach : and that we knew certainly , what were a tender conscience . shall it be sufficient to pretend a scruple at the law ? or is there any other rule to know this by ? or must we believe every one who saith , he doth scruple it : st. peter says , there be some who speak lies in hypocrisie , because of advantage : who now shall distinguish , unless there be some other judge , beside the party concerning whom this question may arise ? i desire farther to know , whether this pretence shall reach absolutely and universally to all sorts of consciences , and all manner of pretences of them , or else limitedly , and restrainedly to such a sort or number of them . and we would fain know certainly , what those sorts , kinds and numbers are . let our author pitch upon which of these two members of the division he pleaseth , and then try if with either of them , he can bring his whole party to subscribe : this we all desire to have , and thus much we will be content with ; we are sure that the sectaries will not be content with one ; and we are sure that the time was , when the presbyterian , would not endure the other ; and this very author seems much divided in the points ▪ one while , he seems only for an accommodation between us and the sober protestant , by which soft phrase he understands the presbyterians , and while he is in this mood , he explodes the wildness of the sectary , and compares him and the papist to the upper and nether jaw of destruction , opening her mouth upon us , p. . but in another place , he is plainly of another mind , pleading earnestly and openly for that liberty of conscience , which sate down and reigned with cromwel , p. . and that we know was down-right sectarism ; now it is but reasonable for us to demand , which of these two pleas he would stick to ; both he cannot have , because they are inconsistent , and if the law would consent , yet these two distant pleas will not , cannot agree , but must necessarily everthrow each other . it highly concerns all those who are for making alterations in laws and governments , to consider what it is they are about , and whether their present contrivances are like to carry them , lest they unawares bring things to such a pass , which themselves will be most sorry to see them at . of all projects , innovation doth most often fail the hopes conceived of it , the beginners being frequently ashamed before they come half way to the end ; and it must needs always be so , because such a work is not to be carried on , but by great multitudes of several interests and inclinations ; the greatest part of which must necessarily be disappointed , and consequently discontented , and so many unforeseen accidents do perpetually arise , in a business of this nature ; new people and new principles coming every day in play , that the first beginnings are become utterly at a loss , they are immediatly out-gone and presently after laid aside . but not to carry this observation farther than our present business , the presbyterians and the sectaries , however they may joyn now in the making of this proposition , let it be but once granted , and they shall immediately differ upon the nature and bounds of it : late experience hath given us abundant evidence , that neither of these , have reason to trust one another : the one only meaning to change us into another sort of government : the latter , not enduring any such thing : all europe is witness , that nothing but the fear of a common enemy , or a common force over them , is able to keep the godly of all judgments from running foul one upon another . if we should now ask a presbyterian , if he would be willing to be accounted accessary to the infinite number of heresies , schisms and scandals which will immediatly , and unavoidably arise , if every one be left to walk according to their own light and conscience , he will answer , far be it from him , to be guilty of so horrid a thing ; he hath covenanted , preached , written , bore testimony against , so sinful and intolerable a toleration . and on the other hand , go to the sectary and ask him , is this your meaning , only to change our form of government , for another you like better of ? he will answer , no by no means : they are all alike of humane invention , and so alike blameable ; besides , they will abhor to be oppressed by those of their own party , while they act but in pursuance of their common principle ; and this you shall have more fully , in the words of the common champion and patron of them , both about this very argument and concerning the presbyterians , had not they ( viz. the presb. ) laboured but lately under the weight of persecution ? and was it for them to sit heavy upon others ? is it ingenuous to ask liberty , and to give it ? what greater hypocrisie than for those who were oppressed by the bishops , to become the greatest oppressors themselves , so soon as the yoak was removed ? oliver cromwel in his speech at the dissolution of one of his parliaments , . p. . these therefore , however they may now piece up into one , are really two parties , have designs absolutely inconsistent ; that which soever prevailes , the other is like to have little joy of it . but as it is evident , that neither of these will tolerate each other ; so there is no reason , why the magistrate should tolerate either of them : and first , for the presbyterian ; the reason is clear , because he will tolerate no body else , as appears plainly by the covenant : and if you will have one shameful instance of their rigour , remember how they had the face to deny to that royal martyr our late soveraign of blessed memory , the attendance of his own chaplains ; he must make use of their way of devotion , or by their consent , he must have none at all ; give me such another instance of barbarity , and seek it where you can . after this , it is needless sure to give you another instance of their rigour , indeed of their inhumanity ; but yet we must do it , to shew their constant temper . deposing of kings comes but seldom , therefore we shall see what private men are to expect from them ; they have refused to admit to the communion , or to pray for people lying on their death-bed , only for not taking the covenant ; have declared that all non-subscribers were atheists : these mild inoffensive people , who must be dealt so tenderly with , because of their weakness , have preached it publickly , that episcopacy must not only be pulled up , but the bishops must be hanged up before the lord , and that the bloodiest and sharpest war was to be endured , rather than the least error in doctrine , or in discipline . see the large declaration concerning the scots , p. . and how the magistrate is particularly concerned to reduce these men to order , appears from the insolencies they have committed and defended against him , when they have been cited to appear before the king and his council , for some of these seditious preachments ; i. e. being commanded to appear before the king and council , they refused with a disdainsul kind of contempt , alledging that pulpits were exempt from the authority of kings and ecclesiastical persons , were subject not to the authority of the prince , but to the presbitery . cambden eliz. p. . and amongst other , this was plainly averred in the case of mr. andrew melvin , who being cited before the king and his council , declined their judgment , affirming that what was spoken in the pulpit , ought first to be tryed by the presbytery , and neither king nor council might in prima instantia meddle therewith , though the speeches were treasonable . spotswood , p. . but that a king is concerned as much as his royalty is worth , to provide against these men , will appear by sixteen of their publick and owned positions , all to be met with in the forementioned kings great declaration , concerning scottish tumults , . &c. of which we single out these . th pos . the assembly is independent , either from king or parliament in matters ecclesiastical . pos . th it is lawful for subjects to make a covenant and combination without the king , and to enter into a bond of mutual defence against the king and all persons whatsoever . pos . th . if subjects be called before the king and council for any misdemeanour , if they who are called , do any way conceive that the matter for which they are called , doth concern the glory of god , or the good of the church , then they may appeal from the king and council to the next general assembly and parliament ; and in the mean time before their appeaels are heard or discussed , they may disobey the king and council . pos . . that when the king is intreated to indict a general assembly , it is not that there is any need of his indiction , but rather to do him honour , and to beget countenance to their proceedings . pos . . an assembly may abrogate acts of parliament , and discharging subjects of their obedience to them , if they any way reflect on the business of the church . pos . . the protestation of subjects against laws established , whether it be made coram judice , or non judice , before the judges or the people , doth void all obedience to those laws , and dischargeth all the protestors from any obligation to live under them , before ever these protestations and the validity of them shall come to be discussed before the competent judges of them , nay , although they be repelled by the judge , before whom they were made . and this they taught their proselytes to do often in the market-place , and so they discharged themselves and one another from any law as often as they pleased . pos . . a number of men being the greater part of the kingdom , may do any thing which they themselves conceive to be conducing to the glory of god , and the good of the church , notwithstanding any laws standing in force to the contrary , p. . large declaration . having now done with these , the toleration of the sects will i hope be d spatched easily . the mother sect being laid aside , the lesser under ones will not hope to stay behind : and surely if the magistrate love religion or himself , he will not be perswaded to tolerate these neither . first , for religion , who seeth not that this artifice makes religion weak and despicable by the being crumbled into so many pieces ? it renders it most ridiculous by being so exposed to all sorts of dotage and imposture . what can possibly give unbelievers a more jnst and frequent occasion of scorn than this , that every one who hath but a freak in his brain , shall have free liberty if he pleaseth , to christen it à motion of spirit ? when every thing that is most extravagant , may have licence at pleasure to recommend it self as a degree of farther light. here we shall see men shaking all day , as if the spirit came to them in convulsions ; there we shall see them run naked about the streets as if with the old man they had put off all degrees of modesty . but these things cannot perfectly be described , because they may vary every moment , no man living being able to tell how many more absurdities this may come to in the very next moment . whether the sects be fit to be tolerated , can only then be reasonably determined , when we are certain how many , and what they are . and as to the outward part of the magistrates care in this business , who shall secure us , that this liberty of conscience may not in a while be pleaded for , as to moral transgressions ? also according as the light doth farther encrease upon them , quid quod de furtis quoque & adulteriis & homicidiis inter anabaptistas & libertinos quaritur an scelera sint ? beza de haereticis à magistratu puniendis ; p. . what a pitiful restraint is a law to a man who hath a vision ? tell him of an act of parliament , he comes full fraught with the mind of god ; nay , what shall the most express precept in all the scripture signifie to one who is got above the dispensation of the letter ? let us remember the anabaptists in germany , no men meeker at first , none bloodier at last . sleiden . lib. . p. . now that the magistrate will find himself to be highly concern'd what opinions any numbers of men shall once come to profess in his dominions . is hence evident , because that opinions have a very great influence upon actions : he who is allowed to raise a sect , hath a very fair opportunity put into his hands of making himself head of such a party , and by being permitted to have their consciences , he will find it no hard matter , to have their persons and their purses at his own disposal too . hence it is , though some princes have been sometimes forced to suffer dissenters from the established profession ; ( by reason that they were so numerous , or so subtle , that they could not go about to suppress them without discovering how unable they were to do so ) yet they always looked upon such dissenters , as the next door to enemies ; and accordingly had perpetual eye and guard upon them , as those who were of all other the most likely to be the authors , or occasion of the next disturbance . it is a great mistake , to imagine that sects are things to be despised , because that men of parts and breeding are not easily nor usually the first which are seduced by them ; we shall grant that its beginning , nay , and its greatest growth are amongst the meanest people , those whose fortunes are low as their understandings ; but perhaps it may not end there neither ; but like a pestilence which may begin in an obscure alley , and yet in a while no part of the city or kingdom may be free from it : besides , are not the vulgar people the hands and instruments which the greatest must always make use of ? and a deception got amongst them , may by a little connivance multiply so fast , as to be able to dispute for superiority , and instead of longer demanding an indulgence , they may in a little time refuse to give one ; and by how much the ordinary sorts of people are less masters of reason , by so much the easier may they be set on in those courses , which are absolutely unreasonable . the safety of all governments doth depend upon this , that it is certainly stronger than each single person ; and for all sorts of unions and joyning heads and forces together , that there be no such things , but under the guidance of the magistrate , and by his appointment : and then be the discontented persons never so many , yet so long as they have no way of uniting , they are but so many single persons , scattered , weak and insignificant , having no means of any common councel , they can never joyn in any common design . but let them once have any one phrase , to know one another by , any setled place for their constant meetings , and a set and known company for them to meet with ; or any bond whatever , which doth unite them , and they presently become a distinct people and begin to be dangerous , as having an interest and counsels of their own , which the government is not the manager of , nor privy to ; but shall quickly find it self highly concern'd , by all means to provide against . and this is the foundation of that advice which moecenas gave to augustus , at no hand to endure those who attempted to bring in new strange worships into the state , dion . cass. lib. . l. , . p. . in edit . steph. for from thence saith he proceed . * some confederations , conspiracies , and associations , things certainly which the government had need to be much aware off . and it is a very vain thing to imagine , that those who profess such great niceness of conscience , whatever their opinions be , they will use none but lawful wayes to promote them : it is rather true , that they will reckon all wayes lawful , by which it is possible , that they may promote them . let it once be permitted to crafty , active and talking men , to instill into the minds of all sorts of people the necessity , usefulness , or the rare excellency of any one thing , or contrivance whatever beyond all that which the present laws and establishment doth provide for : and is not here a most readily prepared matter for any bold bontefeu to work upon , who will take upon him to help the nation immediatly to this so fine a thing : hath not any such undertaker , a vast and already formed party in all parts of the nation ? let him but represent it to them , that the present government is the only rub which is in their way between them and this their so fancied happiness , and what will be a consequent resolution ; but let us remove that obstacle , so publick a good is much to be preferred sure before any particular form or family , the welfare of the nation is the great end , and governors themselves were created but in order to that , and consequently are to cease as often as that end can be better attained without them . though the pretence be nothing but conscience , yet every discontent will joyn to make the cry most loud and general . schismes do of themselves naturally grow into parties , and besides are most plausible occasions for any else to joyn unto them . the gathered churches are most excellent materials to raise new troops out of : and when they are thus far prepared they are at the service of any one who will attempt to lead them on . if all men were wise and honest , if every one understood well and would act accordingly , it were then perhaps reasonable enough to leave things clearly to conscience , as the very best rule we could possibly think of : but let us adde , that if this would supersede the necessity of the coercive power of our laws in religious matters , it would do this much more in all civil ones : for no laws , which ever were or can be in the world , can provide in any degree for those large measures of justice , equity and fair dealing , which would infallibly every-where be to be met with , if we were sure that men would alwayes have a care to keep a good conscience : truth , justice , temperance , &c. are things which every mans conscience doth , and must needs tell him are his duty . yet were it not for the fear of laws we should find that conscience is not alone to be trusted , even in these things which are her natural , her most familiar objects . and if we see that she doth daily praevaricate in these plain and obvious things where she is so easily sound out ; we have no great cause to trust to her fidelity : that she will not also dissemble in those things which are more remote and obscure , and hidden so far from the best of our discovery . let those therefore who plead for liberty of conscience consider , that there are two sorts of men which ought to be provided against , to keep this contrivance of theirs from being absolutely the most senseless and dangerous in the whole world : and we profess our selves unable upon their grounds to provide against them , viz. those who do pretend conscience ; and those who abuse it . and there is a third sort likewise which some care ought to be taken of , viz. those vast numbers which are every day still ▪ lyable to be more and more abused by such pretences . those laws are not fitted for the temper of this world , which proceed upon this supposition , that every one who looks demurely is presently in good earnest , that men say nothing but what they think . let us consider , that it is very possible for men to personate , and then we shall not be so eager to desire a general licence for every one who hath a mind to become a publick cheat. the inconveniences likewise , which such a toleration will bring upon a temporal account , will be very great and very universal : not a city , not a parish , nay perhaps not a family free from them . and we shall quickly see what a sad pass things will come at , if the unconsidering part of mankind shall ly thus exposed to every one who will go about to deceive them . and then from these diversities of judgments , and many times when it is only different forms of speaking , there will immediately arise great distances of affection : for these divisions of reuben there will presently be great thoughts of heart , surmisings , censures , jealousies , railings , evil-speakings , animosities , peevishness , malice , perverse disputings , and every evil way , each congregation will have some one little proposition , which all its proselytes must be known by , which all their thoughts must be always running upon , and every body else must needs come up too . the smallest gathered church cannot hold its members together , unless it hath some particular thing to engage them upon , and to have them known by : for they cannot with any face separate from all mankind , but they must have something to say for it . this contrivance , however it be absurd and dangerous , will notwithstanding that , have alwayes many who will be very fond of it , for it is a most ready way for every forward fellow to think himself somewhat in that he is got into such a sect ; and then he thinks , that if he can but improve the notion a little farther , he shall then be the more taken notice of : and if he finds that his addition is but a little taking , he will then forsake his masters to set up for himself ; divide from that church of which he is now so precious a member , to gather a purer of his own : and so this light will serve most bravely for himself to shine in . but if this had been a new invention , its contrivers might then have been allowed to have entertained huge hopes of it , but alas , it hath been often tryed and always brought great confusion along with it : and therefore there was then great care taken by the romans , what religion their subjects were of , one of the ancientest laws ; we read of , separatim nemo habessit deos , neve novos , sed ne advenas nisi publicè adscitos privatim colanto . tul. l. . de legibus . xii tables . this was an especial part of aediles care . ne qui nisi romano dii , neque alio more quaem patrio colerentur , liv. lib. . p. . easily concluding that as soon as ever they had another religion , their countrey had lost the better half of them . in variety of worship the one must needs reckon the other erroneous , perhaps impious ; and then how lamentably must that city be divided , whose inhabitants think themselves bound as they love god to hate one another : and it hath been often seen that a common enemy hath crept in at their intestine divisions , and destroyed both ; while the one did not enough care to help the other . be our apprehensions concerning divine matters never so different , i grant that we ought not for the sake of them to want the dutyes of common humanity ; we shall grant that so to do , is a great error . but alas ! it is too general a one ; and law-makers are to consider not only what men ought , but what they use to do . why shall i fight ( saith one ) for a prince who is an idolater ? and why should i ( saith another ) take any care to relieve that city which is only a bundle of schismaticks ? and what was the policy of jeroboams calves think we but this ? he did not cast of the true god , but only set up another way of worship , as easily concluding , that if i can but perswade them to be of another religion , i shall easily keep them to be another kingdom ; do but divide their faiths , and the nations will never care to unite again . and pray tell me , what shall a prince do in that case , where there are divers wayes of worship allowed , and frequented in the same nation ? shall he discountenance the professors of any one , by keeping them out of all office and employment ? if so , he disobligeth that whole profession , loseth so many hearts , who sure will think themselves to be very hardly dealt with in that they are disrespected , only out of their zeal to god , and because they follow the best of their light. and what will they think of such a state , which doth refuse to employ them merely upon this account , because ( in the words of our author ) they use all manner of means to save their souls ? or secondly , shall the prince carry himself equally and indifferently toward all perswasions , countenance and prefer them all alike ? this can hardly be , because he himself must be of some one , and that will think it self not fairly dealt with if it hath not some preheminence ; and when he endeavours to shew himself indifferent to all perswasions , it will then be said , that he makes use of all religions for his own ends , but himself really is of none ; and so perhaps none of them will be really for him : and thus by endeavoring to displease neither party , he shall certainly displease them both ; at least the zealots of all sides will represent him at the best as one lukewarm , and so only fit ( as it is in the revel . ) to be spit out at their mouths . men may talk of their fine projects as long as they please , but surely where the church is already so setled , as that it hath a great dependance on the government , and the government hath a standing influence upon that ▪ those politicks must needs be very strange which go about to alter such a constitution , and instead of a clergy thus regulated , it is no kindness sure to the monarchy to set up such a ministry which shall depend chiefly upon the people . and when the whole method of the preachers maintenance , and reputation , must be the various arts , by which he can either guide or follow the several humours of each of his congregation ; no man can tell what it is possible for a good crafts-master to perswade the multitude unto . as to our particular case , if these people , what this book pleads for , had barely a toleration , i do not know that it would satisfy them ; i suspect it may increase their number , and so enable them in a while to demand much more , and when they are a little stronger , their way would appear not only true but absolutely necessary . vid. bancrof . dangerous positions , and practices . pag. . for however they do now speak us fair , and tell us , that the things imposed are all lawful , and all that they desire is , that some persons may in pity be borne with who do not think them to be lawful , yet we shrewdly suspect that they teach their proselytes much otherwise ; for the people as long as ever they have been under these mens tutourage , are not yet altogether so mad , as to make so great and withal so needless a separation : if their teachers would but let them know so much , that these things are all lawful , which all this clamour and scruple is made about ; they would never i say , be perswaded to have all these heart burnings and jealousies , to fight and make parties against that church , which in these its chiefest adversaryes esteems , held or practised nothing which was at all blame-worthy , any otherwise than as its dissenters by mistake conceived it to be so . no certainly , the poor people are without doubt still led on with those obsolete and forsaken pleas of popery , superstition , will-worship , and idolatry , which though their teachers know , and here confess to be nothing , yet i doubt they will not let their disciples know so much : they are perswaded that we are idolaters , and have been more than once animated to execute the rigor of moses his law upon us for it : and when the next opportunity offers it self , we shall be called babylon once more , and then the consequent will be as formerly , happy shall he be who taketh thy children and dasheth them against the stones . in one word then , to allow this pretence of conscience is no way prudent , because there is no probability that it can produce any good effect : it is a thing , of which you shall never be able to see a good end . toleration then upon the whole matter is very unnecessary at this time , because the impositions in the apologists own judgment are very lawful , it is very unsafe , because we know not how great evils it may produce ; we have shewed , that they will not tolerate each other , and that the magistrate hath no reason to tolerate either of them , it brings great scandals upon religion , and must needs breed great quarrels in the state. and lastly , if it were granted , themselves are not yet agreed about its nature and bounds , and so if we should at present give it , they would as yet be at a very great loss what to do with it . let us then be permitted to continue as we are ; seeing it is not agreed in what manner we shall be altered , and the alterations proposed by this author have been demonstrated to be dangerous to the religion and to the government of the kingdom . there was another treatise lately published concerning the due latitude of religion , that author is likewise concerned to fix his own latitude , and let us know how much it is ; that he and his whole party will be content with , i shall make no present observations upon him , but only lay down two of his own concessions by which he hath clearly given up his whole cause . the first is , p. . such is the complicated condition of humane affairs , that it is exceeding difficult to devise a rule or model that shal provide for all whom equity will plead for . therefore the prudent and sober will acquiesce in any constitution , that is in some good sort proportionable to the ends of government . if so , they are in this authors judgment neither prudent nor sober men , who call so loud for a toleration . the second is , p. . nevertheless , if when all is said , some dissatisfaction doth invincibly possess the judgment , in that case , christian humility , and charity as well as discretion , adviseth such persons to acquiesce in their private security and freedom , and not to reach after that liberty , that may unsettle the publick order , and undermine the common safety . if so , those men want humility , charity and discretion , who demand a publick liberty for their consciences , we take these few lines to be a sufficient answer to all the rest , and they are so plain , as that i shall not need to comment upon them. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a ut externo bello , ita etiam interno schismate hoc tempore laboravit anglia ( schismatica enim pravitas semper bello ardente maxime luxuriat ) nec certe contumax in ecclesiasticos magistratus impudentia , & contun elio sa improbitas insolentius alias se exercuit . camb. eliz. p. . expedit quidem prospicere desultoriis ingeniis quae sibi ●imium licere volune , claudenda est etiam janua curiosis doctrinis . b ratio autem expedita ad eam●em una est , si exict summa quaedam doctrinae ab omnibus recepta , quam inter praedicandum sequantur omnes , ad quam etiam observandam omnes episcopi & parochi jurejurando astringantur , ut nemo ad munus ecclesiasticum admittatur , nisi spondeat sibi illum doctrinae consensum inviola●um futuram . quod ad formulam precum & rituum ecclesiast icorum , valde probo ut certae illa extet a quà pastoribus discedere in functione suà non liceat , tum ut consulaetur quorundam simplicitati & inertia , tum ut certò constet omnium ecclesiarum inter se consensus , postremò etiam ut obviam eatur desultoriae quorundam levitati qui novationes quasdam affectant , p. , , &c. cerebro si quidam qui sub evangelii nomine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 passim invectam vellent . uliore gladio coerceri , &c. non potest haberi quod paulus hic exigit nisi additis constitutionibus tanquam vincul●s , quibus ipse ordo & decor●m servetur . nec regi nec coërceri homines possunt &c. ita sciamus dissipatis ordinationibus ecclesiasticis periclitari etiam ecclesiam . ipsam vitam ac naturam hominum intueamur , quae non potest carere ceremonils & ritibus , ut saepe jam dictum est . docent etiam administrationis constitutionem & ordinem certum in sacrâ ecclesia praestandum esse ; absque enim ordinis constitutione & administratione externa , non potest bono loco esse , aut bene cum ipsa agi , sicut & cum nulla alia etiam minima communitate . semper hoc in ecclesia valuit quod veteribus synodis fuit decre●um , ut qui subjici communis disciplinae legibus noluerit munere abdicetur . timor poenarum etsi nondum habet bonae conscientiae delectationem saltem intra claustra cogitationis coercet malam cupiditatem aug. cont a literas petiliani . lib. . chap. . coram comparere jussi fastidioso quodam contemptu abnuerunt , quasi pulpita à regum authoritate essent exempta ; & eoclesiastici non principis imperi● sed presbyterio subessent . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . maecenatis oratio apud dionem . cass. l. . p. ● . in edi●● steph. a discourse of the religion of england asserting , that reformed christianity setled in its due latitude is the stability & advancement of the kingdom . lately printed . three considerations proposed to mr. william pen concerning the validity and security of his new magna charta for liberty of conscience by a baptist ; which may be worthy the consideration of all the quakers and of all my dissenting brethren also that have votes in the choice of parliament-men. comber, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) three considerations proposed to mr. william pen concerning the validity and security of his new magna charta for liberty of conscience by a baptist ; which may be worthy the consideration of all the quakers and of all my dissenting brethren also that have votes in the choice of parliament-men. comber, thomas, - . [ ] p. s.n., [london : ?] reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng penn, william, - . -- excellent priviledge of liberty and property. liberty of conscience -- england. church and state -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion three considerations proposed to mr. william pen , concerning the validity and security of his new magna charta for liberty of conscience , by a. baptist ; which may be worthy the consideration of all the quakers , and of all my dissenting brethren also that have votes in the choice of parliament-men . i desire you m. pen , and all my dissenting brethren to consider , and then answer this : first , what validity or security can any pretended or designed future new law or charter have , when we see so many of the present laws we already have may be , and are by the dispensing power dispensed with ? have we , or can we have any higher power here in england , than king , lords and commons in parliament assembled ? the laws that are now dispensed with and rendred useless , were they not made by that power ? pray tell me , can your new charter [ if you had it ] be made by any higher or other power ? and m. pen , let your brethren , and us know your mind honestly . do you think there is any temporal or spiritual-power here in england above the dispencing power ? and can you make it appear to us ? shall your new charter have a penalty inserted to be inflicted on the infringers or breakers of it or no ? if not , what will your new charter signifie ? not three skips of a louse ; and if it have a penalty , cannot any king by his prerogative and authority royal , dispence with the penalty ? and what will it signifie then ? that you need not doubt at all , but may be certain of this ; you shall hear what roman catholicks have already told us , and judg'd is the law in this matter ; nay , and such a right so inherent and so inseparable from the crown , that a king cannot divest himself of it if he would , nor is bound by his word or any declaration he makes , no not in or by parliament . take it in m. r. langhorns own words in his book , touching the kings right in dispensing with penal laws , p. , . that this trust , and this power of dispencing with penal laws , are inseparably united unto the royal person of the king , that he cannot transfer , give away or separate the same from himself ; consequently it is inherent in his royal person , that is , in his crown . coke lib. . fol. . that the king cannot by his grant , nor yet by act of parliament , bar 〈…〉 lf of any that is inherent in and inseparably annexed into his royal person , for that in so doing he should cease to be king , and consequently change and subvert the government , which our law allows not . that ( therefore ) when ever the king to gratifie a parliament , doth consent in parliament to any law , by which he seems to strip himself of , or depart from , any prerogative , or right , which in truth is inseparable from him as king ; or when the king in parliament or otherwise by any declaratory words or speeches , seems to relinquish such right : such consent to such law is no more than an agreement on his part not to use that right ordinarily ; but only in extraordinary occasions , when in his princely wisdom he shall find it necessary , and for publick good . but this bars him not to use this right again , when he sees just cause so to do , nor can any declaratory words spoken by the king , or his assent incerted into an act of parliament , estop the king in any cause of this nature . so far he . now where 's the assurance then of will. pen's new charter for liberty ? who can tell what king we may have after our present sovereign , whether so merciful or so just ? or what sheriffs the next king may chuse , and what returns of parliament-men they may make ; for you know the forfeiture on the sheriffs making a false return is no great matter , and cannot a king pardon it by his dispensing power or authority royal ? what will , nay what can your new charter then signifie , when it either is or may be ( according to your own doctrine ) either invalidated , disanulled , or anihilated in an instant ? secondly , pray m. pen , consider what your new charter can signifie , so long as there is a high commission court , or a high commission for ecclesiastical affairs set up ? cannot those commissioners take any of your and our preachers , teachers , or ministers to task when they please ? cannot they when they have a mind to it , suspend mr. pen , or george whitehead , m. alsop , mr. lobb , or mr. mead , or mr. bowyer , as well as the bishop of london , d. sharp , or d. doughty ? notwithstanding your new charter ? cannot the court when they will , or shall think fit , or be commanded , suspend , silence , or forbid any or all the dissenting ministers to preach any longer in their meetings , if they will not read any declaration or order whatever , that the king shall set forth and require them to read ? remember the magdalen colledge-men , remember also that sawce for a goose is or may be sawce for a gander . this consideration is further grounded on the words in their late order set forth in the gazette , for contempt of his majesties authority royal ; now let us see before we leap , whether that will run no farther than just m. pen will have it . can he stop the current of it when he pleases ? if he could we are not sure he would , for formerly he had no great kindness ( we know ) for us baptists and other dissenters and if he could and would , we are not sure of his life how long . therefore it will be the greatest piece of weakness and folly in the world for us to dance after his and the jesuits pipe alone , contrary both to all common sense and reason , and our own general interest . thirdly , and above all consider what security or validity this new charter can be of , when there is a standing army kept on foot ? do guns hear reason , or regard laws ? will dragoons mind charters , or arguments do you think ? pray m. pen tell us whether they have done or do now so in france ? we need not go far off for an instance , it is so near us as fifty or sixty miles , which one would think is nigh enough to open our eye-sight , if we are not strangely infatuated and given up by the almighty to ruin and destruction , which the good lord 〈…〉 . m. pen , how have the dragoons minded our properties ( in these early days ) in divers places here in england already ? what think you of their carriage and quartering , will it agree with your new charter for liberty ? the inkeepers and victuallers beside many other can give you an account , now if you were truly a friend for liberty for liberties sake , as you publish and pretend to the world , you would mind and inform us , and your brethren of these and the like things , and not mincingly pass them over , and both delude and deceive us and them . many perticulars more might be inlarged here , but a word to the wise is enough . i desire m● pen only to weigh seriously , and give an honest , clear and satisfactory answer to these three points ; in the mean time it appears to be highly the duty of all men , as well dissenters as others who have votes in chusing parliament men ; above all to chuse such faithful patriots as will take care of these things already hin●ed , and others that may be brought before them ; that our liberties , our laws , and our lives may be preserved from ill designing men , add from future quowariauto's ; and all the high violaters and infringers thereof called to an account , and justly punished . this will well become them and secure us , more than any titular charter whatever . liberty is indeed a fine word , but remember ( brethren ) what the apostle peter hath told us , that some there were that while they promise them liberty , they themselves are the servants of corruption , and observe what follows , for of whom a man is overcome , of the same is he brought in bondage : how do you , how will you like that word ? the name of liberty signifies nothing without the substance , and the continuance , certainty and security of it . let us endeavor to secure our substantial liberties , our english liberties we have and ought to have , rather than to get the name of new ones , which may fatally bring us into greater bondage in the end . did you never hear of a certain act or bill for the repealing of a penal law , that was lost ( when the late king was to have sign'd it ) betwixt the house of commons , and house of lords , by a strange trick of an honest clerk of the parliament . do not part with a goose , for the sticking down a feather . children know , and can tell us , a bird in the hand , is worth two in the bush . finally brethren , let us be of one mind in our great concerns , though we may differ in some circumstances , and small trivial things . let us not in revenge ( though it be sweet ) put out both our own eyes , to put out one of our brothers . let us not be so silly , to destroy our selves , to hurt others . but let all protestants unite in mutual condescension , affection , and interest ; it is high time : remember our saviour hath told us , a house divided against it self cannot stand . nothing will save us but union . let brotherly love and charity continue . farwell and be wise whilst you may , lest you repent where 't is too late . and your repentance will do you no good . the case of compulsion in matters of religion stated by g.b. ; addressed to the serious consideration of the members of the church of england, in this present juncture. burnet, gilbert, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the case of compulsion in matters of religion stated by g.b. ; addressed to the serious consideration of the members of the church of england, in this present juncture. burnet, gilbert, - . [ ], p. printed by t.s. ..., london : . attributed by wing and nuc pre- imprints to burnet. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng religious tolerance. liberty of conscience. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of compulsion in matters of religion stated . by g. b. addressed to the serious consideration of the members of the church of england , in this present juncture . licensed august . . london , printed by t. s. in the year . the case of compulsion in matters of religion stated . all persecution rises out of an impatience of spirit , which makes a man less able to bear contradiction ; there is a tyranny in most mens nature , which makes them desire to subdue all others by the strength of their understandings , and such men have an implacable hatred to all that do not render themselves to their reasons , and think that they are affronted when other men refuse to submit to them ; so that he who would strike at persecution in its root must begin here , and endeavour to soften men , especially toward those who differ from them in matters of religion . this imperious temper , when it works upon subjects of religion , finds somewhat to raise its spleen , that was of it self impetuous enough before , and that which is called fury and rage , when it is imployed in other disputes , comes to be called zeal when it is turned toward the theories that relate to another world . but when we consider what a sublime thing divine truth is , and what a poor low thing the mind of man is , we shall see cause to blunt alittle the edge of our spirits if they are too sharp in such matters . man is much governed by fancy , and fancy follows the texture of the animal spirits , which renders many more capable of apprehending objects that are some way proportioned to them , and more disposed to follow them ; so that temper prepares men for some opinions , and prepossesses them against others . with the greater part of mankind education is so powerful , that they are scarce ever able to overcome it ; and if education and temper have hit together , it will require a very extraordinary elevation to rescue a man from that force . men likewise receive with their impressions of religion such a respect for them as makes them look on every thought that calls them in question as criminal ; and when persons are bred up to disquiet themselves with scruples , if they have so much as made a doubt of their religion , it is not hard to see them adhere so firmly to the principles of their education ▪ which stick so fast to the worst sort of men , that even atheists themselves , after all the pains they take to get rid of them , cannot shake them off so entirely , but that they will be apt to return oft upon them . men that think much , and that reason well , that are freed from the byass that interest , honour , kindred , and custom do give them , and that have leisure to examine matters carefully , may indeed get above all these ; yet there are so few that can do this , and there are yet so much fewer that will do it , that it is rather a wonder to see so many change their persuasions , than to see so few do it . and indeed it is so sublime a theory to think on god , and his attributes , and works , or to think of another state , and of the way that leads to it , that till god furnishes out a new mission of apostles with a measure of those extraordinary gifts which he poured out on the great pentecost , it is not easie to imagine how the conversion of heathen nations should be made , for though the idolatry of some of these is extreme gross , yet their priests have such symbolical significations for all these rites , that they do much diminish the horror which is raised by the first sight of them in the minds of strangers : and since the chief grounds upon which we prove the christian religion are taken from the prophecies of the old testament , and their accomplishmene in the new ; from the evidence that was given concerning the miracles , the death , and the resurrection of christ , which we confirm from the collateral proofs of the state of that time , of the writings of the enemies of this religion , and of that succession of authors , that in all ages which have past since , have mentioned those matters , and cited the books which we hold divine . all this is so evident to those who can make the enquiry , that it is strange to find how any one can withstand it ; but to barbarians who know nothing of it , and who have no way of informing themselves concerning it , all this can signify nothing , so that in order to the convincing of their understandings , for i do not treat of gods secret methods in touching their consciences , i do not see how we should expect that they should yield easily , unless there were a new power of working miracles conferred on those who labour in this work . but to return from this digression , a man is scarce the master of his own thoughts : habit , constitution , and other things do so concur , that he cannot open his eyes to new objects , nor see them in a new light , other than that in which he has been accustomed to view them , and a man can no more change his notions of things , because a set of new opinions would accommodate him better , than he can change the relish that his senses , his ear or his taste have in their objects ; a man may prevaricate , but still he thinks as he thinks , and cannot think otherwise because he would have himself do so . but if a man is not the master of his own mind , much less is any other man the master of it . no man has that superiority over any other mans reason as to expect that it should always accommodate it self to his ; and the severest exercise of tyranny must still leave the thoughts at liberty ; the forcing of a man to say or do otherwise than he thinks , by threatnings , the execution of which is above his force to endure , is only the delivering over such a person to the rack of his own conscience here , and to all those miseries hereafter , which must be the portion of hypocrites , and of dissemblers with god or man. nor is there such infallible distinction in one mans nature from another , that the one is more likely to be in the right than another ; since therefore among all those that differ , some must be in the wrong , those that have the power in their hands may possibly be of the wrong side , and in that case all their severity is turned against the truth , and those who believe it . and since god makes the sun to shine , and the rain to fall on the just as well as on the unjust , gideons reasoning may be applied to this matter , if baal is as god let him plead for himself ; and the force of gamaliels argument that , if it is of men it will come to nought ; and if it is of god we must not fight against him ; as it silenced an assembly of very fierce persecutors , so it is full as strong now as it was then : for reason is eternal , and changeth not . it seems also plain that those actions which concern humane society belong indeed to the authority of the magistrate ; but that our thoughts , with relation to god , and such actions as arise out of those thoughts , and in which others have no interest , are gods immediate province , and can belong to no other jurisdiction ; god only knows our thoughts , as he alone can change them ; so that a magistrate by encroaching upon them , breaks in upon gods propriety , and upon that essential right of humane nature of worshipping god according to our conviction , which is in us antecedent to all humane government , & can never be subject to it . but if the general theories from the nature of man give a very favourable view of what is now advanced , the characters of the christian religion , and the many express texts that are in it should determine this matter more positively . the religion revealed by moses consisted in temporal promises , an earthly canaan , and all the blessings of this life ; so that since the jews had all these things by vertue of that covenant , it was very reasonable that a violation of that law should infer a forfeiture of all those rights that the jews held by vertue of it ; and therefore it was as just that a jew should have been put to death for the violation of those laws , as it is lawful for us to put a man to death that coins or clips money . yet as for opinions the case was different even among the jews ; and therefore though the doctrines of the sadducess struck at the foundations of all religion , the pharisees when they had the upper-hand never carried the matter so far as to proceed to extremities against them . but what severities soever might have agreed with the mosaical dispensation , they seem to be all out of doors under the christian religion , which gives us no earthly canaan , no temporal blessings , nor the rules for civil society . but having found the world in the possession of their temporal rights , it only came to superadd to those the doctrines and rules of a divine discipline , upon which the happiness or miseries of another state do depend . now it seems to be an uncontested rule in justice , that in whatsoever society one is engaged , the violation of the laws of that society can only inser a forfeiture of all that one had or might have expected by vertue of it ; but this cannot be carried so far as to make one forfeit all that he holds by vertue of any other society to which he belongs ; and therefore since we hold our temporal estates and liberties not by vertue of our christianity , but as we are the members of the state or kingdom to which we belong , our doing any thing that is only contrary to our religion may well make us forfeit all that belongs to us by vertue of our baptismal covenant ; but this ought not to be carried so far as to cut off those rights that we have antecedent to our christianity , as we are men , and the subjects of a civil government . our saviour confirmed all this by saying , that his kingdom was not of this world , that he came not to destroy but to save ; and by giving this rule of justice , of doing to others that which we would have others do to us ; which would soon let all persecutors see how differently they act to it ; but above all , our saviour has made the doctrines of meekness and charity such main ingredients in his gospel , that he has made them the characters by which his disciples may be every where known ; and this spirit of love is so diffused through the whole writings of the new testament , that how hard soever it may be to understand some of the other passages that are in them , yet there is no ambiguity at all in those that set this forth ; we are not only restrained from ruining those who differ from us , but we are required to love them , to bear with them , and to deal with them in the spirit of meekness . there are some of the epistles that do not mention several of the duties incumbent on christians , yet there is not one , how short soever , in which this of love is not proposed in terms that are both strong and tender ; and while the church of corinth was almost rent asunder by a variety of opinions , and by the different parties that followed the several teachers that had been among them , st. paul does not enter much into the grounds of their disputes , but recommends love and charity to them , in terms that shew how much he himself was inflamed while he writ them ; and he is carried into all the raptures of a divine eloquence that so transporting a subject could inspire . st. iohn lived so long as to see a great deal of the first fervor of the christian religion slacken ; but when he writ to revive that spirit , the argument upon which he dwells chiefly , is , to persuade all to love one another , and he does that in the softest and most melting language that can be imagined . the controversie concerning the obligation that lay on the gentiles for obeying the mosaical law was judged by the apostles against the judaizers , and the inferences that depended on that controversie were such , that st. paul says , they went so far as to make void the death of christ ; yet the same apostle is gentle to those that without seeing the extent of those consequences were carried away by those judaizers ; so that he acknowledges that in their observing them from a good motive they were acceptable to god , and that as the kingdom of god , or the gospel , consisted not in those scrupulous distinctions of meats and of drinks , but in righteousness , peace and joy in the holy ghost ; so he adds , that every man was to endeavour to be fully persuaded in his own mind , and was not to judge his brother in such matters , but to leave him to the judgment of god. this way of managing a controversie that was of such importance , and that was maintained with so stiff an opposition , even to that extraordinary authority that was lodged in the apostles , ought to have been the measure upon which all the succeeding ages of the church ought to have formed themselves ; and when the apostles that had an infallible assistance , and so might have spoken in a strain of higher authority than any that have come after them , yet thought fit to treat of those matters in such an humble and softning stile ; those who cannot ▪ pretend to such a direction ought not to take upon them to dictate , and to threaten and destroy those who differ from them . the christians did during the first ages declare highly against all cruelties on the account of a difference of persuasion in matters of religion ; and though their interest naturally led them to this , yet we pass a very hard judgment on those times , if we think that they were only of that mind because the power was then in the hands of their enemies . when the empire turned christian , the very heathen worship was not only tolerated for above a whole age together , but the heathens themselves continued to be in the chief imployments of the empire ; and it is pleasant to see how the heathens that had so long persecuted the christians , and that had contrived the severest of all persecutions under iulian , which very probably had been put in execution if he had returned victorious from the persian expedition , saw the state of things no sooner altered than they began to imploy all their eloquence in the behalf of toleration ; as if liberty of conscience had been an essential right of mankind , from which they ought never to be cut off ; and they carried this-so far as to pretend , that a difference in religion tends more to the honour of god , than an uniformity in it could do , and so they fancied that a variety in it was acceptable to god. the first severity that christians practised one upon another was the banishing of arius , and a few of his followers : it must be acknowledged that this seems to be the utmost extent of civil authority in those matters : for certainly a government may put such persons out of its protection that are enemies to its peace , and so banish them upon great occasions , giving them leave to sell their estates , and to carry away with them all that belongs to them ; yet this being all that any humane government can claim , it ought not to be applied too easily or rashly , till it is visible that all other means are ineffectual , and that the publick safety can be no other way secured : but though this severity against arius had no great effects , yet the arians had no sooner the power in their hands than they put in practice first all the contrivances of craft and fraud , together with many less crying violences under constance ; and they carried this afterwards to a more open persecution under valens ; and after that , both in spain and africk , it appeared that a cruel spirit was so inherent in that party , that it shewed it self as often as they had power ; but while valens persecuted in his division of the empire , it is observed , that valentinian his brother thought it was enough to support the orthodox without persecuting the other . gratian carried the matter further , and tolerated both almost equally . and in the happy turn under theodosius , at what pains was st. gregory nazianzen to restrain the orthodox from retaliating upon the arians the ill treatment that they had suffered from them ; and not only the novatians , but even the arians continued to have their churches in the imperial cities . the first instance of imploying the secular arm against hereticks that was set on by any of the orthodox , was under the reign of that bloudy tyrant maximus , and it was managed by two such scandalous bishops , that their ill lives is no small prejudice against every thing that is carried on by such instruments . this was condemned by the best bishops of that age , and the ill effects of that severity are very copiously marked by the historian . one is unwilling for the sake of those ages to reflect on the rigour that appears in some laws that are in the code , yet the mild behaviour of atticus , proclus . and some other bishops , is marked with the praises that were due to it ; and it is probable , that those laws were rather made to terrifie , than that they should be executed . the donatists , after a contest of above years continuance , that was managed at first more gently , grew at last so fierce and intolerable , that not being contented with their own churches , they broke in upon the churches of those of the unity , and committed many outrages on the persons of some of the bishops , putting out the eyes of some , and leaving others for dead . the bishops upon that consulted whether they ought to demand , not only the emperors protection , but the application of the laws made against hereticks to the donatists . st. austin and some bishops opposed this for some time , but they yielded at last , and these laws were so severely executed , that not only the donatists themselves complained heavily of them , but st. austin in several letters that he writ to the magistrates upon this occasion made the same complaints ; he interceeded very earnestly for the donatists , and said , that it detracted much from the glory of the church , that had received so much honour from the sufferings of the martyrs , to see others suffer upon the account of the church ; and he told them plainly , that if they did not proceed more moderately the bishops would suffer all that could come upon them from the rage of the donatists , rather than complain any more to those who acted so rigorously . yet though st. austin condemned the excesses of the civil magistrates in some particulars , he set himself to justify severity in general , when it was imployed upon the account of religion ; and all the moderate pleadings for liberty that are to be found either in tertullian , cyprian , and more copiously in lactantius , with relation to heathens , and the like reasonings that are to be found in athanasius , hillary and lucifer with relation to the persecutions of the arians , were in a great measure forgot ; st. austin had a heat of imagination that was very copious which way soever he turned it , and this was imployed chiefly in allegorizing scripture , so as to bring together a vast number of proofs for every cause that he undertook ; without troubling himself to examine critically what the true meaning of those passages might be : and he is so apt to run out in all his reasonings into excessive amplifications , and into all the figures of copious and uncorrect eloquence , that it is no wonder to find that passage of our saviour in the parable , compel them to enter in , with some other places misapplied on this occasion . with that father the learning of the western church fell very low , so that his works came to be more read in the succeeding ages than the writings of all the other fathers ; and in this , as in other things , men that knew not how to reason themselves , contented themselves with that lazy and cheap way of copying from him , and of depending on his authority . the incursion of the northern nations that overthrew the roman empire , and those polishings of learning and civility that fell with it , brought on a night of ignorance that can scarce be apprehended , by those who have not read the writings of the following ages ; superstition grew upon the ruins of learning , and eat up all . the fierce tempers of the northern people being mufled up in ignorance , and wrought on by superstition , were easily leavened with cruelty , till at last heresy came to be reckoned the greatest of all crimes ; and as it condemned men to everlasting burnings , so it was thought that those might be well anticipated by temporary ones of their kindling . zeal against heresy was extol'd as the highest act of piety toward god ; and since heresy is reckoned by st. paul among the works of the flesh , it seemed as just to punish it in the severest manner , as it was to punish any other works of the flesh ; and since all hereticks were looked on as persons damned , all tenderness toward them , and pity for them , was as far extinguished as was possible . for a false religion will not easily have the better of good nature so entirely as to root it quite out ; all the room that was left for good nature , was the favourable definition that was given of heresy ; by which obstinacy was made its peculiar character that distinguished it from error , which lies in a more innocent mistake in divine matters . and as many have explained this obstinacy , it amounts to a continuing in error after one is convinced of it . this notion of heresie , which has been received by many of the greatest of men , even of the church of rome it self , seems to agree well with that of st. paul's ranking heresie among the works of the flesh ; for if it is meerly a mistake in the judgment in which one continues because he cannot overcome his persuasion , nor see reasons strong enough to oblige him to change his mind , such an adhering to error may be called any thing rather than a work of the flesh. but if a man from a principle of interest , pride , or discontent , either throws himself into ill opinions , or continues in them after his mind is better inlightned , so that he stifles and denies that inward conviction ; then the reason is very plain why such an ill temper of mind should be reckon'd a work of the flesh , because it plainly arises out of a depraved nature . i will not here enter into so troublesom an enquiry as it would be to examine how far an erroneous conscience acquits one before god ; for that must be left to him who will judge every man according to his works , and who best knows how far he will accept of a general repentance of unknown sins , and of a general act of faith. even of truths that are yet unknown ; but as for the judgments of men , certainly when the other parts of ones life make it clear , not only to a judgment of charity , but even to that of discretion , that he is sincere , and that he means well , it is hard to know when he is obstinate , and when his errors become heresies , that is to say , works of the flesh. so far have i been led upon the consideration of the spirit of persecution , that is not only warranted by custom , and a long continued practice , but by laws , councils , &c. i am carried next into a scene of thoughts that are more particularly suited to the doctrines of the reformed churches ; and here it must be acknowledged that persecution is a more justifiable thing according to the principles of the church of rome , than it is according to our tenets ; for the church of rome that pretends to be infallible , has a better right to demand a blind submission from all its subjects , and to treat those roughly who refuse to grant it , than a church that pretends to nothing but a power of order and government ; and that confesses , she may be mistaken . our being subject to error is unreasonably urged , when men would carry it so far as to make us doubt of all things ; yet it ought at least to have this effect on us as to keep us from being too ready to judge hardly of those who are of another mind , or to use them roughly for it ; since it is possible that they may be in the right , and that we may be mistaken ; at least they may have very probable reasons for their opinions , which if they do not quite justifie their mistakes , yet do very much excuse and lessen them . it is likewise visible , that all severe proceedings upon the diversity of opinions how effectual soever they may be on base-minded men , who will always make shipwrack of a good conscience when it comes in competition with the love of this present world , yet work quite contrariwise on men of awakened understandings and generous souls ; instead of gaining on such persons , these inspire them with horror at a sort of men who go about to ruin companies of people that never did them hurt . it is from this that those violent hatreds arise among men of different persuasions . every man is not capable to understand an argument , or to be much disturbed at it ; and though divines that carry their speculations farther into the consequences of opinions , whether real or imaginary , grow hot and angry at one another upon those heads , yet the people understand them little , & feel them less ; but every man feels an injury , & nature makes her inferences very quick upon it , & concludes that those who use us ill hate us ; & there must be a great degree of regeneration to keep men from hating those that hate them . upon this arises all the animosity that is among the several parties ; for every one reckoning himself a member of that body to which he associates himself , thinks that he is obliged to resent all the injuries that are done to his fellow-members as much as if they were done to himself in particular ; and by the same natural logick he casts the guilt of the wrongs done his own party , not only on those individuals of the other party from whom they did more immediately arise , but upon the whole body of them ; and so here is a war kindled in mens breasts ; and when that is once formed within , it will find some unhappy occasion or other to give it self a vent . those who are ill used ▪ are in a state like that of a mass of humors in the body , which ●●●ul about less perceived till some unlucky accident has weakened any part of it , and then they will all discharge themselves on the part that suffers . men that are uneasie naturally love changes ; for these are like the shifting of postures , that give some present ease , and they flatter the patient with the hope of more to follow . persecution is not only hurtful to those that suffer many hard things by it , but is likewise mischievous to them by the aversion that it inspires in them to those at whose hands they suffer , by the ill habit of mind into which it throws them , and by those violent projects and convulsions which do very naturally come into the heads of those , who as they feel much , so they fear yet more . those that do persecute , though they seem to triumph a while with the spoils of their enemies ; yet will soon feel how this sinks their credit extreamly among those that were more indifferent spectators , while the debate was managed with the pen or tongue ; but they will certainly take part at least in their compassions with the miserable , and will be disposed to think ill not only of those men that are heavy upon their harmless neighbours , but even the cause it self , that is supported by such methods . the multitude even of the lowest order of men has a remnant of good nature left , which shews it self in the sad looks that all put on at the execution even of malefactors : but if a false religion has not quite extinguished humanity in its votaries , this will make a more sensible impression , when men that have done nothing amiss , and are only in fault because they cannot help thinking as they do , are made sacrifices to the rage of others , that perhaps have little more to say for themselves but that they are in possession of the law ; which in the next revolution of affairs that may fall out will be an argument so much the stronger for using themselves in the same manner , because it is a just retaliation on them for that which they made others to suffer . in short , persecution does extreamly vitiate the morals of the party that manages it ; the worst men , so they are furious and violent , are not only connived at , but are even courted , and men otherwise of severer morals will insensibly slacken , by reason of their engagements with vitious men , whom they will find themselves forced to cherish and imploy ; and if those who have persecuted others fall under a reverse 〈◊〉 fortune , and come to suffer themselves a little of that which they made others feel , as their ill behaviour , will deprive them in a great measure of those compassions that would otherwise work towards them , so it will raise within them many uneasie reflections upon their own actings , which will prove but melancholy companions to them in their afflictions ; and these will force them to conclude , that because they shewed no mercy therefore they now meet with the requital of judgment without mercy ; which how unjust soever it may be in those by whom they suffer , yet they will find it meet to look up to god , and to confess that just and righteous are all his ways . and the returning the severities we have suffered at the hands of any , is a practice so contrary to the christian religion , and to the principles of the protestant religion , that i do not stick to say it , that i had rather see the church of england fall under a very severe persecution , than fall to persecute others ▪ when it should come to its turn to be able to do it . the former will 〈◊〉 serve to unite us among our selves , and to purge us from our dross , and in particular , from any of the leaven of the doctrine of persecution that we have not yet quite thrown out ; but the other would very much slain the purest and best constituted church in the world ; and it would be too near an approach to that cruelty which we cannot enough detest ; but how much soever we may hate their corruption ▪ we must still remember that they are men and christians , though perhaps of a course grain , and that we our selves are reformed christians , who in imitation of our blessed master must not render evil for evil , but overcome evil with good . g. b. finis . by the king, a declaration having already signified our pleasure to call a parliament ... it is our royal purpose to endeavour a legal establishment of an universal liberty of conscience for all our subjects ... england and wales. sovereign ( - : james ii) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing j estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) by the king, a declaration having already signified our pleasure to call a parliament ... it is our royal purpose to endeavour a legal establishment of an universal liberty of conscience for all our subjects ... england and wales. sovereign ( - : james ii) james ii, king of england, - . broadside. printed by charles bill, henry hills, and thomas newcomb ..., london : . "given at our court at whitehall, the one and twentieth day of september, , in the fourth year of our reign." second part of title taken from first seven lines of text. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- great britain. great britain -- history -- james ii, - . great britain -- politics and government -- - . broadsides -- england -- london -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - spi global rekeyed and resubmitted - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion i r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king , a declaration . james r. having already signified our pleasure to call a parliament to meet at our city of westminster in november next , and writs of summons being issued out accordingly ; lest those , whose right it is to choose members of parliament , should lye under any prejudices and mistakes through the artifices of disaffected persons : we think fit to declare , that as it is our royal purpose to endeavour a legal establishment of an universal liberty of conscience for all our subjects ; it is also our resolution inviolably to preserve the church of england , by such a confirmation of the several acts of uniformity , that they shall never be altered any other ways , then by repealing the several clauses , which inflict penalties upon persons not promoted or to be promoted to any ecclesiastical benefices or promotions within the meaning of the said acts , for using and exercising their religion contrary to the tenor and purpose of the said acts of uniformity . and for the further securing not only the church of england but the protestant religion in general ; we are willing the roman catholicks shall remain incapable to be members of the house of commons , whereby those fears and apprehensions will be removed , which many persons have had , that the legislative authority would be engrossed by them , and turned against protestants . we do likewise assure all our loving subjects , that we shall be ready to do every thing else , for their safety and advantage , that becomes a king , who will always take care of his people . and if they desire the happiness of their country ; we exhort them to lay by all animosities , and dispose themselves to think of such persons to represent them in parliament , whose abilities and temper render them fit for so great and good a work. and for the preventing of any disorders , irregularities or undue proceedings whatsoever , that may happen either before or at the time of election of members for the ensuing parliament , we do hereby strictly require and command all mayors , sheriffs , bailiffs , and other officers whatsoever , to whom the execution of any writ , summons , warrant or precept , for or concerning the choice of members for the ensuing parliament shall belong , that they cause such writ , summons , warrant or precept , to be duly published and executed according to the tenor thereof : and the members , that shall be chosen to be fairly returned , according to the true merits of the choice . given at our court at whitehall the one and twentieth day of september , . in the fourth year of our reign . god save the king. london , printed by charles bill , henry hills , and thomas newcomb , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . . the case of free liberty of conscience in the exercise of faith and religion presented unto the king and both houses of parliament ... / by ... edward burroughs. burrough, edward, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the case of free liberty of conscience in the exercise of faith and religion presented unto the king and both houses of parliament ... / by ... edward burroughs. burrough, edward, - . charles ii, king of england, - . england and wales. parliament. p. printed for thomas simmons, london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- great britain -- early works to . society of friends -- great britain. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of free liberty of conscience in the exercise of faith and religion , presented unto the king and both houses of parliament . and also proved absolute needfull and requisite for them to grant and allow in these kingdoms , by many considerations and reasons unfolding the wofull effects and ill consequence which will infallably follow upon the contrary , to the misery and destruction of these nations , if the free exercise of conscience to god-ward , be limitted and violently restrained . by a lover of truth and just government , edward bvrrovghs . london , printed for thomas simmons , . to the king and both houses of parliament . forasmuch as it hath pleased the lord god of heaven and earth , ( who is mighty and powerful , and bringeth to pass whatsoever he will in the kingdomes of this world , ) so to suffer it to be accomplished , that power and authority is given unto you , to exercise over these kingdomes ; and whereas the people of these nations ( over whom your authority is extended ) are divided in their judgments in matters spiritual , and are of different principles and wayes in relation to faith and worship and practises of religion , and yet are all of them free-born people , and natives of these kingdoms , and as such ought to possesse and injoy their lives , liberties and estates by the just lawes of god and man ; and may not justly any of them be destroyed by you , nor one sort of another , in their persons and estates , by death , banishment or other persecutions , for and because only of their differences in matters of opinion and judgement , nor though they are contrary minded in profession of faith and worship and religion , while they do walk peaceably and justly in their conversations , under the kings authority , and do not make practise of their religion , to the violating of the government , nor to the injury of other mens persons or estates , but ought rather to be defended and protected by you in all their rights both as men and christians , both in things civil and spiritual , notwithstanding their difference in matters religious as aforesaid , they giving proof of their peaceable and honest deportment towards the king and his government , and the people of these kingdomes . and therefore that due care may be had , as justly it ought to be by you , for the peace and prosperity and happiness of these kingdomes , and that the just liberties both civil and spiritual of all people therein , may be allowed and maintained in all the kings dominions , and that unity and peace may be fully established , and justice and righteousness only brought forth in the land , and all persecution , hatred , contention and rebellion may die and perish and never more appear ; and that all christian people ( though different in judgement and practises in matters of faith and worship ) may be protected to live a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty under this government , and that indignation and vengeance may he diverted from these lands , which seems to threaten because of the contrary , and that blessings and peace may come , and rest upon this people forever . therefore for these ends and causes , and in the name of the lord i do propound unto you , and lay before you on the behalf of all the divided people of these kingdoms , that free liberty of conscience in the exercise of faith , worship and religion to god-wards , may be allowed and maintained unto all , without any imposition , violence or persecution exercised about the same , on the persons , estates , or consciences of any in any relation of religion , the worship of god , church government and ministry ; but that all christian people may be left free in all these kingdomes , in the exercise of conscience without being restrained from , or compelled to any way of worship and practise of relig●on , upon any pains and penalties , and that every one may be admitted to worship god in that way as his spirit perswades the heart , and may be defended in such their profession of religion , while they make not use of their liberty to the detrement of any other mens persons or estates as aforesaid . and let it not seem strange to you , why i appear in this manner and matter , at such a season as this ; for your very happiness , prosperity and establishment , or the contrary , dependeth hereupon , even in allowing and maintaining liberty of conscience in the exercise of religion , or in limiting and forcing and persecuting about the same , and this may appear if ye justly consider these things following . . the lordship in and over conscience , and the exercise thereof in all matters of faith , and worship and duty to god-wards , is gods alone only and proper right and priviledge , and he hath reserved this power and authority in himself , and not committed the lordship over conscience , nor the exercise thereof , in the cases of faith and worship , to any upon earth , not to prescribe and impose principles and practises of faith and worship and religion , by force and violence on the persons and consciences of men , but this belongs only to god , even to work faith in the heart , and to convert to holiness , and to lead and teach people by his spirit in his worship , and to exercise their consciences in all his wayes ; for the apostles themselves said , they had not dominion over the faith of the saints , cor. . . but the lord alone ▪ and king charles the first , said in his meditations , page . of that edition printed for r. royston ; i have often declared how little i desire my laws and scepter should intrench on gods soveraignity which is the only king of mens consciences , &c so that to be lord in conscience and exerciser thereof in all the matters of gods kingdome , is his only proper right , and to him alone it appertains . . and therefore consider if ye do not allow free liberty of conscience , and give unto god the lordship and exercise thereof in all matters of faith and worship to him-wards , but do impose by violence in forcing to , and restraining from such and such wayes of religion , then ye take dominion over mens faith , which ye ought not to do , and ye intrench on gods soveraignity , and usurps his authority in exercising lordship over the conscience , in and over which christ is only king as before recited , and ye ought not to take his right from him , nor to exercise that authority over mens faith and cons●iences which only appertains unto him , as his proper priviledge ; for in so doing how dangerous effects may it bring forth , even ye may easilie provoke the lord to wrath against you , and bring upon your selves sorrow and misery , if ye excise violence upon mens consciences in and concerning religious matters , contrary to the scriptures and the example of primitive christians who were persecuted for their conscience sake , but did never persecute nor punish any for that cause , nor ever used violence about their religion , as charles the i. in his meditations pag. . nothing ( said he ) violent nor injurious can be religious , &c. . consider , if ye allow not the free exercise of conscience in spiritual matters , but do take dominion over mens faith , and impose by violence in the cases of conscience about religion , and do not suffer the lord to enjoy his onely right to be king , in the matters of his own kingdom , then ye divert the end of just rule and government among men , and perverts the end of gods great love and favour shewed unto you in restoring of you to the place of authority and judgment ; for the end of just government upon earth by kings and rulers is to exercise justice , truth , and righteousnesse among men , and over the outward man , and to be a praise to all that do well , and walks uprightly , and to be a terrour to all transgressors and them that do evil in their outward man , and to keep the outward man in good order by just judgment in all cases between man and man ; this is only the extent of your authority over the outward man , and to your jurisdiction only this belongs , to judge in truth and righteousness , to make laws and execute them between man and man , to preserve mens persons and estates from the wrong one of another , but not at all to make laws and execute them between god and mens consciences in the cases of his spiritual kingdom , this power belongs to god , and he hath not committed it to you to exercise ; and therefore , let justice , equity and mercy be exercised by you among men , and over the outward man , and in all cases between man and man ; but meddle not in the cases of mens faith to god , and their consciences to him , but leave that unto him alone whose right it is , for it is dangerous , and will bring wofull effects if ye intrench on gods soveraignity , and if ye divert the proper end of just government , and of the love of god in restoring you into authority and power . . consider , if ye allow not free liberty of conscience in the profession and practice of spiritual things , but will compel by violence about religion , then this will inavoidably produce and bring forth cruel persecution in the kingdoms , imprisonment , banishment , and death , and all the evil effects of persecution will fill the nations ; for though never so forceable impositions be laid on the persons , estates , and consciences of men , for the cause of difference in judgment , and practises of religion , and to compel into conformity , yet it cannot be supposed that all will bow and conform to the denying of that way which they are perswaded in conscience to be right , and to the embracing of what they cannot in conscience believe is of god , but will rather suffer the cruelest death , then conform to any thing contrary to light and knowledge ; and if free liberty of conscience be denied , many such must needs be exposed to persecution , even to death , though they may be peaceable people , and profitable inhabitants of the kingdoms , and in the things between man and man , and in all matters temporal pertaining to the king , may be just , and righteous , and unreprovable , yet because of difference in judgment and opinion , exposed to be destroyed in person and estate ; and such effects will not be of honour nor safety to these nations if innocent and just men be destroyed , and their relations ruined , onely for their conscience and religion sake , by persecution . . consider , if ye do impose one way of worship by force , and persecute all that are contrary-minded , to prison and death , then how shall your names and memorial be left a reproach to generations after you , in dayes to come , who shall repute you cruel men and persecutors , and such as destroyed your people for difference in matters of religion , and without just cause , and thus will your names be a curse and not a blessing to your children and their children to all ages , if that ye make laws and execute them to the persecution and destruction of people for conscience sake , and for difference in religion ; for persecution was never of god , nor ever justified in succeeding ages , but persecutors alwaies were rendred tyrants , and cruell in the ages succeeding them ; for do not you condemn the papists as oppressors and cruel persecutors in queen maries daies , for their persecuting your fore-fathers ? and king iames said it was usually the condition of christians to be persecuted , but never to persecute , &c. in his apology for the oath of allegiance , pag. , and indeed , they are no true christians that persecutes for matters of conscience , and difference in opinion , but the false christians that have a form of godliness but are without the power , and out of the doctrine of the scriptures , who saith , love your enemies , and render to no man evil for evil , but over come evil with good . . consider , if ye do impose upon the conscience , and persecute about religion , ye can never effect your end thereby , as to force all into a conformity and uniformity to your church and religion ; but though death , and banishment , and the loss of all be inflicted , yet such a thing cannot be effected , neither is it the way of christ to promote his church , and to convert the contrary-minded by such means as force and violence exercised on mens persons and estates ; as k. iames said in his speech in parliament , . that it is a sure rule in divinity , that god never loves to plant his church with violence and bloud , and if ye do persecute to the heighth in the case of religion , ye will weaken your selves , and cause the love and good affection of people to die towards you , and the persecuted will grow , and their cause be made honourable , and many will be increased unto it , for it is usual in ages that the way and religion which hath been most persecuted hath most grown , and thus it must infallibly be at this day , and ye can never effect your end by persecution , nor promote your own church , nor destroy all the contrary-minded ; as a privy counsellor to k. iames the th . of scotland , advised in counsel about the year . upon the occasion of diversities of opinions then in that kingdom , said he , it is an errour of state in a prince for an opinion of piety to condemn to death the adherers to new doctrines ; for the constancy and patience of those who voluntarily suffer all temporal miseries for matters of faith , stir up numbers who at first and before they had suffered were ignorant of their faith and doctrine , not onely to favour their cause , but to embrace their opinions , pity and commiseration opening the gates , and thus their faith is spread , and their number daily increaseth , &c. . consider , if that ye do not allow liberty of conscience but do impose and persecute as aforesaid , though some for your fear , and terrour , and force against their consciences should deny their principles , and conform to your church , such ye cause to sin ; for whatsoever is performed by force and not of faith is sin , as it is written , and such their sin will be laid to your charge ; and such who cannot deny their principles and conform , will be destroyed , and their death will be accounted against you in the day of the lord ; and therefore if ye do not allow liberty of conscience , many grievous evils will infallibly follow , both to your selves and your people and what advantage of honour will such be to god and your ; church , that are against their consciences and light forced into a conformity for fear and terrour of men ; it makes them manifold more the children of the devil , and time-servers , and hypocrites , and destroys their souls , and such can be no true members of the true church of christ , but are reprobates , and a dishonour to god and your church . . consider , if ye constrain and compel in matters of religion , and do not allow liberty of conscience , it is unreasonable and unequal , and down-right contrary to the holy and pure law of god , which saith , ye shall do unto all men , as ye would that men should do unto you , and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self , and this is the fulfilling of the law ; but to be imposed upon and persecuted for the cases of consciences , and for the matters of worship of god , your selves would not willing be against your light and knowledge , and then it is unequal and unjust , and contrary to the law of god , for ye to do the same to others , which your selves would not be done unto ; and do not you to this day cry out against the papists in queen maries daies , and at this day in other nations , and condemn them as tyrants and oppressors , for persecuting , killing , and destroying the protestants , for the matters of their conscience and difference in opinion and judgment ? and will you do the same at this day as they do to others , and follow their example of cruelty and persecution , and break the law of god , and walk contrary to it , in doing to others what you would not be done unto ? and seeing you condemn the late foregoing powers in these kingdoms for tyrants and usurpers , and oppressors , for prohibiting your way of worship , and commanding the contrary , and disanulling so much as they could your service book and ministry ; how can you justly do the like to others , as to force waies of religion upon them , and prohibit theirs and command the contrary ? if you do it , ye condemn your selves by judging of others in the like case . . consider , if ye do not allow liberty of conscience , but impose church government and religion by paines and penalties , then ye will fill the land with hypocrites , and force people into time-serving obedience , and into formal waies of worship , some against their consciences , and some in the ignorance thereof , which is great abomination unto the lord , and such will neither be true and faithful in church nor state , but will seek advantages against you ( if they are forced by violence in the cases of their consciences ) and it will beget great contentions and hatred in the minds of men , and divide them into heart-burnings one against another , and against you and your government ; for if men become hypocrites for your fear and terror , and deny their professed principles and conform , they will be false-hearted , and envious , and malicious , and attempt any thing to be freed from bondage and impositions of conscience , and their hearts will be disengaged in love and affection to you-wards ; and this will be infallibly the effect of persecution for conscience sake , as king charles the i. saith in his meditat. a charitable connivance and christian toleration often issi pates their strength whom rougher opposition fortifies , and puts the dispised and oppressed party into such combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their persecutors , &c. . consider , if ye force worship , and religion , and cause men to conform against their judgements , how dangerous is this to destroy mens souls , and to lead them even to destruction ; for seeing ye affirm not the infalibility of your worship and religion , and yet will impose them , and so engage mens souls in dependancy for salvation upon things and waies uncertain , and which god gives not the faith to believe in ; i say how dangerous is this to ruin souls ; for in no way can the soul be secure but in the faith which god works in the heart , in the obedience of infallible truth ; so ye run mens souls upon a rock , and it is unreasonable as before mentioned , that men should be forced into the profession and practice of uncertain and fallible religion , and that they should be forced by you into that which may be evil , for which not you altogether , but themselves must bear the punishment in the day of the lord ; and except ye could affirm and prove the infalibility of your church ( which is impossible ) there is no equity nor right reason for it , that you should impose upon others any more then others should impose upon you ; for as king charles the i. said in his medit. he desired not any should be further subject unto him , then he and all of them might be subject unto god , &c. . consider , if ye alow not liberty of conscience , but persecute about the same , ye walk in the way and after the example of some of the heathen rulers , and of the false christians , and shews that ye allow of the cruel persecutions by the church of rome , and ye follow their example , who persecutes unto death such as they call hereticks , and if ye do persecute for matters of conscience , then ye allow the very deeds of the heathens , who persecuted the christians for their religion sake , and ye justifie the papists in persecuting the protestants ; and ye plainly demonstrate unto all the world by your works and fruits , that ye are of antichrist , if ye impose on mens consciences by force in the matters of religion , and persecute good conscience about the same ; for it was the antichrist and the beast , that first forced all to worship , and violently engaged all into a conformity , and killed and persecuted all that would not worship according to the image , rev. . as ye may read . and it was not christs way , nor the practice of any his primitive churches to impose and force on the persons and consciences of men concerning their church and religion , to cause all into a conformity thereunto , and destroy and persecute all that would not ; this was not the way of christ and his apostles in their daies , but they left religion free , and said , they were not lords over mens faith , nor lords over gods heritage , neither did impose upon any in doubtful cases of conscience , much lesse compel against mens consciences ; for the apostle left the practice of doubtful things , as every one was perswaded in his own mind , to do or not to do , without imposing by force or directions of persecution about the same ; therefore if ye do not allow free liberty of conscience , ye are out of the doctrine and example of christ and his apostles , and follows the way and example of antichrist , heathen rulers , and cruel papists , to your great dishonour . . consider , if ye allow not liberty of conscience in the exercise of religion , but impose and persecute about the same ; it must inavoidable tend to destroy and expel trading , husbandry , and merchandize in these kingdomes , for a great part of trading and husbandry , depends upon such kind of persons , whose principles are for toleration in religion , and hates persecution and violence in that case , this ye will find true on examination ; and if liberty of conscience be not alowed , such will 〈◊〉 exposed to great afflictions , some to imprisonment , and some to poverty , and some to fly into other countries , to the destruction of their callings and trading , and the hands & industriousnes of such people will be weakned in these kingdomes , if they cannot enjoy their just liberties in temporal and spiritual cases , and the effects thereof will work wofully in this very respect , even to disenable both the hearts and hands of husbandmen and trades , and expose these nations to want and poverty , and to enrich their enemies . . consider , if liberty of conscience be denied , and persecution be introduced about the same ; all these and many more woful consequencies and effects wil follow infallably to the ruin of these kingdoms , even wars , and bloodsheds , and discontents , and murmurings , and all evil things will be the product of the aforesaid cause , ( viz. ) of denying liberty of conscience in religious matters , for in a word it will tend to and may effect the overthrow of you , and ruin your government and authority ; for the great and mighty god of heaven and earth will be provoked against you , and his wrath will go out like a devouring flame upon you , if that ye limit the holy one , and will not suffer him to exercise his proper right , in being king in mens consciences , to exercise them in all the waies of his worship , and matters of his kingdom , but do oppresse , impose and persecute about the same ; this i say will infallibly work the kingdoms ruin , and expose you and your government to the indignation of the holy lord god , who is tender of his honour , and will not give it to another , and he loveth and affecteth the cause of such , whose consciences are truly tender towards him , and though ye persecute such and seek to destroy them , and for a time exercise great afflictions and oppressions upon them , for the matters of their conscience , yet the god of heaven will appear for such in his season , and deliver them , and avenge their persecutors ; and therefore all ye rulers consider , and lay these things to heart , least ye provoke the lord against you , by destroying the people whom he regards , and that not for evil doing , but for the cases of conscience , and because they cannot relinquish their profession and principles of their religion , and bow and conform in things against their light and knowledge . . consider , if ye allow not liberty of conscience , what exceeding danger ye run your selves into , even to dest roy just men and righteous , as heriticks and erroneous , and may promote hereticks as church-members , both which are great abominations in the sight of god , and this danger ye bring upon your selves , for ye are not infallible judges , who are hereticks , and who are not ; and therefore may easily proceed in that way to punish such as hereticks that are not truly so , and except ye could affirm and prove your possession of the infallible spirit , ye can no way proceed justly and reasonably to deny liberty of conscience in the exercise of religion , nor punish and persecute any in that case ; but if ye do , ye do it in ignorance , and knows not what ye do , and may as soon destroy true christians and saints , as hereticks , for want of infallible judgment to discern who are , and who are not ; and this is a danger ye ought to avoid by allowing the free exercise of conscience , as the lord perswades every mans heart . . and lastly also consider what a reproach you are under , if such whom ye call hereticks , ( and yet doth not infallibly know that they are such ) be punished , and persecuted , and destroyed for their religion sake , who are just and upright men , in their conversing between man and man , and unreprovable in their dealings among men ; ( whether they erre in judgment in spiritual knowledge , or not erre ) and such as are drunkards and prophane persons go at liberty , in their stage-playing and gaming , and the like , even tolerated , and unpunished , and not prohibited , whom all do know & can distinguish who such are when they appear , this will render your government to evil reputation , both in this present time and in ages to come ; and therefore consider it , if drunkards , gamesters , and prophane persons have more toleration and liberty in their wayes of open vanity , then sober temperate persons in the exercise of their consciences in religion , which if any such do erre in principle ( which is not infallibly known to you ) it is onely to their own hurt in the sight of god , and he onely and not you ought to punish them in that case ; but prophane persons as afore-mentioned are easily judged by all to be such , and their errour in practise is hurtful to the whole kingdoms and pertains to you to punish ; as dr. taylor now a bishop in ireland hath said , his words in this case are worth observing , why are we so zealous , saith he , against those we call hereticks , and yet great friends with drunkards , and swearers , and fornicators , and intemperate and idle persons ; i am certain a drunkard is as contrary to god , and lives as contrary to the laws of christianity as a heretick , and i am also sure that i know what drunkennesse is , but i am not sure that such an opinion is heresie , &c. and these things i do in all meeknesse and due respect both to your places and persons , present to your serious considerations , that ye may prevent these evil effects that are so destructive unto you and these kingdoms , which absolutely must follow , upon not allowing free liberty of conscience in the exercise of religion ; and if any shall object , that to tolerate and allow liberty of conscience in religion is inconsistent with the safety and peace of the king and these kingdoms ; i shall be desirous to hear from wise men what such objections are , stated by them , and wherein they say it is not congruous with the happinesse and peace of these nations , to grant and allow the premises ; and on such occasion , i should make clearly to appear the contrary , and that it is only consistant with the peace and prosperity of these kingdoms ( considering them in their present estate ) to grant and allow free liberty of conscience as aforesaid , in the exercise of religion unto all christian people . o! remember ye mighty men of the kingdom , that the great and mighty god takes notice of all your doings , and accordingly will he reward you in his dreadful day , which is near to come upon all the world ; and wo unto the wicked in that day . o! remember that ye your selves not long since were a suffering people , and now you are raised up again ; and therefore be not too zealous to afflict others , especially for the cases of their consciences , in reference to their faith and perswasions about religion ; but be gentle , meek , and long-suffering towards all , for that is the way to make peace and preserve it with all men , that will gain the affections of the contrary minded ; but force and rigour will exasperate the more , and never truly reconcile differences among men ; and make no laws contrary or different to the pure law of god , but let pure conscience go free without force or restraint in the exercises of religion , and let god have his prerogative , and lordship , in the exercise of conscience ; but let your authority be extended over the outward man , in the matters between man and man , to preserve peace and right in all outward relation ; and be wise and learned ye rulers of the earth , and kisse the son least he be angry and ye perish , and if his wrath be kindled but a little , blessed are they that trust in him . this is your time and day , happy are ye , if it be given to you to do the work that god requires of you only . the th . of the third month , . the end . three letters tending to demonstrate how the security of this nation against al future persecution for religion lys in the abolishment of the present penal laws and tests, and in the establishment of a new law for universal liberty of conscience penn, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) three letters tending to demonstrate how the security of this nation against al future persecution for religion lys in the abolishment of the present penal laws and tests, and in the establishment of a new law for universal liberty of conscience penn, william, - . p. printed, and sold, by andrew sowle ..., london : . attributed to penn by wing and nuc pre imprints. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience. dissenters, religious -- england. church and state -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion three letters tending to demostrate how the security of this nation against al future persecution for religion , lys in the abolishment of the present penal laws and tests , and in the establishment of a new law for universal liberty of conscience : with allowance . london , printed , and sold , by andrew sowle , at the three keys , in nags-head-court , in grace-church-street , over-against the conduit , . three letters , &c. the first letter . sir , upon the receipt of your last letter , i was , at first , a little troubled to perceiv the censorious judgment you pass upon my politics , in reference to the grand business of liberty of conscience . but after a little consideration i comforted my self . for i not onely remembred your constant favorable regard towards those of different perswasions from yours , but i observed also , even in that very letter , that you agree with me in this fundamental principle , that no man ought to be persecuted for matters of meer religion . and this agreement in so great a principle made me hope that , notwithstanding our present difference , it would be no hard matter for you and me to agree in our particular conclusions , and consequently in our conduct . to procure that agreement there is nothing requisite but honesty and sense . let us but examin thorowly whither that principle leads , and let us be tru to the result of our own examinations , and the work wil be don . but perhaps so strict a subjection as this to the consequences of that principle , however just and reasonable in it self , may seem unto you a little unseasonable in this conjuncture ▪ nay , i must acknowledg to you ▪ that i my self also am not so much master of my passions , as to let reason have always that absolute dominion that belongs to it . the fear of being deceived , by a party of men who plead for liberty , makes me somtimes doubtful in determining upon the practice of what i acknowledg to be a duty . i am convinced that the interest of this nation , as wel as the laws of christianity , requires an absolute , vniversal , equal , and inviolable liberty of conscience . nothing that dos not tend to the ruin of the government , or to the prejudice of the people , which is but one and the same thing , should be made the occasion of laying any restraint upon any man. but where i see ground to fear that the granting of this liberty should serv onely to put a power into their hands that now demand it , wherby they may be able hereafter to take it away from others , truly in that case i am apt to hesitate upon the point ; or to say better , i confess that i hesitate not at al. for i would by no means that a specious hope of christian liberty should betray the nation into a new unchristian slavery . thus far i am sure i agree with you . we would have liberty with security of its continuance : not otherwise . now i intreat you to examin whether or no , in the rest , you agree with me . i ask then , if so be it can be demonstrated that the penal laws , and tests too , may be taken away without exposing the nation to any hazard of persecution by the roman catholics ; nay , if a far better security may be provided against that persecution than those present laws and tests do afford us ; wil it not be an act of equity and wisdom , as wel as christianity , in that case , to abolish them ? this security being supposed , nothing can hinder us from complying with that design , but such considerations as arise from the covetousness and ambition of ingrossing al honorable and profitable imployments unto our selvs , and those of our own perswasion . but wil any considerations of that nature , when they interfere with a public interest and an avowed duty , be justifiable , or even excusable , either before god or man ? i cannot doubt but your determination in that point wil be the same with mine . those considerations are too sordid to be of any weight with an honest mind . your objection , i know , in reading these questions , wil arise from a diffidence that any new security of this nature , either wil or can be granted us . there indeed perhaps you and i may differ in our opinions . but however , to com as near as we can , i wil at present suspend my own hopes , and concurring with your doubts , consider onely what is our duty , and the duty of al honest men , even in this supposed doubtful conjuncture . an example in the like case , not many years ago , when the nation was in as great a ferment as it is now , may direct us . those that supposed there could be no other real security , against the fears that possest them , than that odious bil of exclusion which they promoted in parliament , professed nevertheless their constant willingness to listen unto any expedients that should be offered for that purpose . if they did not then comply with any of those expedients , it was the heat of faction that hindred them ; and they have since on al occasions acknowledged their error . let us therfor profit by their example . let us imitate them in that reasonable disposition which they profest , and be careful to avoid those heats which caused their actual miscarriage . in a word , let us , at least , put the thing to a trial. let it be referred to the wisdom of a parliament to weigh the expedients that may be invented or offered for our security . let moderate men be chosen into that parliament ; and not such as ar ingaged , by along habit of persecuting , to keep up the present penal laws , as tools already fitted for their hands . til we be called to that election-work , let us each of us endeavor to dispose our selvs , dispose one another , and as occasion offers dispose our friends , to that spirit of wisdom and moderation which is now so necessary . and til this business have been weighed in parliament , let us a little suspend our judgment upon it , and have always a great care that we obstruct not the good we desire by heighting any doubtful jealousys to an irreconcilable extremity . these ar the rules of my politics , which i hope you wil now look upon a little more favorably then you seemed to do in your last letter . at present i wil trouble you no further . but if what i have now said prove acceptable , i shal be very ready , upon your desire , to explain further my inmost thoughts upon any the nicest circumstances of this great affair . i am &c : the second letter . sir , i am heartily glad that my last letter has given you any measure of satisfaction . but i perceiv by your new quaerys , that i have ingaged my self , in the close of that letter , to a greater task than i was aware of . it is not enough to have satisfy'd you so far as i have gon , but i must either continu to answer your new difficultys , or else joyn with you in owning them to be unanswerable . i must either shew you the very expedients that may be contrived for securing us against any future persecution by the roman catholics , or else acknowledg that no such thing either can or wil be don . that is a little hard . the thing may be felzable , tho i should not be able to demonstrate it . others may know more than i can . nay , indeed the truth is that i know so little , and others have already said so much upon this subject , that , as i cannot pretend to make any new discoverys in it , so neither am i willing to repeat just the same things that you have read els-where : and between those two difficulties i am somthing straitned in complying with what you desire . nevertheless since i am ingaged , i wil rather hazard to repeat what may have been hinted at already by others , than refuse to explain unto you my own conceptions . the security we demand must be considered either as it lys naturally in the thing it self ; i mean in the repeal of al old penal laws and tests , and in the sanction of a new great charter for liberty of conscience ; or else as it may be fortify'd by such expedients as the wisdom of a parliament may think sit to propound , and his majestys goodness may vouchsafe to grant . but this last consideration belongs not to my province . it becoms not private persons to anticipate . parliamentary deliberations , much less to prescribe rules unto his majestys conduct . it suffices me , in that respect , to know that his majesty has been pleased , by often reiterated promises , to assure us that he wil concur with his parliament , in any thing that may be reasonably offered for the establishment of such a law of christian liberty as may never be broken . i am not curious to pry further into those matters , until his majesty shal think fit in his wisdom to disclose unto the nation the treasures of his goodness . and to speak freely to you , as a friend , i am yet the less curious about it at this time , nor any ways impatient to know more , until a parliament may be ready to deliberate thereupon ; because i know already , that there ar a sort of men in the nation who watch upon every occasion , with al the arts that malice can invent , to blast any thing that shal be offered for the advancement of this christian design . leaving therfore the consideration of this accessional security that we look for , i wil now apply my self to consider onely what prospect of security the thing it self dos in its own nature afford us . when we discourse about this security , i suppose we both of us understand it onely with relation to the hazard that may arise from taking away the tests . for as to the penal laws , singly considered , i think al men that have souls large enough ( as i am sure you have ) to prefer the general good of their country before the narrow advantages of a party , wil agree that it is no less the interest of this nation to abolish them , than the duty of al mankind to forbear persecution . there is no hazard in the abolishment of those penal laws . now what the hazard may be in abolishing the tests , wil be best perceived by considering the effect of their imposition . the effect , in which the protestant interest consists , is that the roman catholics ar thereby excluded from al places of public trust , either civil or military . this , i should have said , is the intent of them . but how far the real effect fals short of that intent , and how far it must needs fal short therof in the reign of a catholic prince , is too evident to need any demonstration . nevertheless , supposing that the roman catholics were indeed therby debard from entring into any public imployments , what is the advantage that protestants , or that the nation in general , pretend to receiv by their exclusion ? i know you wil tel me that we have therby our security against that principle of persecution which we think inseparably joyned to their religion . they wil not be able to impose their religion upon us , nor persecute us for not receiving it . that is the tru end , and we wil suppose it to be real effect , of the tests . you do not pretend sure that the exclusion of the roman catholics from such imployments is any security to our civil rights , or to the fundamental constitution of our government . they ar english men as wel as we . the civil rights of english men ought to be no less dear to them than to us . and if any malicious surmizer should presume to imagin that his majesty had a design to raise his own prerogative upon the ruin of the peoples libertys , we have reason to believ , by many past instances , that men of another religion , much more numerous and powerful than the roman catholics , would be found no less ready instruments , but far more proper ones , for the effecting of that work . the best defence that i know against those imaginary fears , and the most becoming dutiful subjects , is to comply chearfully with his majesty in al things reasonable ; that so an unreasonable refusal may not force him upon new methods , and make us feel in the end what we ar perhaps too slow to conceiv , that omnia dat qui justa negat . but i return to the consideration of our being secured against persecution by the exclusion of the roman catholics from public imployments . in very good time , that the church of england ▪ now looks for such a security ! i am sure others have not been secured against it , by the public administration of her members . however , let us consider how it is that the tests secure us , or how it is that they hinder them from entering into those imployments . it is not as a wal or barricado that confines them to a certain inclosure , out of which they cannot move ; nor is it as a charm or spel that , by any magic vertu , hinders them from acting . it is onely as a law , which , by the penalty annexed to it , aws their minds , and makes them fearful to transgress it . they dar not enter into public offices , lest they should be punished for the breach of that law which forbids them to do it . but , pray , who is it that should punish them for that offence ? they know very wel that in this reign they ar in no danger . that law is now dispensed with . the onely bridle therfore that restrains them from transgressing it , is evidently the fear of its being revived in the reign for the next successor ; because it is a law whose penalty they wil be always liable unto , whensoever the government shal think fit to exact it . now if this be the only ground of their exclusion from public offices , and consequenly of our pretended security ; i say if it be onely the force of a law that works that effect ; pray let us consider if another law might not be contrived , to secure us much more effectually against persecution , that this exclusion of them either dos or can do . let us therfore have a law enacted , which , in abolishing al those penal ones , and al the tests too that ar now complained of , shal establish a vniversal and equal liberty of conscience , as a magna charta of religion , with al the ingaging circumstances that the wit of man can invent to make it inviolable . let that liberty be declared to be the natural right of al men , and any violation therof be therfore accounted criminal . let not onely every actual infringment of that law , but every motion , proposition , or contrivance , exprest either in word or deed , tending any way to the invalidating of it , be esteemed and declared an vndermining of the fundamental constitution of our government , and accordingly to be punishable with the utmost severitys , even as felony or treason . let the extent of this law reach al conditions and al degrees of men , ecclesiastical , civil and military , from the highest lord to the meanest beggar . let not future parliaments themselvs be exempted from the danger of infringing it ; but let any proposition tending therunto , tho even in either house of parliament , be not onely reputed a transgression therof , but expresly declared to be the highest and worst of al transgressions ; and let no parliamentary , or other priviledg whatsoever extempt any such offender from the severest punishment , no more than they can do it now from that of treason . and after al this , and what more the wisest heads may invent , let the king himself be humbly beseeched to suffer in it a clause , by which , reserving al other rights of his prerogative inviolated , he may solemnly renounce the onely right of dispensing with this law , or of pardoning any transgressor of it in any case whatsoever . supposing now that such a law as this should be enacted , i beseech you to consider if it do not answer the end of securing us against persecution , infinitely better than the present tests that exclude the roman catholics from public imployments . it wil secure , in the first place , al the dissenting protestants from the present penal laws , which the tests do not : and it wil indeed secure al partys against al persecution , in every respect far better than they do . it wil do it in a direct manner : wheras they work onely by a weak and strained consequence . it wil do it upon the solid grounds of religion , truth and equity : wheras they ar built onely upon precarious , partial and unjust principles . it wil be declared to be in its own nature indispensable : wheras they are every day dispensed with . it wil be established by a more solemn sanction : and it wil be inforced by more awful and terifying penaltys . these advantages , as you see , do al appear in the simplest prospect that we can take of the thing it self , in its own nature ; in the meer abolishment , i mean , of the laws of persecution , and the establishment of a law of liberty ; without the help of any further expedients . that is the onely thing that i proposed to my self to explain . and i cannot but now hope that even this explanation , how imperfect soever it be , wil convince you that it is not so dangerous a work to abolish the tests , nor so difficult to establish a lasting security against persecution , when those tests shal be abolished , as som people industriously endeavor to perswade us . but i perceiv that i have been already too tedious upon this argument . wherfore without further application or improvement thereof , i now refer what i have said to your examination , and submit to your judgment , resting always &c. the third letter . sir , since i have had the good fortune to please you the second time , i am resolved to try it a third . i have endeavored , as you have seen , to make it appear that it is not impossible to contrive a more equitable and vnexceptionable law than the tests , which wil secure us also infinitely better than they do , against the danger of being persecuted by the roman catholics . now you answer me that this law , tho it should be consented to , would be less security to us against the roman catholics than the tests : because by it they would be admitted into the legislative , as wel as executive , parts of our government ; wheras by the other they ar wholly excluded from both . and an exclusion , say you , especially from the legislative power , is a far better security than any regulation whatsoever that can be made about their conduct in it : because , when once admitted into that capacity , there wil be stil reason to apprehend lest they should break thro the rules prescribed for their conduct , and change even the laws themselves at their pleasure . this is indeed very specious . but i intreat you to consider , in the first place , that the exclusion we talk of by the tests is onely imaginary , not real . we please our selves with a notion , while we ar frustrated of the thing . a dispensation dissipates al that bulwark into dust and aire : while on the contrary the regulation i have propounded is to be declared and made absolutely indispensable . which is no inconsiderable advantage on the side that i incline to . but this is not al. your objection prompts me to a further defence of my proposition . nothing wil serve your turn but an absolute exclusion of those that may have a minde to hurt us , from al manner of share , either legislative or executive , in our government . be it so . i am very wel pleased to join issu with you upon that point . the hurt we fear , and desire to fence against , is persecution . let us therfore , in god's name , exclude al persecuting papists , and protestants too , from those imployments . but let al those that have a spirit of moderation and charity , joyned with other necessary qualifications , be promiscuously admitted into them , whatsoever be their profession of religion . it is not the notion of transubstantiation that hurts us . why should we therfore make that the ground of an exclusion ? let us go to the tru ground of the matter , and do our work at once , effectually . in a word : let this act it self , that we are projecting , be the fundamental test for the admission of al persons into al manner of public imployments , or for their exclusion from them . let every member of both houses of parliament , before they ar admitted to sit there , be obliged to subscribe a declaration , importing that they solemnly profess , and , in the presence of god , sincerely acknowledg the natural equity of this great law ; and that they in like manner promis never to infringe it , nor either directly or indirectly to promote any design of undermining or invalidating it in any manner whatsoever . let al those that shal presume to sit in either house , without having first subscribed that declaration , be liable to the severest penaltys that shal be annexed to the foresaid law. and let al future acts ( if any such there should be ) passed by a parliament not so qualified as by this law shal be required , be declared illegal and nul . nay further , if it may be thought any strengthning to our security , let also al other public officers , as wel as the members of parliament , be obliged , upon their entrance into those offices , to subscribe the same solemn declaration , upon the hazard of the same penalties , and of the illegality and nullity of al their proceedings . let al that govern , or teach , or any way officiate in ecclesiastical affaires , either in church or conventicle ; al judges , justices , juries , magistrates , military commanders both by sea and land , with al the inferior and subordinate officers depending upon any of them , from the highest to the lowest , be al subject to the same rule . this is the test against persecution that we have been long since advised to , by one of the earliest and strongest writers upon this subject ; but which the nation seems not yet to have enough reflected upon . if this be not judged a sufficient security , i wish those that perceiv the defects of it would propound unto us any thing better . i shal be always for chusing the best . but however , in the mean while , i think al men must agree that , if it be indeed persecution that we desire to fence against , this is infinitely a better security in that respect than the present penal laws and tests ar . and therfore , provided this may be granted , i cannot but yet hope that there wil appear to be among us men wise enough , and honest enough , and those too , numerous enough , to sway the nation to consent to their abolishing . i have said already that , upon the supposition of this security there can be nothing but private ambition or avarice capable to raise an opposition against this generous design of universal liberly . but surely no private interest wil be capable to bear up long against the general interest of the nation . now it has been often asserted by many , and demonstrated with great evidence , that those whose interest it is to desire liberty ar far more numerous than those that oppose it . but if in that there should at present be any mistake , i am sure , when once this liberty shal be established , it wil then be visibly and indisputably the interest of al partys to maintain it . al the several interests of the nation wil be then drawn up into one circle , and the extremitys wil touch each other . the church of england and protestant dissenters , how opposite soever in other respects , wil therby becom inseparably cimented into one common caus. and , tho we should suspect the roman catholics to have contrary inclinations , yet the strength of the others union wil oblige them , for their own safety , to concur in promoting the general good. yet for al this , i wil not stick to acknowledg that such a suspicion of an inclination to persecute , in any that may be uppermost , is not altogether unreasonable . the examples of persecutions rais'd at one time or other , by al partys that have had the power to do it , authorize those fears . but for that very reason , i say , that this is the fittest time that ever we can expect , to settle this liberty in england : because the power is now in the hands of the weakest party , which is therfore least able to strain it . and if once that settlement be made , the united interest of al partys in the advantages it brings along with it , wil in human appearance secure it against the possibility of ever being shaken hereafter . these considerations , you see , afford a second prospect of our security in the establishment of a law of liberty ; in that it wil be the interest of al partys to maintain it : and they afford also an incitement to set about that work ; becaus of the seasonableness of the opportunity : which things deserv exceedingly to be attended unto . but after so palpable a demonstration , as i think i have given , of that security , in the frame of the law it self , i have no mind now to intertain you with any thing that may appear more speculative , tho in effect it be no less solid . my meaning in this is , that i have shown onely the possibility of this security . but whether or no it wil be just granted in the manner that i conceiv it , is what i cannot answer for . i rather hope it wil be made much better . but however , after this plain appearance of the possibility of the thing , i think i may resume what i said in my first letter , as an advice of som weight ; that , in this conjuncture , it is both the duty and the interest of the nation to put this business to a tryal , in a grave and moderate parliament ; and not by any means to make that impossible , by faction , jealousy , or despair , which seems easily obtainable by a prudent conduct . let this be our constant aim , to have liberty setled by a law. that is the mark that ▪ i shoot at ▪ and i would be very loath that other peoples errors , or humors , should make me miss it . we ought al to be singly ▪ intent upon our own duty ; and if we keep so , we cannot fail to know it . which way soever we turn our reflections , in these matters of politics , they wil always bring us back to the same center . the general good is the rule and touch-stone , by which al must be tryed and measured . that general good can never be attended unto , much less procured , without the general satisfaction of al partys ; nor that satisfaction without this equal and general liberty which i have been pleading for . now therfore that every one may the more easily discern their own duty , while we ar in this evident possibility of obtaining such an equal and secure liberty ; i would have the church of england , in the first place , consider with how much justice the odium of a self-interessed and sordid partiality , wil be cast upon her by al men , in case she stil continu to obstruct it . let her consider that , and be ashamed . in the next place , if the protestant dissenters should suffer themselvs to be fooled out of this liberty , by the cunning of their old adversarys ; i would have them consider how obnoxious they yet ly , even at this very hour , to the redoubled lashes of the same laws under which they have so long groaned . let them consider that , and tremble . and if the roman catholics should ever attempt to overstrain the advantages they may receiv by this liberty , when it shal be established ; i would have them consider that in gaping for the shadow , they wil be in danger to lose the substance . let them consider that , and be wise . i have now don . lonely again beg of you to pardon the tediousness of al these considerations , and to believ me to be most sincerely and affectionately yours , &c. finis . vvholesome severity reconciled with christian liberty. or, the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience. here you have the question stated, the middle way betwixt popish tyrannie and schismatizing liberty approved, and also confirmed from scripture, and the testimonies of divines, yea of whole churches: the chiefe arguments and exceptions used in the bloudy tenent, the compassionate samaritane, m.s. to a.s. &c. examined. eight distinctions added for qualifying and clearing the whole matter. and in conclusion a parænetick to the five apologists for choosing accommodation rather then toleration. imprimatur. ia. cranford. decemb . . gillespie, george, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) vvholesome severity reconciled with christian liberty. or, the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience. here you have the question stated, the middle way betwixt popish tyrannie and schismatizing liberty approved, and also confirmed from scripture, and the testimonies of divines, yea of whole churches: the chiefe arguments and exceptions used in the bloudy tenent, the compassionate samaritane, m.s. to a.s. &c. examined. eight distinctions added for qualifying and clearing the whole matter. and in conclusion a parænetick to the five apologists for choosing accommodation rather then toleration. imprimatur. ia. cranford. decemb . . gillespie, george, - . [ ], p. printed for christopher meredith, and are to be sold at the signe of the crane in pauls churchyard, london : . attributed to george gillespie. annotation on thomason copy: the in the imprint date is crossed out; " "; "jan: th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng williams, roger, ?- . -- bloody tenent yet more bloody. walwyn, william, - . -- compassionate samaritane. liberty of conscience -- early works to . freedom of religion -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no vvholesome severity reconciled with christian liberty. or, the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience.: gillespie, george f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vvholsome severity reconciled with christian liberty . or , the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience . here you have the question stated , the middle way betwixt popish tyrannie and schismatizing liberty approved , and also confirmed from scripture , and the testimonies of divines , yea of whole churches : the chiefe arguments and exceptions used in the bloudy tenent , the compassionate samaritane , m. s. to a. s. &c. examined . eight distinctions added for qualifying and clearing the whole matter . and in conclusion a paraenetick to the five apologists for choosing accommodation rather then toleration . imprimatur . ia. cranford . decemb. . . august . contra primam gaudentii epist. c. . ab●● autem ut ista persecutio dicenda sit hominum , cum sit potius pro hominibus liberandis persecutio vitiorum , qualem facit aegris etiam diligentia medieorum . idem contra epist. parmen. lib. . cap. . prius enim probent se non esse haereticos vel schismaticos , tum demum de indignis poenis suis lividam emittant vocem , &c. nos corporum persecutores vocant , se animarum interfectores non vocant . london , printed for christopher meredith , and are to be sold at the signe of the crane in pauls churchyard . . to the christian and courteous reader . it cannot be unknown to any , except such as are ignorant of satans devices , and altogether strangers to the histories of former times , that when the church commeth out of idolatry , and out of bitter servitude and grievous pressures of conscience , all her storms are not over her head , but she begins to be assaulted and afflicted more then before with heresies , schismes , and home-bred disturbances . which through the manifold wisdome and over-ruling dispensation of god , who worketh all things according to the counsel of his will , is englands lot this day , that this may be to those in whom the lord hath no pleasure , a stone of stumbling , and a rock of offence , that they may goe and fall back ward , and be broken ; & snared , and taken : that others , who are approved , may be made manifest ; yea , that many may be purified , and tried , and made white ; and that in the issue god may have the greater glory in making a soveraign remedy out of poysonfull ingredients , and his people may say , blessed be the lord god of israel who only doth wondrous things . but now will the sectaries be contented ( as christs witnesses in former times were ) to be examined and judged according to the word of god , and if they be found to be what they are accused to be , then to suffer accordingly ? nay , if so , they fear they shall run too great a hazard . therefore they cry out for toleration and liberty of conscience , hereby going about not only themselves to fish in troubled waters , but to improve at once the manifold advantages of sympathising with the principles of the most part of men amongst us ; for as it is a common plea and bond of union among all hereticks and sectaries , how many soever their divisions and subdivisions be among themselves ; yea , they give ( in this ) the right hand of fellowship to the prelaticall and malignant party , for they also put in for liberty of conscience : and as carnall and prophane men desire nothing more then that they may not be compelled to any religious duty , but permitted to doe what seem good in their own eies . so liberty of conscience is a sweet and taking word among the lesse discerning sort of godly people , newly come out of the house of bondage , out of the popish and prelaticall tyranny ; i say the lesse discerning sort , because those of the godly who have their senses exercised to discern good and evill , know that liberty of heresie and schisme is no part of the liberty of conscience which christ hath purchased to us at so dear a rate . but is there no golden book and taking bait for the magistrate ? yes sure ; for his part he is told that he may punish any breach of peace or civill justice , or a trespasse against the state and against civill authority , but yet not put forth his power against any man for heresie or schisme , being matters of religion and of conscience . as if both polititians and divines had been in a great error when they said that the end and use of magistracy is to make bonum hominem , as well as bonum civem , a good man as well as a good commonwealths man . shall i adde further , that all who wish well to the publike from principles either of religion or policy , want not here their own tentations , perswading to a toleration of sectaries , in regard of the necessity of an union against the common adversary , and the great hazard , if not certain ruine , of the cause , by our own ruptures ? vnder these fair colours and handsome pretexts doe sectaries infuse their poyson , i mean their pernicious , god-provoking , truth-defacing , church ruinating , & state-shaking toleration . the plain english of the question is this : whether the christian magistrate be keeper of both tables : whether he ought to suppresse his own enemies , but not gods enemies , and preserve his own ordinances , but not christs ordinances frō violation . whether the troublers of israel may be troubled . whether the wilde boars and beasts of the forest must have leave to break down the hedges of the lords vineyard ; and whether ravening wolves in sheeps clothing must be permitted to converse freely in the flock of christ . whether after the black devil of idolatry and tyranny is trod under our feet , a white devill of heresie and schisme , under the name of tender consciences , must be admitted to walk up and down among us . whether not only pious and peaceable men , ( whom i shall never consent to persecute ) but those also who are as a pestilence or a gangrene in the body of christ , men of corrupt minds and turbulent spirits , who draw factions after them , make a breach and rent in israel , resist the truth and reformation of religion , spread abroad all the ways they can their pernicious errors , and by no other means can be reduced ; whether those also ought to be spared and let alone . i have endeavoured in this following discourse to vindicate the lawfull , yea necessary use of the coercive power of the christian magistrate in suppressing and punishing hereticks and sectaries , according as the degree of their offence and of the churches danger shal require : which when i had done , there came to my hands a book called the storming of antichrist . indeed , the recruting of antichrist , and the storming of zion , ( if so be that i may anabaptize an anabaptists book ) take one passage for instance , pa. . and for papists , saith he , though they are least to be borne of all others , because of the uncertainty of their keeping faith with hereticks , as they call us , and because they may be absolved of securements that can arise from the just solemn oaths , and because of their cruelty against the protestants in divers countries where they get the upper hand , and because they are profest idolaters , yet may they be born with ( as i suppose with submission to better judgments ) in protestant government , in point of religion , because we have no command to root out any for conscience , &c. why then ? is this to storm antichrist ? or is it not rather a storming of this party , in the prevailing whereof god will have far more glory then in the prevailing of the popish and prelaticall party , as himself speaketh , pa. . and if he will storm , sure some of his ladders are too short . if any one rail against christ ( saith he , p. . ) or deny the scriptures to be his word , or affirm the epistles to be only letters written to particular churches , and no rule for us , and so unsettle our faith , this i take may be punished by the magistrate , because all or most nations in the world doe it . that all the nations in the world doe punish for these things , i am yet to learn : and those that doe , doe they not also punish men for other ways of unsetling the grounds of faith besides these ? the declining of some of the epistles as being letters written upon particular occasions , and no rule for us , is an error which hath been pretended to be no lesse conscientious then those errors which now he will have indulged . lastly , if he would needs storm , why would he not make some new breach ? i find no materiall arguments in him for liberty of conscience , but what i found before in the bloudy tenent , the compassionate samaritane , and m. s. to a. s. so that my ensuing answers to them shall serve his turn . and now reader buy the truth , and sell it not . search for knowledge as for hid treasures . if thou readest with a unprejudiced mind , i dare promise thee through gods blessing a satisfied mind . the true resolution of a present controversie concerning liberty of conscience . concerning this question there are three opinions ; two extreams , and one in the middle . so it is resolved not only by d. voetius , in his late disputations de libertate conscientiae , but long before by calvin , in his refutation of the errours of servetus , where he disputeth this very question , whether christian judges may lawfully punish hereticks . the first opinion is that of the papists , who hold it to be not only no sin , but good service to god , to extirpate by fire and sword , all that are adversaries to , or opposers of the church and catholick religion . upon this ground gregorius de valentia tells us there were . of the albigenses burnt under pope innocentius the third ; and in the councell of constance were burnt john hus and hierome of pragus . suarez de triplice virtute , tract. . disp. . sect. . layeth downe these assertions . . that all hereticks who after sufficient instruction and admonition , still persist in their error , are to be without mercy put to death . . that all impenitent hereticks , though they professe to be catholicks , being convict of heresie , are to be put to death . . that relapsing hereticks , though penitent , are to be put to death without mercy . . that it is most probable , that heresiarchs , dogmatists , or the authors of an heresie , though truly penitent , yet are not to be received to favour , but delivered to the civil sword . . that a heretick who hath not relapsed , if before sentence past against him , he convert of his owne accord , he is not to bee punished with death , but with some smaller punishment , such as perpetuall imprisonment , or the like . ibid. tract. . disp. . sect. . hee saith , that schismaticks may be punished with almost all the punishments of hereticks . azor. institut . moral . tom. . lib. . cap. . vtrique verò , tum relapsi , tum alii , quando pertinaces sunt , vivi igne exuruntur : si verò pertinaces non sint , prius strangulari solent , & postea comburi . see the like , becan , summa part . . tract. . quaest. . & . turrian , in am ae disp. . dub . . some of them also maintaine the compelling of infidels to be baptized , as scotus in lib. . sent. dist. . quaest. . and they who follow him . the second opinion doth fall short , as farre as the former doth exceed : that is , that the magistrate ought not to inflict any punishment , nor put forth any coercive power uppon hereticks or sectaries , but on the contrary grant them liberty and toleration . this was the opinion of the don●tists , against which augustine hath written both much and well , in divers places : though himselfe was once in the same error , till he did take the matter into his second and better thoughts , as is evident by his retractations , lib. . cap. . & epist. . in the same error are the socinians and arminians . see pelt●i harmonia , artic. . nic. bodecher . sociniano . remonstrantismus . cap. . see also grotii apologeticus , cap. . pag. . theoph. nicolaid . refut . tractat. de ecclesia , cap. . p. . the very same is maintained in some bookes printed amongst our selves in this yeare of confusion : viz. the bloudy tenent : liberty of conscience : the compassionate samaritan : john the baptist : and by mr. goodwin in his ●eomaxia , pag. . and in his innocencies triumph , pag. . in which places he denyeth that the magistrate , and particularly that the two houses of parliament may impose any thing pertaining to the service and worship of god under mulcts or penalties . so m. s. to a. s. pag. . . . &c. disputeth against the coercive power of the magistrate to suppresse heresies and sects . this power the presbyterians doe ascribe to the magistrate , as i shall shew by and by : therefore i still averre , that mr. goodwin in denying and opposing this power , doth herein ( as in divers other particulars ) ascribe much lesse to the magistrate then the presbyterians doe : which overthroweth that insinuation of the five apologists pag. . the third opinion is , that the magistrate may and ought to exercise his coercive power , in suppressing and punishing hereticks and sectaries , lesse or more , according as the nature and degree of the error , schisme , obstinacy , and danger of seducing others , doth require . this as it was the judgement of the orthodox ancients , ( vide optatiopera , edit. albaspin . pag. . . ) so it is followed by our soundest protestant writers ; most largely by beza against bellius and monfortius , in a peculiar treatise de haereticis à magistratu puniendis . and though gerhard , * brochmand , and other lutheran writers , make a controversie where they need not , alledging that the calvinists ( so nicknamed ) hold as the papists doe , that all hereticks without distinction are to be put to death : the truth is , they themselves say as much as either calvin or beza , or any other whom they take for adversaries in this question , that is , that hereticks are to be punished by mulcts , imprisonments , banishments , and if they be grosse idolaters or blasphemers , and seducers of others , then to be put to death . what is it else that calvin teacheth , when he distinguisheth three kindes of errors : some to be tolerated with a spirit of meeknesse , and such as ought not to separate betwixt brethren : others not to be tolerated , but to be suppressed with a certaine degree of severity : a third sort so abominable and pestiferous , that they are to be cut off by the highest punishments ? and lest it be thought that this is but the opinion of some few , that the magistrate ought thus by a strong hand , and by civill punishments suppresse hereticks and sectaries : let it be observed what is held forth and professed concerning this businesse , by the reformed churches in their publicke confessions of faith . in the latter confession of helvetia , cap. . it is said that the magistrate ought to root out lies and all superstition , with all impiety and idolatry . and after ; let him suppresse stubborne hereticks . in the french confession , art . . therefore he hath also delivered the sword into the hands of the magistrates , to wit , that offences may be repressed , not only those which are committed against the second table , but also against the first . in the belgick confession , art . . therefore hath he armed the magistrate with the sword for punishing them that doe evill , and for defending such as doe well . moreover it is their duty not only to be carefull and watchfull for the preservation of the civill government , but also to defend the holy ministery , and to abolish and overthrow all idolatry , and counterfeit worship of god . beza de haeret , à magistr. . puniend. . tells us in the beginning , that the ministers of helvetia had declared themselves to be of the same judgement , in a booke published of that argument . and toward the end he citeth the saxon confession , luther , melancthon , brentius , bucerus , wolsangus capito , and bullinger . the synod of dort , ses . . in their sentence against the remonstrants doth not only interdict them of all their ecclesiasticall and academicall functions , but also beseech the states generall by the secular power further to suppresse and restrain them . the arguments whereby this third or middle opinion is confirmed ( that we may not build upon humane authority ) are these . first , the law , deut. . , , , . concerning the stoning and killing of him , who shall secretly intice people , saying , let us go after other gods . if it be said , that this law did bind the jews only , and is not morall nor perpetuall . i answer , jacobus acontius , though he be of another opinion concerning this question then i am , yet he candidly and freely confesseth , that he seeth nothing in that law , which doth not belong to the new testament , as well as the old ; for saith he , the reason and ground of the law , the use and end of it , is morall and perpetuall , ver. . all israel shall hear and fear , and shall doe no more any such wickednesse , as this is among you . but yet , saith acont●us , this law doth not concern hereticks , who beleeve and teach errors concerning the true god or his worship ; but only apostates who fall away to other gods : * in this i shall not much contend with him ; only thus far , if apostates are to be stoned and killed according to that law , then surely seducing hereticks are also to receive their measure and proportion of punishment ; the morall equity of the law requireth thus much at least , that if we compare heresy and apostasy together , look how much lesse the evill of sin is in heresy , so much and no more is to be remitted of the evill of punishment , especially the danger of contagion and seducement , being as much or rather more in heresy then in apostasy ; yea , that which is called heresy being oftentimes a reall following after other gods . but the law , deut. . for punishing with death , as well whole cities as particular persons , for falling away to other gods , is not the only law for punishing even capitally grosse sins against the first table . see exod. . . he that sacrificeth unto any god , save unto the lord only , he shall be utterly destroyed , exod. . ● . every one that defileth the sabbath , shall surely be ●ut to death , levit. . . and he that blasphemeth the name of the lord , he shall surely be put to death , deut. . , , . . if there be found among you within any of thy gates , which the lord thy god giveth thee , man or woman , that hath wrought wickednesse in the sight of the lord thy god , in transgressing his covenant , and hath gone and served other gods and worshipped them , &c. thou shalt bring forth that man or that woman unto thy gates , even that man or that woman , and shalt stone them with stones till they die . it will be asked , but how doth it appear that these or any other judiciall laws of moses doe at all appertain to us , as rules to guide us in like cases ? i shall wish him who scrupleth this , to read piscator his appendix to his observations upon the , , . chapters of exodus , where he excellently disputeth this question , whether the christian magistrate be bound to observe the judicial laws of moses , as well as the jewish magistrate was . he answereth by the common distinction , he is obliged to those things in the judiciall law which are unchangeable , & common to all nations : but not to those things which are mutable , or proper to the jewish republike . but then he explaineth this distinction , that by things mutable , and proper to the jews , he understandeth the emancipation of an hebrew servant or handmaid in the seventh year , a mans marying his brothers wife and raising up seed to his brother , the forgiving of debts at the jubilee , marying with one of the same tribe , and if there be any other like to these ; also ceremoniall trespasses , as touching a dead body , &c. but things immutable , and common to all nations are the laws concerning morall trespasses , sins against the morall law , as murther , adultery , theft , enticing away from god , blasphemy , striking of parents . now that the christian magistrate is bound to observe these judiciall lawes of moses which appoint the punishments of sins against the morall law , he proveth by these reasons . . if it were not so , then it is free and arbitrary to the magistrate to appoint what punishments himself pleaseth . but this is not arbitrary to him , for he is the minister of god , rom. . . and the judgement is the lords , deut. . . chron. . . and if the magistrate be keeper of both tables , he must keep them in such manner as god hath delivered them to him . . christs words , mat. . . think not that i am come to destroy the law or the prophets , i am not come to destroy , but to fulfill , are comprehensive of the judiciall law , it being a part of the law of moses ; now he could not fulfill the judiciall law , except either by his practice , or by teaching others still to observe it ; not by his own practice , for he would not condemn the adulteresse , joh. . . nor divide the inheritance , luke . , . therefore it must be by his doctrine for our observing it . . if christ in his sermon , mat. . would teach that the morall law belongeth to us christians , in so much as he vindicateth it from the false glosses of the scribes & pharisees ; then he meant to hold forth the judiciall law concerning morall trespasses as belonging to us also : for he vindicateth and interpreteth the judiciall law , as well as the morall , mat. . . an eye for an eye , &c. . if god would have the morall law transmitted from the jewish people to the christian people ; then he would also have the judiciall law transmitted from the jewish magistrate to the christian magistrate : there being the same reason of immutability in the punishments , which is in the offences ; idolatry and adultery displeaseth god now as much as then ; and theft displeaseth god now no more then before . . whatsoever things were written aftertime , were written for our learning ▪ rom. . . and what shall the christian magistrate learn from those judiciall laws , but the will of god to be his rule in like cases ? the ceremoniall law was written for our learning , that we might know the fulfilling of all those types , but the judiciall law was not typicall . . doe all to the glory of god , cor. . ● . mat. ● . . how shall christian magistrates glorifie god more then by observing gods own laws , as most just , and such as they cannot make better ? . whatsoever is not of faith is sin , rom. . . now when the christian magistrate punisheth 〈◊〉 against the morall law , if he doe this in faith and in assurance of pleasing god , he must have his assurance from the word of god , for faith can build upon no other foundation : it is the word which must assure the conscience , god hath commanded such a thing , therefore it is my duty to doe it , god hath not forbidden such a thing , therefore i am free to doe it . but the will of god concerning civill justice and punishments is no where so fully and cleerly revealed as in the judiciall law of moses . this therefore must be the surest prop and stay to the conscience of the christian magistrate . these are not my reasons ( if it be not a word or two added by way of explaining and strengthning ) but the substance of piscators reasons : unto which i adde , . though we have clear and full scriptures in the new testament for abolishing the ceremoniall law yet we no where reade in all the new testament of the abol●shing of the judicial law , so far as it did concern the punishing of sins against the morall law , of which heresy and seducing of souls is one , and a great one . once god did reveal his will for punishing those sins by such and such punishments . he who will hold that the christian magistrate is not bound to inflict such punishments for such sins , is bound to prove that those former lawes of god are abolished , and to shew some scripture for it . . that iudiciall law for having two or three witnesses in judgement , deut. . . heb. . . is transferred even with an obligation to us christians , and it concerneth all judgement , as well ecclesiasticall as civill , mat. . . cor. . . and some 〈◊〉 particulars might be instanced in , which are pressed and enforced from the iudiciall law , by some who yet mind not the obligation of it . to conclude therefore this point , though other judiciall or forensecall laws concerning the punishments of sins against the morall law , may , yea , must be allowed of in christian republikes and kingdomes ; provided always , they be not contrary or contradictory to gods own iudiciall laws : yet i fear not to hold with junius , de politia mosis cap. , that he who was punishable by death under that iudiciall law , is punishable by death still ; and he who was not punished by death then , is not to be punished by death now ; and so much for the first argument from the law of god . a second argument we have from divers laudable examples in the old testament ; moses drew the sword against idolaters , exod. . . the children of israel resolved to go out to war against the reubenites and gadites , when they understood that they were building another altar . jos. . . elijah commanded to slay the priests of baal , kings . . in asa his time there was a covenant for putting to death such as would not seek the lord god of their fathers , chro. . . iehu slew the priests of ahab , and the worshippers of baal , kings . . . first , searching and making sure that there were none of the servants of the lord among them , ver. . iosiah sacrificed the priests of samaria upon their own altars , kings . . nebuchadnezzar , though an heathē , being convinced that there was no god like the god of israel , made a decree , that whosoever speaketh blasphemy , or uttereth any error against god , shall be out in pieces , and their houses made a dunghill , dan. . . as for those whose errors and corruptions in religion were not so great , there was some ( though not the highest ) severity used against them : moses was so angry with the people that were seduced into idolatry , that he burnt the calf which they had worshipped , and ground it to powder , and strewed it upon the water , and made the children of israel to drinke of it , exod. . . thereby teaching them ( as hierome and others give the reason ) to abhorre that idolatry , while their idoll did passe from them among their own excrements . asa did remove his mother maachah from being queen , because of an idoll which she had made in a grove , kings . . josiah caused all that were present in jerusalem and benjamin to stand to the covenant . chron. . . which could not be without either threatning or inflicting punishment upon the transgressors ; there being many at that time disaffected to the reformation . o but saith m. s. to a. s. pag. , . idolatry and idolaters were the adaequate object of that coercive power in matters of religion , whereof we reade in the old testament . nor doe we read that ever the lewish kings or magistrates attempted any thing against sectaries or schismaticks . i answer , . the object of that coercive power of josiah , chron. . . was generally the matter of the covenant , that is , the taking away not only of idolatry , but of all abominations , and a walking after the lord , and keeping of his testimonies , and statutes , and commandments , ver. . . nehemiah did drive away the son of eliashib the high priest , not for idolatry , but for marying the daughter of sanballat , and thereby defiling the covenant of the priesthood , nehem. . , . ezra made the chief priests , the levites , and all israel to enter into a covenant and to swear , that they would put away the strange wives , and that it should be done according to the law , ezra . . . and whosoever would not come to ierusalem for this thing , was not only himself excommunicated from the church , but all his goods forfeited . v. . artaxerxes decreed punishment for all who should oppose the law of god , and the building of the temple : wherein he is so far approved , as that ezra blesseth god for it , ezra . , . whosoever will not doe the law of thy god , and the law of the king , let judgement be executed speedily upon him , whether it be unto death , or unto banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or imprisonment , &c. which doth not concern idolatry only , but generally the laws of god , v. . set magistrates and iudges which may judge all the people , all such as know the laws of thy god . he who wrote liberty of conscience , p. , . is so far confounded with this laudable decree of artaxerxes , that he can say no more to it , but that it was the commandment of god , not an invention of men which artaxerxes did thus impose , which is as much as we desire . but . sects and schismes are to be punished as well , though not as much as heresy and idolatry . there are degrees of faults , and accordingly degrees of punishments . augustine wrote an epistle to bonifacius upon this occasion , to shew that the donatists had nothing to doe with the arrians , and so were not to be punished with such rigour and severity ; yet he adviseth that moderate mulcts and punishments may be laid upon them , & that their bishops or ministers may be banished . in his epist. he intercedeth most earnestly with the proconsul of africk , that he might not put to death the donatists , but represse them some other ways . we have also a scripture example for punishing sectaries who are not hereticks . it is agreed among interpreters , there were in iudah two sorts of high places , some on which god was worshipped , others on which idols were worshipped , & it is most manifest from chro. . . and from the reconciling of chro. . . with ch. . . . the one sort was the high places of idolatry , the other , the high places of wil-worship ; yet the priests of the latter , as well as of the former , were punished by iosiah , as tostatus proveth from kings . and the text it self is clear , for he put to death the priests of sama●ia , who had sacrificed in the high places of idolatry , vers. . but as for those who sacrificed in the high places of wil-worship , because they sacrificed to the lord only ( as the word is , chron. . . ) therefore iosiah did not put them to death , only he caused them to goe out of all the cities of judah , and to cease from the priests office , so that they durst not come up to the altar of the lord at jerusalem , only they were permitted to eat of the unleavened bread among their brethren , ver. , . which is parallel to that law , ezek. . ver , , , , , . a prophecy concerning the christian temple , and the times of the new testament , wth reacheth a blow to another silly & short-sighted evasion , used both in the bloudy tenent , and in m. s. to a.s. that all this coercive power exercised in the old testament , was typicall , & therefore not imitable now in the new testament . whereunto i further reply , . the reason of all that coercive severity was morall and perpetuall , as was shewed before from deut. . . next , why did they not prove that it was typicall ? shall we take their fancy for a certainty ? they have neither scripture nor interpreters for it . . they confound the judiciall lawes of moses with the ceremoniall , making the judicatories and justice typicall no lesse then the ceremonies . . they doe utterly overthrow the investiture of christian princes and magistrates with any power at all in matters of religion , from the old testament . so that one may not argue thus : the godly kings of judah did remove the monuments of idolatry and superstition , therefore so should the christian magistrate doe . the most arrant malignant may answer in the words of mr. williams , chap. . that the civill power or state of israel , so farre as it attended upon the spirituall , was meerly figurative : or in the words of m. s. pag. . there are two reasons very considerable why the kings of judah might be invested by god with a larger power in matters of religion , then kings or magistrates under the gospel have any ground or warrant to claime from them . first , they were types of christ ( but by the way how doth he prove that asa , jehu , and josiah were types of christ ? ) which no king under heaven at this day is . secondly , not the people onely , but the very land over which they ruled were typicall . . the punishment of persons was a part of their reformation , as well as the destruction of monuments , and why must we follow their example in the one , more then the other ? if we smart under both their diseases , we must apply both their remedies , or neither . the third argument is drawne from the new testament . the magistrate beareth not the sword in vaine , for he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evill , rom. . . but i assume ; hereticks and sectaries doe evill , yea much evill , especially when they draw many others after them in their pernicious wayes . it was the observation of one of the greatest politicians of this kingdome , that heresies and schismes are of all others the greatest scandalls : yea more then corruption of manners . one of his reasons is , because every sect of them hath a diverse posture or cringe by themselves , which cannot but move derision in worldlings , and depraved politicks , who are apt to contemne holy things . i know it will be answered , if any sectary make a breach of peace , or disturb the state , then indeed the magistrate ought to redresse it by a coercive power . so john the baptist , pag. . so mr. williams , chap. . answereth , rom. . . is not meant of evill against the christian estate , but of evill against the civill state . m. s. pag. . . tells us that he is not for the toleration of sects and schismes , except only upon this supposition , that the professors or maintainers of them be otherwise peaceable in the state , and every wayes subject to the lawes and lawfull power of the civill magistrate . i answer , the experience of former times may make us so wise as to foresee that heresie and schisme tendeth to the breach of the civill peace , and to a rupture in the state as well as in the church . what commotions did the arrians make in all the easterne parts ? the macedonians in greece ? the donatists in africke ? how did the anabaptists raise and soment the bloudy warre of the boores in germany , wherein were killed above men ? tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum . how satanicall was julians designe to bring the christians to nought , by granting liberty of conscience to all the hereticks and sectaries that were among them ? but suppose the commonwealth to runne no hazard by the toleration of heresies and schismes , i answer further , . the text , rom. . . speaketh generally , and we must not distinguish where the scripture doth not distinguish . . those that are in authority are to take such courses and so to rule , that we may not onely lead a quiet and peaceable life , but further that it be in all godlinesse and honesty , tim. . . the magistrate is keeper of both tables , and is to punish the violation of the first table , as well as of the second . . will any man , saith angustine , who is in his right wit , say to kings , doe not care by whom the church of god in your kingdome be maintained or opposed : it doth not concerne you in your kingdome , who will be religious , who sacrilegious : to whom notwithstanding it cannot bee said , it doth not concerne you in your kingdome , who be chaste , who whorish , &c. is the soules keeping faith and truth to god a l●ghter matter , then that of a woman to a man ? he confesseth in the same epistle , that he and some other african divines were sometime of that opinion , that the emperour should not at all punish the donatists for their heresie or error , but such of them only as should be found to commit any riot or breach of peace , especially the furious and violent circumcellions . but afterward he confesseth that the emperour had as good reason to represse their pernicious error , as their furious violence . a fourth argument is drawne from the names which the scripture giveth to hereticks and sectaries , holding forth the extreame danger of tolerating and letting them alone . they are called ravening wolves , matth. . . and grievous wolves not sparing the flocke , act. . . theeves and robbers , john . . their word eateth as a canker , tim. . . and is as a little leaven leavening the whole lumpe , gal. . . they are troublers of israel , act. . . gal. . . shall the troublers of the state be punished , and the troublers of israel go free ? shal physitians cut off the member that hath a gangrene in it , because it indangereth the whole body , and shall the great state physitians suffer the gangrene to spread in the church ? shall mens bodies , goods , and purses , be so farre cared for , that theeves and robbers must not be suffered , but justice done upon them ; and shall those have immunity who steale away soules from christ , and rob us of the pearle of truth ? nay shall the poore sheepe be so much looked to , that the wolfe must not be spared ; and shall we suffer the soule-destroying wolves to enter , yea abide peaceably among the dear-bought flock of jesus christ ? other arguments might be added , but let these suffice at this present . i come next to answer all the materiall objections which i have either read or heard ( to my best remembrance ) alledged against this coercive power of the magistrate in matters of religion . first , the parable of the tares is objected : christ will not have the tares to be pluckt up , but to grow together with the wheat untill the harvest , mat. . . . in this argument mr. williams in his bloudy tenent putteth a great deale of confidence . but i am as confident to discover the strength of it to be lesse then nothing . for first he taketh the tares to be meant neither of hypocrites in the church , whether discovered or undiscovered ; nor yet of those who are scandalous offenders in their life and conversation , but only of antichristian idolaters and false worshippers : which is a most false interpretation . christ himselfe expoundeth it generally , vers. . the good seed are the children of the kingdome : but the tares are the children of the wicked one . and vers. . the tares are expounded to be all that offend , and which doe iniquity . this being the cleare meaning , it will follow undeniably , that if the magistrate must spare those who are meant by tares in the parable , then he must spare and let alone all scandalous offenders , murtherers , adulterers , drunkards , theeves , &c. when any such are discovered in the visible church . but this cannot be the meaning of the tares in the parable , saith mr. williams , chap. . that wicked livers , opposite to the children of god , should be understood . for then , saith he , when christ saith , let the tares alone , he should contradict other ordinances for the punishment of evill doers by the magistrate . but this is a base begging of the question : for he well knew that those against whom he disputes hold that his exposition of the parable contradicteth the ordinance of god for punishing idolaters and hereticks , the question being whether this be not an ordinance as well as the punishment of scandalous livers . besides , if the tares be antichristian idolaters , and they must not be pluckt up , but suffered to grow till the harvest , as he expoundeth , this contradicteth other scriptures , which say that the sword must be drawne against antichristian idolaters , and they thereby cut off , revel. . . and . . but i proceed to a second answer . if by tares i should suppose only to be meant idolaters , hereticks , and false worshippers ( which is a glosse contrary to the text , as i have demonstrate ) yet their argument will not conclude the forbearing or sparing of such , except onely in such cases , and so farre as the true worshippers of god cannot be certainly and infallibly dignosced from the false worshippers , as the wheat from the tares : as jehu would not destroy the worshippers of baal , till he was sure that none of the servants of the lord were among them , king. . . the reason why the tares are not to be pluckt up , is , lest while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them , vers. . now when a man is sure that he plucks up nothing but tares , or rather thornes , without the least danger to the wheat , how doth the parable strike against his so doing ? if m. s. will not beleeve me , let him beleeve himselfe , pag. . for my part , saith he , when the civill magistrate shall be farre enough out of this danger of fighting against god , i have nothing to say against his fighting with superstition , heresie , schisme , &c. thirdly , what if i shape yet another answer to the argument out of mr. williams owne words ? chap. . i acknowledge , saith he , this command [ let them alone ] was expresly spoken to the messengers or ministers of the gospel , who have not civill power or authority in their hand , and therefore not to the civill magistrate , king or governour . now therefore what a blockish argument is it , to reason from this parable against the coercive power of the magistrate in matters of religion ? if there must be a forbearance of any severity , we must forbeare church censures and excommunication a way of rooting out the tares , which mr. williams himselfe justifieth as much as we doe . fourthly , and if the utter extirpation and plucking up of hereticks by capitall punishments , should be understood to be forbidden in the parable , ( as it is not ) yet the stopping of their mouths , the dissipating and suppressing of them , some other coercive way , is not forbidden , as chrysostome noteth upon the place , whom euthymius and theophylactus doe follow in this , allowing of coercive , though not capitall punishments . fifthly , calvin , beza , and our best interpreters , take the scope and intent of that parable , not to be against the immoderate severity of magistrates , but against the immoderate zeal of those who imagine to have the church rid of all scandalous and wicked persons , as wheat without tares , corn without chaffe , a flock of sheep without goats , which hath been the fancy of novatians , donatists and anabaptists . the parable therefore intimates unto us ( as bucerus upon the place expoundeth it ) that when the magistrate hath done all his duty in exercising his coercive power , yet to the worlds end there will be in the church a mixture of good and bad . so that it is the universall and perfect purging of the church , which is put off to the last judgement , not the punishment of particular persons . neither doe the servants in the parable aske whether they should pluck up this or that visible tare , but whether they should goe and make the whole field rid of them ; which field is the generall visible church sowed with the seed of the gospel ; and so much for that argument . another negative argument is this . such a coercive power in matters of religion , maketh men hypocrites and seven times more the children of hell . christs ordinances put upon a whole city , or a nation , may more civilize and moralize , but never christianize them ; saith m williams , chap. . i answer , this argument doth utterly condemn josiahs reformation as sinfull , for he caused all judah to stand to the covenant , as we heard before from chron. . . yet iudah became thereby more hypocriticall . treacherous iudah hath not turned unto me with her whole heart , but fainedly , saith the lord , speaking of those very days of iosiah , ier. . . . . this argument maketh also against the punishment of adulteries , murthers , thefts , robberies , &c. for unlesse filthy lust , hatred , and covetousnesse in the heart be mortified , and men convert freely and sincerely , the reducing of them to a morall conversation maketh them hypocrites , and neerer hell then before . . there are two sorts of christs ordinances : some for the communion of saints : others , for the conversion of sinners : it is far from our thoughts to admit , much lesse to compell , a whole city , or nation promiscuously , to the use of the former . but yet converting or reducing ordinances may and ought to put upon all whom they concern . the means must be used and mens hearts left to god . object . . this doctrine of the magistrates coercive power , maketh many to stumble at the presbyterian reformation , as a bloudy reformation , as a building of zion with bloud , and ierusalem with iniquity , mic. . . answ . . we have not so learned christ , we abominate the popish and prelaticall tyranny . we know that the servant of the lord must not strive ; but be gentle unto all men , apt to teach , patient : in meeknesse instructing those that oppose themselves , if god pera●venture will give them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth , tim. . , . yet he who said so , could also say , i would they were even ●ut off which trouble you , g●l . . . it is my souls desire that the secular coercive power may be put ●orth upon those only who can by no other means be reclaimed , & who can be no longer spared without a visible rupture in the church , and the manifest danger of seducing and misleading many souls . a presbytery is not so ill a neighbour , that no man who hath the least differing opinion may live beside it . but . this objection doth as much strike against the new england government , as against the government of the neighbouring reformed churches . for in new england there hath been severity enough ( to say no worse ) used against hereticks and schismaticks . and here i must appeal the consciences of those who now plead so much for liberty of conscience and toleration in this kingdome , were they able to root out the presbyterians and their way , & could find civil authority inclinable to put forth the coercive power against it , whether in that case would they not say , that the magistrate may represse it by strong hand , if it cannot be otherwise repressed . it is not without cause that i put this quere to them ; for m. s. pag. . ( a passage before cited ) doth allow of the magistrates fighting against a doctrine or way which is indeed superstition , heresy , or schisme , and only pretendeth to be from god , when it is indeed from men . also that pamphlet called as you were , p. . tels us that it was neither gamal●els meaning nor mr. goodwins meaning , that every way pretending to be from god must be let alone , but that only we are to refrain & let alone , till we are certain that we are out of danger of fighting against god , while we endeavour to overthrow it . now i assume , there are some who plead for liberty of conscience , who professe that they are certain and fully assured , upon demonstrative proofs , that the presbyteriall way is not from god , nor according to the mind of jesus christ ( which is hintedtous both in the pamphlet last cited p. , . & in ●●eomaxia pag. . ) therefore according to their principles they must allow of the putting forth of the civil coercive power against the presbyteriall way . and if so , what a grand imposture is this ? what a deceiving of the world ? what a mocking of the parliament and of the kingdome ? to plead generally for liberty of conscience , when they intend only liberty to themselves , not to others that are opposite to them . which appeareth yet further by the compassionate samaritane , pag. . he saith that no man is to be punished or discountenanced by authority for his opinion , unlesse it be dangerous to the state , pag. , . he discourseth against the opinion of presbyterians as most dangerous to the state . therefore he would have the presbyterians discountenanced and punished by authority , and intendeth liberty only to the separatists , anabaptists , and the like . i have done with three objections , but i have three words more to speak with the compassionate samaritane , in answer to his three arguments for liberty of conscience , in which though all the strength of his discourse doth lie , i hope to make him ashamed of them , if he can at all blush . his first argument is this . whatsoever a mans reason doth conclude to be true or false , to be agreeable or disagreeable to gods word , that same to that man is his opinion or judgement , and so man is by his own reason necessitated to be of that mind he is : now where there is a necessity , there ought to be no punishment , for punishment is the recompence of voluntary actions , therefore no man ought to be punished for his judgement . answ . . the question is not whether a man ought to be punished for his judgement , but whether a man ought to be punished for such professions or practises in religion , as are found to be pernicious , hurtfull , and destructive , to the glory of god , the truth of the gospell , the ordinances of christ , the reformation of religion , the peace of the church . i know he will be ready still to set on foot his argument , for that a mans judgement and reason doth so necessitate and conclude him that he cannot chuse but professe and practice as he doth . therefore i adde . this argument of his striketh against the justice of the parliament done or to be done upon malignants , for as much as their judgement bindeth them , and their reason doth necessitate them to judge and speak and act as they doe . . it striketh at the very justice of god upon reprobate and unbeleeving men , for as much as they cannot receive the things of god , cor. . . cannot hear the words of christ , joh. . . cannot receive the spirit of truth , ioh. . . but . the formall solution is this ; there is a grosse fallacy in the argument , for we must distinguish necessity , there is a naturall necessity , which takes away the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and a morallnecessity , which takes away the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of a mans being of another judgement or way . again , there is an absolute necessity , and a hypotheticall necessity . now the necessity of a hereticks judging thus , because his reason concludeth him thus , is not a morall necessity or obligation upon him , as if it were not lawfull to him to judge or doe otherwise , ( nay he ought and is bound by the word of god to judge otherwise , and doe otherwise ) but it is a naturall necessity , ( i meane of sinfull nature ) and that not simple and absolute , neither , but hypotheticall only , and upon this supposition that he hath not yet opened his eyes to receive more light , nor set his heart singly and in the feare of god to seeke more light . so that the plaine english of this samaritan argument is this : though gods word bindeth a man to such a duty , yet if his owne erroneous , perverse and corrupt judgement conclude him so farre that his opinion cannot agree with the word of god , and himselfe cannot be brought to the practice of that necessary duty ; such a man ought not to be punished . or as if one should argue thus : he that hath borrowed from me a thousand pound , hath by his owne fault disabled himselfe to pay it : therefore i may not call him to an account for it . but let us see whether this samaritan be happier in his second argument . which is this : it 's knowne that the fathers , generall councels , nationall assemblies , synods and parliaments in their times have beene most grossely mistaken : and though the present times be wiser then the former , &c. yet since there remaines a possibility of error , notwithstanding never so great presumptions to the contrary , one sort of men are not to compell another , since this hazard is run thereby , that he who is in an error may be the constrainer of him who is in the truth . answ . . farewell parliaments , if this argument hold good . the parliament may fine no man , imprison no man , banish no man : they may compell no man to assessements , taxes , excise , billeting of souldiers &c. and why forsooth ? because they may not presume of an infallible and unerring spirit , but may erre , and have erred as well as other men . he argueth from the hazard of compulsion , it may fall out that he who is in the truth may be constrained and persecuted . true : it may fall out so ; and the lord save us that we never be accessary to the persecuting of any who is in the truth , for so it may be againe through mens corruption and abuse of the magistrates power , ( so the best things may be abused . ) but the liberty of conscience which he pleadeth for , runs a farre greater hazard , even the hazard of not only shaking but overturning truth , and peace , and religion , and ordinances , and church , and soules , and all . to the ruine of all these , and to a thousand mischiefes , this kinde of liberty prepareth a broad way , and openeth a wide doore ; and it is better , as he said , to live where nothing is lawfull , then where every thing is lawfull . . it followes not that because parliaments may not presume of an unerring spirit , therefore they cannot be certaine that they are in the truth concerning this or that particular , so that they may confidently compell men to it , without feare of fighting against god . the acknowledgement of a possibility of error , and that we know but in part as long as we are in this world , may well consist with mens fulnesse of perswasion from the light of gods word , concerning this or that truth to be beleeved , or duty to be done . i make haste to his third argument . to compell me , saith he , against my conscience , is to compell me against what i beleeve to be true , and so against my faith ; now whatsoever is not of faith is sinne : to compell me therefore against my conscience , is to compell me to doe that which is sinfull . and , againe i am counselled by the apostle to be perswaded in my owne minde of the truth of that way wherein i serve the lord , &c. answ . . this also shaketh loose parliamentary authority ; though the gentleman who wrote these arguments pretendeth to stand for it , as much as any other . his argument will conclude ( if it concludeth at all ) that the parliament may not compell malignants , disaffected persons , rebels , to any thing which they are not perswaded in their own minds to be right . it is against my conscience , wil the antiparliamentary malignant say , to contribute to the war , to acknowledge this for a parliament , as long as the king doth not acknowledg it ; to reveal such a design , or to confesse this or that plot against the parliament , whē i am examined ; therefore i shal sin if i do so , for whatsoever is not of faith is sinne , and the parliament shall compell me to sinne , if they compell me to doe so . for though the thing may be in it selfe good , yet if it doe not appeare to be so to my conscience , the practice thereof in me is sinfull , which therefore i ought not to bee compelled unto , saith the samaritan . if hee say his argument is only concerning matters of religion , i answer , whatever his intention be in offering the argument , the very nature and force of the argument it selfe driveth universally against the compelling of a man to any thing whatsoever which is against his owne conscience , except be will say that it is a sinne to serve god against my consci●nce , but it is no sinne to serve the parliament against my conscience . saith not the apostle . whatsoever is not of faith is sinne : and , he that doubteth is damned ? but . when the apostle saith so , he doth not exclude all manner of doubting , as the casuists well observe , but only practicall doubts : for a man may have his conscience morally and practically certaine , so that he may doe such a thing lawfully , and with confidence that he is doing the will of god , and yet withall he may be perhaps fluctuating in some speculative doubts concerning that very thing . for instance : a christian may come to the lords table with so much faith ( i meane not now the faith of the person which justifieth before god , but the faith of that action ) as maketh his comming lawfull , though his thoughts be exercised with some doubts concerning the truth of his repentance and faith . a souldier may in faith goe out to warre , being assured that what he doth he may doe without sinne , but yet he hath happily his owne speculative doubts concerning the nature , causes , and ends of the warre . a man may with freedome and perswasion of minde ( so farre as concerneth his practice ) submit to presbyteriall government , who yet perhaps hath not throughly satisfied himselfe concerning the grounds and warrants which it hath from the word of god . the samaritan will reply ( it may be ) that he hath no faith at all concerning the practice it selfe , and that he may not be compelled to doe any thing against his conscience , for that were to compell him to sinne . to take off this , i adde . if the thing be indifferent , i confesse no man is to be compelled to it against his conscience , for this hath beene the tyranny of papists and prelats , to compell men against their consciences to certaine rites which themselves acknowledged to be meerly indifferent , setting aside obedience to authority in such things , which ( say they ) is not indifferent . but if the word of god either directly or by necessary consequence , make the thing necessary , and such as we cannot leave undone without sinne and breach of duty ; if there be such an obligation from the word , then may a man bee compelled to it , though against his conscience . but then you will say , i am brought into a necessity of sinning , for if i obey not , i refuse a duty ; if i obey , i doe it against my conscience . answ. this necessity is not absolute , but hypotheticall , is not perse , but per accidens , so long as a man retaineth the error of his conscience , which he ought to cast away . you will say againe , supposing that my conscience cannot be satisfied , nor made of another opinion then now i am of , whether in this case , and so long as it standeth thus with me , may authority compell me to obey against my conscience , and so to sinne ? or whether ought they not rather permit me not to obey , because my conscience forbiddeth me . answ. the thing being necessary , as hath been said , it is pars tutior , yea , tutissima , that a man be compelled to it , though it be against his erring and ill informed conscience . i know so long as he hath such an erring conscience he cannot but sin in obeying . but the sin of not obeying is greater and heavier : for this is a sin in the fact it self ; that a sin in the manner of doing only , being not done in faith : this is a sin of it selfe , that is a sin only by accident : this is a sin materially ; that is a sinne only interpretatively to him , because he thinks so : this is a sin for the substance ; that a sin for the circumstance : this cannot be made to be no sin , for the nature of the duty cannot be altered ; that may cease to be a sin , for the mans conscience may through gods mercy and blessing upon the means , be better informed . so that there can be no doubt but this is every way a greater sin then that , and consequently more to be avoided . and thus i have dispatched the samaritane who did undertake to pour oyl into the wounds of the separation . medice cura teipsum . the next thing comes in my way , is an argument brought for liberty of conscience , from gamaliels speech in favour of the apostles , act. . , . refrain from these men & let them alone : for if this counsell or this work be of men , it will come to nought . but if it be of god ye cannot overthrow it , lest haply ye be found even to fight against god . the strength of his argumentation did lie in this dilemma ; this doctrine or way is either of men , or of god . if it be of men , you shall not need to represse it , for it will come to nought of it self , which he proves by two historicall instances of judas and theudas . if it be of god , it is in vain to strive against it , for it must prevail , and the counsell of heaven must stand . therefore be what it will be , there is no danger to let it alone . but on the other side , if ye goe about to represse it ye runne the hazard both of fighting against god , and of provoking the displeasure as well of the romanes who have not permitted unto you the liberty of capitall punishments , as of the people of the jews who magnifie these men and their way . this is the whole substance , sense , and scope of that speech of gamaliel in the councell . hence did some argue for a toleration to servetus and other hereticks . and though this their way was then discovered to be their folly , yet their posterity approve their sayings . the same argument is used in that pamphlet called liberty of conscience , p. , . upon the same foundation doth m goodwin build in his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and the paraenetick for christian liberty , pag. . and . supposing the credit and authority of gamaliels speech , for matter of truth to be one and the same with other scriptures , and that there is nothing in all that speech but what is fully consonant with the word of god , unquestionably so acknowledged . so mr goodwin affirmeth , p. . and after him one p. p. which is by interpretation , poor pamphleter , fals in the same ditch ; he might well call it as you were , for he makes that party to be never a jot more in the right . first of all he will contend with us that protestant interpreters doe commend gamaliels speech , and justify m goodwins doctrine . sure i am , calvin takes gamaliel to be a godlesse polititian , and a neutralist , and his speech to have a great error in it . so saith pelargus upon the place . but to save me a labour in looking upon other interpreters , because the poor pamphleter appealeth first to piscator and beza , and afterwards to gualther , ( as mr goodwin did before him ) let him be judged by these and no other . p●scator saith plainly , that gamaliels speech was not right , while he saith , if this counsellor this work be of men , it will come to nought , his meaning being that therefore they should let it alone . beza thinks gamaliel spake not from love to the apostles , but from fear of the romanes . gualther thinks it a most pernicious tenent which some build upon this place , concerning the toleration of heresies and errors . yea , beza de haereticis à magistratu puniendis , citeth and approveth calvins judgement , condemning gamaliel for neutrality , and his speech of error . these learned divines have so well opened and cleared the point , that there is no place left for what the poore pampleter hath said , yet two things more i must take notice of in him . he saith it was not for any fear of the jews or romanes that gamaliel gave this advice . not for fear of the people of the jews , for that would be but at the apostles apprehension , not execution . what non-sense is here ? the people were angry at laying hands on the apostles , but there was no fear of their wrath if the apostles should be killed . not for fear of the romanes wrath , which , saith he , they often regarded not , as acts . . a place which confuteth himself , for when the jews would have killed paul , claudius lysias came with an army and rescued him : a danger which we must think the wisdome of gamaliel & the councell could better foresee , then that rude and furious multitude , which would have killed paul . next be will not yeeld so much as that gamaliel did doubt whether the apostles doctrine were from god or not , and that he made it an uncertain case . in this sir you have faced about , sure you are not as you were , for m goodwin himself {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . pag. . saith , that gamaliel in point of judgement or conscience , was still but where he was doubtfull and in suspence with himself about the businesse . well , but why hath he now denyed that gamaliel made it a doubtfull and uncertain case ? he might , saith he , and in all likelyhood did thus expresse himself for fear or policy : so did hushai strangely for an honest heart in that case of davids , in his counsell to absalon , sam. . yet hushai made a round lie , even against his knowledge . look about you my masters , know whom ye trust ; here 's a generation of men , pretending to a more perfect and saint-like reformation then others , but yet they think it no fault to lie and dissemble for good ends . nay that 's not all , pag. . answering to an objection made against those who doe commend and magnifie themselves , for greater gifts and graces then other men have ; he tels us it is no fault for a man not only to compare , but preferre himself to another , and that on purpose to heighten his own estimation . which how sweetly it agrees with pauls doctrine , phil. . . in lowlinesse of mind let each esteem other better then themselves ; let every sober and moderate spirit judge . how now , poor pamphleter ? is it not enough for you to defend a lying tongue , but you will needs defend pride too ? those are two ( i am sure ) of the seven things which are abomination to the lord , prov. . , . and here i leave the poor pamphleter with this black mark upon him ; i will not proceed to answer a fool in his foolishnesse , lest i be like unto him ; thus far i have answered , lest he be wise in his own eyes . only i adde one thing more in answer to that argument for liberty of conscience , from acts . , . suppose gamaliels principles to be good , and this speech to be of truth and authority , ( which i have proved it is not ) yet it is not applicable to the toleration of hereticks and sectaries now , that case of the apostles being extraordinary , and great miracles wrought by them , to the conviction of their most malignant opposites , act. . . some it may be will object further from isa. . . a place objected in the paraenetick , pag. . they shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountaine . and luke . . and when his disciples james and john saw this , they said , lord wilt thou that we command fire to come downe from heaven , and consume them , even as elias did ? but he turned and rebuked them , and said , ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of , for the sonne of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them . a place objected by nicolaides refut . tract. de eccl , cap. . answ. that prophecy concerning the christian church , isa. . . is not to be understood generally , as the word soundeth , for then adulterers , murtherers , &c. are not to be hurt and destroyed by the christian magistrate . the meaning therefore is , that those who have formerly been as lions & wolves to the poor lambs of christ , shall either be renewed and changed in their nature , or ( which is more probable ) shal be so restrained and overawed by the power and providence of god , that it shal not be in their power to hurt or destroy any of the saints for the truth or the gospels sake . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , neither shall they bee able to destroy any : so the septuagints . god shall so preserve and protect his church , that she shall be like a lamb among wolves , or like a kid among leopards , or like a childe putting his hand on the cockatrice den , and yet shall not be hurt nor destroyed thereby . and as this prophecie guardeth and protecteth none but those who are in gods holy mountaine , professors and lovers of the gospel , and the ordinances of jesus christ : so our lord christs rebuke , luke . , . striketh not against any just and necessary severity , but against a private vindictive spirit , and carnall blinde zeale : it being the purpose of christ , then , most of all other times , not to exercise violence , ( as tyrants doe in conquering new dominions ) but to conquer and subdue soules by his doctrine and miracles , with a spirit of meeknesse , especially having to doe with the samaritans , or any other who had never yet knowne nor received the gospel . even those who say most for a coercive power to be put forth against heretickes and schismaticks , doe not allow of the compelling of infidels , pagans , or jewes , by externall punishments to receive the gospel . but now after all this debate upon the question in hand , and after all these arguments for the affirmative and for the negative , some will happily desire and expect some further modification and explanation of the matter in certain positive conclusions or distinguishing assertions . for whose satisfaction i say , first , there are five sorts of toleration proceeding from five different principles . . of indifferency . . of policy . . of pretended conscience and equity . . of necessity . . of charity . the first is when the magistrate is a nullifidian , neutralist , and adiaphorist , esteeming as gallio did , questions of the law and of the ordinances of christ , to be of words & names , or things which he careth not for , acts . , . the second is when the magistrate tolerateth hereticks and sectaries for his own profit , or some such interest of policy , such as maketh the pope to tolerate the jews in italy , yea in rome it self , where they have their synagogues , circumcision and liturgies , because his profit by them is greater then by the very courtizans ; yea , besides their certain tribute , he doth sometimes impose on them a subsidy of ten thousand crownes extraordinary for some service of the state , as europae speculum , pag. , . hath represented to us . and whether the states of the united provinces do not grant tolerations upon the like interests of their own profit , i leave it to the judgement of their own consciences . the third is the toleration pleaded for here , by mr williams , the compassionate samaritane , &c. as if justice , equity , duty , and conscience should make the magistrate forbear all coercive power in matters of religion . all these three i utterly condemn , and the former arguments doe strongly militate against them . the fourth kinde of toleration , arising from necessity which hath no law , may well be mourned for as an affliction , it cannot be condemned as the magistrates fault . even a david may have cause to complain that the sons of zerviah are too strong for him . in such cases as these , our divines have given a relief to the conscience of the christian magistrate , purging him of the guilt of this kind of toleration ; provided always , that he hath endeavoured so farre as he can to extirpate heresies , and to establish the true religion only . which hath nothing to doe with that principle now defended , that the magistrate though he may never so easily , yet he ought not nor cannot without sin exercise a coercive power in matters of religion . the fifth and last is that kind of toleration whereby the magistrate when it is in the power of his hand to punish and extirpate , yet having to doe with such of whom there is good hope either of reducing them by convincing their judgements , or of uniting them to the church by a safe accommodation of differences , he granteth them a supersedeas ; or though there be no such grounds of hope concerning them , yet while he might crush them with the foot of power , in christian pity and moderation , he forbeareth so far as may not be destructive to the peace and right government of the church , using his coercive power with such mixture of mercy as createth no mischief to the rest of the church . i speak not only of bearing with those who are weak in the faith , rom. . . but of sparing even those who have perverred the faith , so far as the word of god and rules of christian moderation would have severity tempered with mercy : that is ( as hath been said ) so far as is not destructive to the churches peace , nor shaketh the ●oundations of the established form of church government , and no further : these last two kinds of toleration are allowed ; the first three are wholy condemned . my second distinction is concerning the punishments inflicted by the magistrate upon hereticks . they are either exterminative , or medicinall . such as blaspheme god or jesus christ , or who fall away themselves and seduce others to idolatry , ought to be utterly cut off according to the law of god . but as for other hereticks , they are to be chastened with medicinall punishments as mulcts , imprisonments , banishment , by which through gods blessing they may be humbled , ashamed , and reduced . not that i think the proper end of civill and coercive punishments to be the conversion and salvation of the delinquent , ( which is the end of church censures & of excommunication it self ) but that the right method of proceeding doth require that the magistrate inflict the smaller punishments first , that there may be place for the offenders bringing forth of fruits worthy of repentance , and he may be at least reduced to externall order and obedience , being perswade● by the terror of civill power , which may and doth ( when blessed of god ) prove a preparation to free obedience , as the needle is to the thread , or the law to the gospell , servile fear to filiall fear : and that the magistrate step not up to the highest justice till other punishments have proved ineffectuall : which made constantine punish the hereticks of his time not with death , but with banishment , as is manifest by the proem of the councell of nice . in such cases it may be said to the heretick of the magistrate , he is the minister of god to thee for good , more good i am sure , then if the golden reins of civill justice should be loosed , and he suffered to doe what he list . therefore augustine likeneth this coercive punishing of hereticks to sarah her dealing roughly with hagar , for her good and humiliation . i conclude , connivence and indulgence to hereticks is a cruell mercy : correction is a mercifull severity , and a wholesome medicine , as well to themselves as to the church . thirdly , we must distinguish betwixt the coercive power of the magistrare in matters of religion , and the abuse of that power ; when we justifie the power , we justifie not the abuse of it ; and when we condemn the abuse , we must not therefore condemn the power . acontius stratag. stat. li . . pag. . buildeth much upon this notion , let a man imagine that his lot is fallen in those times when the truth is persecuted by authority , when the magistrate justifieth the wicked and condemneth the godly , ( which hath been the more ordinary condition of the church ) and then let him accordingly shape the resolution of the question concerning the magistrates punishing of hereticks . will not a man think ( saith he ) it had been better that hereticks had not been punished , then that upon pretence of coercive power against hereticks , the edge of the civill sword be turned towards the preachers and professors of the truth ? but notwithstanding of all this , truth must be truth , and justice must be justice , abuse it who will . parliaments and synods have been many times enemies to the truth , and have abused their power in matters of religion : must we therefore deny the power of parliaments and synods ? or must we cast off any ordinance of god because of the abuse of it ? if the thing were indifferent , the abuse might take away the use : not so , when the thing is necessary . i adde ( which is well observed by calvin ) when jeremiah was accused and arraigned as worthy to die , his defence is not this , you ought not to vindicate religion with the sword , nor put any man to death for the cause of conscience , but this is it , know ye for a certain , that if ye put me to death , ye shall surely bring innocent bloud upon your selves , and upon this city , and upon the inhabitants thereof : for of a truth the lord hath sent me unto you to speak all these words in your ears , jer. . . neither did ever the apostles ( though often persecuted ) plead the unlawfulnesse of persecuting men for heresie , but they pleaded the goodnesse of their cause , and that they were no hereticks . fourthly , i distinguish betwixt bare opinions or speculations , and scandalous or pernicious practices , as mr burton doth in his vindication of the independent churches , pag. . you must distinguish , saith he , betwixt mens consciences and their practises . the conscience simply considered in it self is for god , the lord of the conscience alone to judge , as before . but for a mans practises ( of which alone man can take cognizance ) if they be against any of gods commandements of the first or second table ; that appertains to the civill magistrate to punish , who is for this cause called custos utriusque tabulae , the keeper of both tables : for this he citeth rom. . , . and addeth . so as we see here what is the object of civill power , to wit , actions good or bad , not bare opinions , not thoughts , not conscience , but actions . and this is his answer to the interrogatory concerning the lawfull coercive power of civill magistrates in suppressing heresies . in which he handsomely yeeldeth the point , for who doth advise the parliament to punish men for their thoughts , or bare opinions , or for conscience simply considered in it self ? it is for preaching , printing , spreading of dangerous opinions , for schismaticall , pernicious and scandalous practises , for drawing factions among the people contrary to the covenant , for resisting the reformation of religion , for lying and railing against the covenant , the parliament , the assembly of divines , or against the reformed churches . fifthly , we must distinguish the persons who are in the error , whether heresiarchs and ring-leaders , or whether followers only , and such as do actiagere ; whether schismatizing , or schismatized ; whether more weake , or more wilfull ; whether seducers , or seduced ; whether pious , or prophane , or pharisaicall ; whether peaceable , moderate , calme , docile , or turbulent , factious , fierce , railing , obstinate , incorrigible . so that when the thing is brought from the thesis to the hypothesis , there is very much to be trusted to the prudence , circumspection , and observation of those who are in authority , to set apart those for punishment who resist reformation , as jannes and jambres did resist moses , tim. . . and are said to trouble the churches , act. . . gal. . . & . . and to trouble them more or lesse , as they are more or lesse troublers of israel . let not the magistrate feare to say to every achan , why hast thou troubled us ? the lord shall trouble thee this day , jos. . . other seduced ones the magistrate is to command sub poena , and cause them stand to the covenant of god , as iosiah did , if they cannot be perswaded to doe it willingly . if the magistrate miscarry in a misapplication of his coercive power , let him answer to god and his conscience for his error . it is not in my thoughts either to plead for or allow of the persecuting of pious and peaceable men . sixtly , as the reformation and preservation of religion differ much from the propagation of religion : so the coercive power put forth in the suppressing of heresie or schisme , is a thing of another nature then the compelling of infidels by the sword to receive the gospell . let the pope , and the spaniard , and mahomet propagate religion by the sword ; that is not it i plead for . none of the gentiles was of old compelled to be circumcised , but being circumcised he might be compelled to keepe the law of moses . also if strangers of the gentiles were sojourning or trading in the land of israel , they might be compelled to abstaine from the publicke and scandalous breaking of the morall law , nehem. . . . exod. . . which things did belong to the preservation , not to the propagation of religion . seventhly , to establish by a law the toleration , liberty and immunity of such a sect or way , so as all that will may joyne in it , is a thing of most dangerous consequence . but to permit such or so many persons of a sect to enjoy the liberty of their owne consciences and practices , with such limitations as shall be found necessary , is a tolerable toleration , i meane a thing though not to be wished , yet to be allowed . the romans in their heathenish way did put a difference betwixt these two : when they abolished the bacchanalian festivity and discharged it , they granted no toleration to such as pleased still to observe it : only they were content that some few upon leave first obtained from the senate , and upon certaine conditions , might be permitted to continue their owne practice , as to their part . eightly , there is also a great difference betwixt toleration and accommodation . by accommodation i understand an agreement of dissenters with the rest of the church in practicall conclusions , so that if any difference be , it is in their principles , not in their practices , and so not obvious , apparent and scandalous to people . i had rather goe two miles in an accommodation , ( yea as many as the word of god will suffer me ) then one mile in a toleration . for in that way there is no schisme , no rent in israel , but the lord one , and his name one . in this way there is temple against temple , and altar against altar , manasseh against ephraim , and ephraim against manasseh , and they both against judah : a misery from which the lord deliver us . i doe not deny but if a safe and happy accommodation be impossible , such a toleration as i have formerly spoken of , is not to be disallowed . but the accommodation is a more excellent way , and that which is to be rather embraced , yea endeavoured for and followed after , according to the apostles rule , phil. . , . ( which isidorus pelusiota did long since observe to be the best and happiest way of putting an end to divisions and dissentions in the church ) let us therefore as many as be perfect be thus minded : and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveale even this unto you . neverthelesse whereto we have already attained , let us walke by the same rule , let us minde the same thing . if it be said , quorsum haec ? what doe i conclude from all this ? it is to leave this confirmed and sealed truth in the bosome of the high court of parliament , and of all inferiour magistrates according to their place and interest , under them , that it is their duty , without respect of persons , to endeavour the extirpation of heresie and schisme , and whatsoever shall be found contrary to found doctrine , and the power of godl●nesse , lest they partake in other mens sinnes , and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues ; and that the lord may be one , and his name one in the three kingdomes : and to endeavour the discovery of all such as have beene or shall be evill instruments , by hindring the reformation of religion , or making any faction or parti●● amongst the people , contrary to the solemne league and covenant , that they may be brought to publick triall , and receive condigne punishment , &c. which as they had great reason to sweare and covenant , so now they have greater reason to performe accordingly ; and as it is in it selfe a duty , and we tyed to it by the oath of god , and his vawes that are upon us , a● straitly as ever the sacrifice to the hornes of the altar : so we are to take speciall notice of the unhappy consequents which follow upon our slacknesse , slownesse and 〈◊〉 , in fulfilling that sacred oath , viz. the hindring of uniformity , the continuing and increasing of n●pture both in church and state , the retarding of reformation , the spreading and multiplying of heresies and sects , while every one doth what is right in his owne eyes ; the great scandall given both to enemies and friends : to enemies , who are made to thinke worse of our covenant , because we doe not performe it : the review of the covenant , printed at oxford , upbraideth us with this : that heresie and schisme was never more suffered , and lesse suppressed in london , then since we sware to endeavour the extirpation of the same : to friends also , who are mightily stumbled by our promising so much , and performing so little in this kinde : which the wallachian classis in their late letter to the reverend assembly of divines at westminster ( printed before apollonius his booke ) doth sadly and seriously lay to our consciences . a paraenetick . before i end , i have a word of exhortation for the five apologists , and such others as shall ( i trust ) agree with the churches of both kingdomes , not only in one confession of faith ; but in one directorie of worship . me thinks i heare them calling to me to say on . et tu mi fili ? said caesar . and must you also brethren , give a wound to the body of christ ? doe not , o doe not involve your selves in the plea of toleration with the separatists and anabaptists . do not partake in their separation , lest you partake in their suppression . let us heare no more paraeneticks for toleration , or liberty of conscience : but as many as you will for a just and mercifull accommodation : a thing mentioned by that author , pa. . but not sought after . if you be the sonnes of peace , you shall be characterized by this shibboleth , you will call for accommodation , not for toleration ; for one way , not for two . let there be no strife betweene us and you , for we be brethren : and is not the canaanite and the perizzite yet in the land ? o let it not be told in gath , nor published in the streets of ashkelon . let it not be said , that there can be no unity in the church without prelacy . brethren i charge you by the roes and by the hindes of the field , that ye awake not nor stirre up jesus christ till he please ; for his rest is sweet and glorious with his welbeloved . it shall bee no griefe of heart to you afterward , that you have pleased others as well as your selves , and have stretched your principles for an accommodation in church government , as well as in worship , and that for the churches peace and edification ; and that the eares of our common enemies may tingle , when it shall be said , the churches of christ in england have rest , and are edified , and walking in the feare of the lord , and in the joy of the holy ghost are multiplyed . alas , how shall our divisions and contentions hinder the preaching and learning of christ , and the edifying one another in love ! is christ divided ? saith the apostle . there is but one christ , yea the head and the body makes one christ , so that you cannot divide the body without dividing christ . is there so much as a seame in all christs garment ? is it not woven throughout from the top to the bottome ? will you have one halfe of israel to follow tibni , and another halfe to follow omri ? o brethren , we shall be one in heaven , let us packe up differences in this place of our pilgrimage , the best way wee can . nay , we will not despaire of unity in this world . hath not god promised to give us one heart and one way ? and that ephraim shall not envy judah , and judah shall not vexe ephraim , but they shall flee upon the shoulders of the philistims toward the east , they shall spoile them of the east together ? hath not the mediator ( whom the father heareth alwayes ) prayed that all his may be one ? brethren , it is not impossible , pray for it , endeavour it , presse hard toward the marke of accommodation . how much better is it that you be one with the other reformed churches , though somewhat straitned and bound up , then to bee divided though at full liberty and elbow-roome ? better is a dry morsell and quietnesse therewith , then a house full of sacrifices with strife . doth not the solemne league and covenant binde you sincerely , really , and constantly to endeavour the nearest ( marke nearest ) uniformity and conjunction in religion : and that you shall not suffer your selves directly or indirectly to be withdrawne from this blessed union and conjunction . i know there is a spirit of jealousie walking up and downe . o beware of groundlesse feares and apprehensions . iudge not , lest you be judged . iudge not according to appearance , but judge righteous judgement . many false rumours and surmises there have beene concerning the presbyterian principles , practices , designes . expertus loquor . i am perswaded if there were but a right understanding one of anothers intentions , the accommodation i speak of would not bee difficult . brethren , if you will not hearken to wholsome counsell , you shall be the more inexcusable . i have in my eye that law of god , thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart : thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sinne upon him . faithfull are the wounds of a friend . therefore love the truth and peace . yea , seeke peace and pursue it . consider what i say . the lord guide your feet in the way of peace . and o that god would put it in your hearts to cry downe toleration , and to cry up accommodation ! amen , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- see the review of the covenant . notes for div a e- in am ae disp. . quaest. . punct. . ● . * brochmand . de magist. polit. cap . quaest. . dub . fatemur idol●latras istos crassos , qui abos seducunt , ●●cidendos esse . et infra . haereticos qui è territorio principis exire jussi , de●rectant obsequium , ac pacē publicam turbant , vita plecti posse , damus faciles . et infra . haereticos tanquam falsarios , castigandos & puniondos esse censemus , sed non morte , verùm carcere , exilio , excommunicati●…e . vide cal●in . refut . error . mich. serveti , pag. . inter opusc. scimus tres esse errorum gradus : & quibusdam fatemur dandam esse veniam , aliis modicam castigationem sufficere , ut tantum manifesta impietas capital . suppl●cio plectatur . fideles saepius paulus hortatur ut se invicem tolerent , quamvis aliqua sit inter eos dissensio : nempe siqua levis superstitio & inscitia simplicium m●n●es occupat ; ut cam patientia corrigere potiùs studeant , quàm intemperanter ad vindictam efferveant . secundum errorum genus , etsi castigationem meretur , mediocris tamen adhibenda est severicas : tantum ne indulgentiâ alatur eorum improbitas & contumacia qui fidei unitatem scindere cuperent . sed ubi à s●is fundamentis convellitur religio , detestandae in deum blasphemi●e pro●e●untur , impiis & pestiferis dogmatibus in exitium rapiuntur animae ; denique ubi palam defectio ab un●…o deo , purâque doctrinâ tentatur , ad extremum illud remedium descendere necesse est , ne mo tale venenum longius serpat . this treatise is approved by bulling●r in an epistle to calvin . vide calv. epist. p. . where he addeth : dudum d. vr●anus regius unà cum omn●bus luneburgen . ecclesiae ministris , edito etiam l●bro germanico , ostendit jure divino & humano coerceri haereticos . concerning moderation he saith after : scio tibi nec crudele esse i●genium , nec te ullam atrocitatem approbare : quis nesciat etiam hîc modum adhibendum esse ? at quomodo serveto lernae haereseôn & pertinacissimo homini parci potuerit , non video . when monfortius had stated the question thus : sunt quidam qui volunt omnes haereticos , hoc est , ab ipsis dissent●entes , interfici , &c. beza ansvvereth him : ergo si potest , vel unum nominet qui aut omnes haereticos c●●suerit interficiendos , aut ita sibi placuerit ut alios omnes diversum sentientes pro haereticis habuerit . stratag. satan . lib. . pa. , . sed sunt qui tantum usque ad christum viguisse cam legē putent , &c. et poenam illam corporalem aeternae damnationis typum fuisse , &c. quae quidem conjectura adeo mihi non inepta visa est , ut quamobrem rejici possit non inve●i●em ; nisi ei ratio in lege posita refraga●etur . est 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 vt omnis israel audiens time●● , neque pos●●ac quicquam admittat ej●smodi . quae certe ratio perpetuo v●get . * pela●gus in deuter. qui blas●hem● sunt , qui ecclesiam & rem●ub . a●erte t●●●ant , qu sed●t●osi sunt meritas incurr●nt poer●s : caet●● corrige●di s●nt , modisque 〈…〉 ex●mplo theodosi● & justiniani imperat●rum , apud socratem lib. . c. . theodosius {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} urbe ej●cit . tom. . ep. . see bacous essayes pag. , . epist. . no●null ●fratribus videbatur , ●n quibus & ego eram , quamvis donatistarum rab●es usquequaque saeviret , non esse petendū ab imperatoribus , ut ipsam haeresim juberent on●ino non esse , paenam constituendo eis qui in illa esse voluissent : sed ho● potius constituere●● , ut eorum furiosas violentias non paterentur . notwithstanding he acknovvledgeth a great mercy of god in inclining the emperors heart another way . hinc ergo factum est ut imperator religiosus & pius perlatis in notitiam suam talibus causis , mallet piissimis legibus illius impietatis errorem omnino corrigere , ●t eos qui contra chr●stum christi sign● portaren● , ad unitatem catholicam terrendo & coerceudo redigere , quàm saeviendi tantum modo auferre licentiam , & errandi ac percundi relinquere . calv. refut . error . mich. serveti . porro ●rudelis est ista quam laudant elementia , oves exponere in praedam ut lupis parcatur . et infra . quid enim absurdius est , quam furta severè puniat judex , sacrilegiis licentiam dare ? quam suum cuique honorem salvū tucatur , lacerandā impiis exponere dei gloriā ? tossanus in locum . sunt qui hoc loco abutuntur ut probent non esse sumend ●m supplicium de haereticis . ●artwright . hist. christi ex . eva●g . lib. . p. . sed hoc haereticorum patroni ad clientum suorū impunitatem a●●●●ndam abut●nt●r . quibus vel ex hoc ipse loco resistitur . et primum quidem quoniam hoc loco de to â improbocum universitate extirpanda agitur . nihil igitur impedit quo minus quidam ex improborum turbâ del bati , supplicio . quod nisi ita● sit , quo fundamento verbi dei fares , homicidae , proditores , &c. nsimiles morte mulctentur ? nam si salva hujus parabolae doctrina , hi in crucem agi aut capite truncari possint , nedum haeretici multo magis mortis poenâ plectantus . si enim peritura bona & hanc vitam eripien●es , &c. si principis majestatem visla●s , &c. n●dum , &c. deinde modo ita evellantur ut criti●um non unà eradicetur , bonâ cum parab●le ver●â , extmi posse liquet . 〈…〉 upon this par b●… mov●th this do●●… : si pru●… be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & isque av messem●enenda est patie●●… , quomodo ej●cie●d● su●t quidam de medi● nostrum ? i 'le answereth inter triticum et zizania qu●d nos appell●mus l●●…ium , quamdiu be●la est & nondum culmus venit ad spicam grandis similtudo est , & i● d●scernendo aut nulla aut perdiffic●l●s d●stantia . praemonet ergo dominus , ne ubi quid ambiguum est , cito s●●●entiam proferamus , sed deo jud●ci terminum reservemus . th●s doth augustine argue against the don●til●s who pleaded so much for liberty of consci●ce to themselves , and yet gave no liberty of conscience to others where they were able to hinder it . centraliter . pet●l●● . . c. . noli●rgo d●ce●e , absit , absit à nestracōs●●e●tia , ut ad n●stram fidē aliquem comp●ll ●mus facitis enimubi potestis ; ubi autem n●n facitis , non potestis , sivel●gū sive invidae timore , sive resistentium multitudine . an es de consc. l●b. . cap . agere saepe li●●t , man●●te dubitatione speculativa . calv. refut . error . m. serveti . gamalielit authoritas perperam abillis adducitur , &c. gamaliel amb●g●ni quid rectu● sit , quasi caecus in tenebris , neque bu● neque illuc se conser●e audet : sed saspendi● sente●tiam . in erim ex veris p●incipiis malam conseque●tiam clicit , nihil ad ib●n lum esse 〈◊〉 , quia deus quod suum est tuebitu● : quod autem ab hominibus est , possum ibit , &c. patidius est quam ut refu●atione ind●g●at , quod quidam ex prophanorum ho●●num dictis colligun● , si de cultu dei & legis doctrin● hab●tur quaestio , non esse crim●n morte aut vinc●lis d●gnum . p●l●rgus in act. . sic in causae qualitate s●spensus haeret ; nec proba●e nec improbare potest apostolicam doctrinam . et infra . ex judicio hominis in foro prudentis , n●utiquam theologice concludendam , qu●d à paenis & correctionibus fit cessandum , quia deus ad scandala to 〈◊〉 & m●la prorsus eradicanda ipse sufficiat . magistratus enim officium ex rom. v. . & aliunde notum est . piscat. non fuit rectum ( gamaliclis consilium ) ratione illius connexi , si est ex hominibus confilium sive opus 〈◊〉 , disselv●tur : q●ate●us voluit collegas inde coll●ge●e , no● ig●tur esse ipsis elaborandum ut opus illud dissolvant . nam etsi novationes huma●o consilio & au laci● s●sceptae , tandem dissolvuntur : tamen officium magistratus est , operam dare ut illas comp●scant & proh●beant , & ejusmodi novatores pro merito puniant , sed praecunte legitima ●●gn●tione causae . beza , non certè quod evangelio faveret ( gamaliel ) nisi d●scipuli sui sauli fait dissimilis , ( infra . . ) sed quod homo esset moderatus & vereretur ne caedem apostelorum contra roma●orum authoritatem factam , gravius aliquid sequeretur . gualther . perniciosissimi dogmatis occasionem hinc venantur , quo nullius conatus quantum vis improbes , nullius etiam err●res quantumvis impios & blasphemos vi coercendes esse ●lamant . vnde aliud scqui non potest quam universae disciplinae tum politicae tum ecclesiasticae c●n●ulsio : frustra enim geret magistratus gladium . kekerman . curs . philos. disp. . probl. . doth agree to these words of the jesuit becan●s . tametsi princeps aut magistratus catholicus omnibus modis impodere debeat , l●bertaetem 〈◊〉 gionis , ●t dictum est : si ta non i● facere non p●ssit sine graviori incommodo boni publici , potest eam tolerare tanquam min●s malum , ad evitandum majus , quod ●alioqui sequetur . polan . com . in dan. . . mag●strat●m chr●stimum d●cet veram rel g●onem , &c. in sua repub. constit●ere , & quidem solam , &c. incidunt tamen nonnunquam tempora quibus optimi reges ac mag●stratus , pa●is publicae retinendae causi , vita●darumque intestinarum seditionum●n cessitate adducti , c●guntur exemplo peritorum na●● r●rum veluti tempestati cedere , & superstitiosos errantesque f●rre : ut potius aliqua & respu● . & religio habeatur quam nulla . both these writers doe purposely frame this answer to the question concerning toleration . calv. besut . error . 〈◊〉 . serveti . e●g● hîc tene 〈◊〉 est p●udentia & moderatio , 〈◊〉 vel pro causa inc●g●ita tamul●u ●e eff●rvea●t principes , vel immanis●vit●a ●d sanguin●m fande●d●m ruant . 〈…〉 . . s●rm . . p. ● . 〈…〉 , &c. sed timor dei , aequitas & prud●rtia judicis intelliget ex 〈…〉 quomodo punienda 〈…〉 sedacto●ibus & seductis 〈…〉 & per vicax rebel 〈…〉 & minime mal●t 〈…〉 . magis illa persequebaetur saram supe●bi●nde , quàm illam sera coerce do● illa enim a●●inae faciebat isjuriam , ista imp●n●bat superbiae disc●pl●nā . ep . beza de haeret. à magistr. . puniend. . tacco quod toties adversus dena●●istas & circumcell ones augustinus testatur experienti● ipsa ●doctus , pl●rosque eo esse inge to ut nulla re magis quàm severitate in ●fficio contincantur : adeò ut quod initio poenae formidine vita unt , id ipsum postea libenter fugiant , & asperitatem illam fibi saluberrimam fuisse testent●r . bullinger . ubi supra . dumenim fides falsa in an●mo s●pulta latet , no● infi●●t quenquam n●si infidelem , p●niri non potell infidelis : ubi a●t●m fid●s laten erump●t in blasphemias , ac deum palam lacerat & proximos quosque infi●it , coercendus est blasphemus & seductor , ne malum latius serpat . the papists fall very farre shore in distingu●shing the persons , and proportioning the punishments . for instance see tannerus the●l . s●hol tom. . disp. . quaest. . dub . . n. . hac poena ( mo●tis ) ubi recepta est , affici , tumon nes r●lapsos , etiamsi couverti denu● veli●t , tum omnes post admonitionē pert n●ce● , etiamsi nunquam relapsi sint . abt ●●roqui nec re●apsi sunt , nec in pertinac●a pe●sever●nt , nec ali●s perverterunt , licet in r●gore mortem nihilominus promereantur , ordinariè tamen mortis poena affici non s●len● , sed carceris p●rpetui . as for that punishment commonly called irregularity , he will have it to fall not only upon the hereticke himselfe but upon his sonnes and nephewes . ib. n. . t. livius d●cad . l●b. . p. . edit. basil . . datum deinde consulibus negotium est , ut omnia bacchanalia romae primum , deinde per to●am italium dera●re●e●t : extra qua n●si qua ibi vetusta ara , aut signum consecratu● esset ; in reliquum deinde s. c. c●u●um est , ne qua ba●chanalia romae , neve in ital a esse●t . si qui● tal● sacrum s●l●nne & necessarium duceret , nec sine religione & piacul● se id omittere p●sse apud prae●orem urbanum profiteretur : praetor s●natum consuleret si ei permissum esset , cum in senatu centum non minus esse it , ita id sacrum faceret , dum ne plus quinque sacrificio interessent . judicent conscientiae vestrae , quomodo omne haeresium genus inultum permitti , multifaria schismatum semina impunè spargi , & prohana errorum dogmata passim in vulgus proferri possint it illa civitate , quae tam expresso , sancto & severo juramento sese c●ram deo devinaexit , ad omnes errores , harese , schismata è domo dei ejicienda . gen. . , . cant. . . act. . . jer. . ● . ezech. . . isa. . . . joh. . . pro. . mat. . . joh. . . lev. . . pro. . . zech. . . pet. . . som free reflections upon occasion of the public discourse about liberty of conscience and the consequences thereof in this present conjuncture in a letter to a friend / by one who cordially imbraces whatsoever there is of tru religion in al professions, and hates every thing which makes any of them hate or hurt one another. penn, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) som free reflections upon occasion of the public discourse about liberty of conscience and the consequences thereof in this present conjuncture in a letter to a friend / by one who cordially imbraces whatsoever there is of tru religion in al professions, and hates every thing which makes any of them hate or hurt one another. penn, william, - . p. printed, and sold, by andrew sowle ..., london : . attributed to penn by wing and nuc pre imprints. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience. dissenters, religious -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion som free reflections upon occasion of the public discourse about liberty of conscience , and the consequences therof in this present conjuncture . in a letter to a friend . by one who cordially imbraces whatsoever there is of tru religion in al professions , and hates every thing which makes any of them hate or hurt one another . licenced august the th . . london , printed , and sold , by andrew sowle , at the crooked-billet in holloway-lane in shoreditch , and at the three keys in nags-head-court in grace-church-street , over-against the conduit , . som free reflections , &c. dear sir , the information you gave me upon my first arrival here of the great ferment that is now raised in mens mindes by the kings late declaration for liberty of conscience ; and the counsel you were pleased to giv me therupon for my own conduct , that i should be cautious in asserting any opinions contrary to the currant stream of the times ; this information , and this counsel , i say , were so prudent and so friendly that i acknowledg my self obliged to you for them , and therfore i now return you my hearty thanks . i know not how you came to imagin that such a precaution was necessary for me , who have been so long a stranger to my own country , and by consequence , who am not much wedded to any of those particular factions , that have this long while miserably divided it . but i must confess to you , that so it is . the news i had heard of that declaration abroad , had been so pleasing to me , as seeming the only possible cure for those unhappy divisions , that without your previous advice i should have been astonished at the dislike i have heard exprest of it by many of my best friends ; and perhaps not able therupon to refrain from opposing them , so directly as might have lost me their esteem and friendship which i am very desirous to conserv . wel , it is to you then that i ow the obligation of some prudent reservedness , which i have yet maintained in all occasions of converse about public concerns , during these eight or ten days that i have been here : and it is to you therfore that i am now resolved to address my self for further directions . such a reservedness has indeed in it a prudence which self interest wil always exhort unto : but when the matter is of public and great concernment , so narrow a confinement seems unsuitable to the generous principle of universal charity , wfiich the christian religion insites us unto . that principle , you know , is apt to move me when occasions seem to require it . and therfore that i may not er in my general aim of contributing towards the public good , i desire you to weigh with me those considerations which have rendred the prospect of a general liberty of conscience so pleasing to me ; that i may , upon your better advice , either propagate or stifle them , as shal appear most consonant to my duty . the thing in it self is so agreeable to the nature of mankind , and to the particular laws of the truly primitive christian religion , that it is much to be wondered how so sociable a creature as man is , and so meek a creature as a christian ought to be , should have ever infringed such an excellent rule . can any thing be more reasonable than for every man to allow unto another that liberty which he desires for himself ? can any thing be more peaceable than that principle , which , allowing such a liberty , dos therby take away the occasion of bitterest contention ? the very light of nature directed the wise heathens unto it , during som thousands of years ; insomuch that whatever other differences hapned among them , upon account of civil interest , their societies were never disturbed by the disagreement of their conceptions in matters of religious speculation . the jews , who had greater reason than any other nation to set a high valu upon their own law , as having received it by an extraordinary ministration , yet nevertheless attempted not to force any one to a compliance therwithal , who lay not under the same conviction as themselves . the primitive christians , who reasonably may be supposed to have had the truest sense of their great master's instructions ; were so far from inculcating any principles of persecution , that they exclaimed against the practice of it , as the greatest mark of that antichristianism which had been ▪ fore-told them was to spring up in the world. the arguments with which this principle of liberty , or toleration , has been defended ar many and strong . but it would be very superfluous in me to insist upon them unto you , who have seen and heard them repeated of late years in a thousand forms , and who i know ar your self ▪ convinced of the natural equitableness of the thing , not withstanding al the inconveniencys that you have represented to me in its practice . i wil therfore ad only one reason for it , which seems to me invincible , and then pass to the consideration of those inconveniencys , which is my main design . i say then that the establishing of any religious perswasion by force is unreasonable , because indeed it is impossible . the minde of man is not capable of receiving any conviction but either by sensible proof , or rational demonstration . blows and torments may force an outward complyance , but they cannot work any change in the heart ; and therfore , neither can any such forced complyance be acceptable to god , because 't is only the heart that he looks after . thus then it is evident that al the effect of any forcible imposition in religion , in those that ar so forced , can be nothing but hypocrisie ; and consequently that nothing can be more unjust , nor more ridiculously absurd than to attempt the establishment of any religion by such like means . let it be therfore concluded between you and me , as i know it is , that no man has right to impose upon another in matters purely religious ; which is to say , that every man has right in those matters to enjoy his own liberty . and now let us examine what advantages or inconveniencys may arise from that liberty in the present conjuncture of affairs in england ; and consequently , whether a prudent and an honest man ought sincerely to wish for it , and contribute unto it , in such opportunities as providence puts into his hands , or no. that is the very question which now concerns me , and therfore i wil endeavor to lay it before you as plainly and as impartially , as i can . the liberty of conscience now aimed at in england , in the ordinary discourse of people , implys no less than the change of our laws ; and that especially in those two important heads , the penalties imcumbent upon dissenters , and the test for the discovery of dissenters . these have been looked upon by som as the bulwarks of our security ; and therfore it is not much to be wondred if the discourse of their removal dos alarum those mens mindes . nevertheless if it be considered how little security those things have been unto us , how little rest they have procured us ; nay on the contrary , what discontent and murmuring , what contests and factions they have raised and fomented among us ; i say , if this be considered , methinks the ground of mens present apprehensions should in a great measure be taken away . what good is it , in truth , that those laws have don us ? they have not hindred the spreading of any fanciful opinions among the different sects into which we ar divided . but they have rendred al those sectaries discontented , inclined them to sedition and rebellion , and therby made the government it self uneasy and unsecure . this is plain matter of fact , most evidently visible to every one that dos not wilfully blinde himself . why therfore should any one be alarumed at the change of those laws which we have experienced to be so insignificant , not to say so contrary unto the very ends for which they were established ? and why should not we al much rather rejoyce at the prospect of this new experiment of liberty , which affords more lively hopes of stable comfort ? truly the design appears to me so plausible , that i cannot conceiv any thing but interest capable to blinde mens mindes in the consideration of it . but to that supposition of mine it may perhaps be here replyed with confidence ; that it is indeed interest which causes the reluctancy we ar speaking of , and that their interest being such , it is fitting men should maintain it , and oppose al innovations contrary therunto : for this they think sufficiently , authorized by that fundamental maxim , of salu● populi , &c. which affirms the peoples interest to be the supremest law. this maxim indeed i allow to be unquestionably just ; and if their application of it to this case be so too , we must acknowledg they have reason , and joyn with them . but if , on the contrary , the continuance of the test and penalties be only the interest of a very smal part of the nation , and that the general interest of the whole lys in the liberty now designed , then wil the force of their main artillery be found pointed against themselves , and their argument easily destroyed . it is necessary therfore to consider whose interest it is to introduce this liberty , and whose to oppose it ; that we may judg which of the two is the most general . but that judgment is so easy , that no man can be long in suspense about it . the whole body of dissenters from the church of england , however subdivided and distinguished in other things , ar al united & comprehended in that common cause . they have al been straitned , persecuted and oppressed ; and therfore nothing can be more natural than for them to desire liberty and ease . now this collective body of the several dissenters is manifestly greater than the church of england alone . but besides these , it is also evident that a great part of the church of england it self , i dar boldly say the best part of it , those learned and rational divines , i mean , who have somtimes by opprobry been termed latitudinarians , ( tho in truth , the word sound nothing but honorable ) those have always declared themselvs of moderate principles , their interest lys also evidently in moderation and forbearance , because they ar no less hated by the severer sort of their own brethren than even the disienters themselvs ; and the people that have been influenced by their doctrin is so numerous , that the remaining strict and narrow-spirited church-of - england-men , whose interest ingages them to maintain their own priviledges by infringing the just rights of their neighbours ; this remaining number , i say , is so smal in comparison of the whole body of the nation , that it is even ridiculous for them to build their pretences upon the forementioned maxim , which in effect is directly contrary therunto . now if this be so indeed , that liberty of conscience is not only the right of every particular man , but also the general interest of the whole nation , methinks no man ought any longer to be a shamed of , or alarumed at the project of it ; but rather every honest man ought to contribute his endeavours that it may succeed . yes , may somday , if it were only liberty of conscience that were pretended to , there could be little objected against it : nay , it must be confest that the bent of the nation that way is now so strong , that the most part would freely enough consent to the abolishing of those penal laws which have hitherto restrained it . but , say they , that is not al. those that design the abolishing of the penal laws , do at the same time design to take away the test , and therby not onely to permit the exercise of the roman catholic religion , but also , to admit roman catholics into a share of our government ; which , they ad , is a consideration wholly of a different nature from that of meer liberty of conscience , and the practice wherof would be very unpolitic . this is the objection that makes the great cry in this conjuncture . those that endeavour to introduce liberty of conscience aim also to take away the test : those that would take away the test ar secret if not open papists : and both the one and the other , under pretence of liberty of conscience , ar betrayers of the tru libertys and fundamental laws of their country . with this cry many modest and honest men ar born down , and silenced . and indeed it requires more than ordinary courage and strength to bear up against so impetuous a torrent . but when all is don , truth and reason ar able to bear up against any thing : and therefore i will now examin impartially whether they be found on the side of these objectors , or of the forementioned patrons of liberty . two things especially ar here to be inquired into . first , whether the test , as it is by law imposed upon roman catholics , be really an intrenchment upon the natural and just liberty of their consciences , or whether indeed it be a meer political thing of a different nature , without any relation therunto . and in the next place , whether the taking away of that test may probably prove advantagious or prejudicial to the general interest of the nation . upon these two considerations lys the stress of this whole debate . now to the first , i must needs affirm that in my opinion the imposing of that test is a thing of a mixt nature . it is indeed political , because the design of it is to exclude the roman catholics from public imployment : but it is also religious , because it makes their opinion in religion the condition of that exclusion : and therefore it can in no wise be said to be of so different a nature from the liberty of conscience we are speaking of , as to have no relation at al therunto . on the contrary , i conceiv not how any one can doubt it to be an infringement of that liberty . for those imployments being not hereditary , the way to them is by nature open to every man , according as his capacity and other circumstances may fit him for them . now if a person otherwise duly qualified for such an imployment ▪ which might inable him and his family to live in ease and comfort , shall by reason of some opinion in religious matters be excluded from that imployment , and therby exposed to penury and hardship ; this indeed is not a direct putting that person to death for that opinion , but it is a taking away from him that talent which nature or industry had given him as a provision for the comfort of his life . and can any one now say that such a practice is not a burden or a snare to that mans conscience ? what real difference is there , i beseech you , whether the laws of the land do authorise a minister of justice to oppress and torment a man for his opinion , or that they cast the man himself into such circumstances that his own necessities do the same thing ? surely there is none at al. it is as clear therfore as noon day that the imposing of this test is a straitning of the natural and just liberty of such a persons conscience . and therfore whoever dos acknowledg in general that liberty of conscience is a right of nature and of christianity , as hath before been hinted , must in particular acknowledg that the test is unwarrantable , because it is an evident infringement therof . now the far greater part of the nation , at this day , seeming inclin'd , by that reason , to the abolishing of penal laws ; if they would act consonantly to their own principles , they ought , for the same reason , to desire the abolishing of the test also . this point being once gained , that the imposing of this or any other such like test , in matters of religion , is an infringment of our natural and christian liberty , the remaining considerations that ar urged in favor of it , ought not to be of any great weight with upright and honest-minded men. tho som advantage might be pretended to be found in the doing of it , we ought not for any advantage to transgress so fundamental a law. we must not sin that grace may abound . we must not do evil that good may ensue . those ar known precepts ; and if they were attended to , this debate might here be ended . but interest , interest , is a strange thing . people ar possest with an opinion that the admitting of roman catholics into a share of our government is against the interest of the nation : and therefore they still think they ar bound to oppose it , per fas & nefas . i must therfore go on still further , in examining now whether the extending of liberty of conscience so far as i have shown that it ought to go , viz. to the taking away of the test , and by consequence to the admitting roman catholics into publick offices , be contrary to the general interest of the nation or no. that we may judg rightly of this question , we must consider in what circumstances the nation is now scituated , both in respect of the head and body of it . our prince is a catholic : and we our selves ar divided into several sects , of which the catholics ar in number the least considerable . the interest of all those sects , excepting only a smal number of rigid and narrow-spirited church of england men , has been already shown , to lie in toleration and liberty . but there is no reason to expect the king should indulge them in that beloved liberty , unless they consent to allow him the same liberty for those of his own perswasion . now that indulgment and that consent do necessarily imply the same extent on the one side as on the other . the protestant dissenters claim a right to public imployments : and shall not the king demand the same right for catholic dissenters also ? he may do it so much the more reasonably as the conformity of their principles with his may naturally induce him to confide more in their affection and fidelity . this being so , and the liberty which we thirst after not being obtainable at any other price , who can be so unmannerly and so il natured as to refuse unto the king that which they demand of him for themselves ? or who can be so childlishly humorsom , and so devilishly malicious , as to refuse unto themselvs their own reasonable and necessary comforts , rather then allow others to enjoy the like ? so strange an extravagance as that can not , certainly , fal into very many heads . for it being evident by this consideration , that al those whose interest obliges them to desire liberty for themselvs ( which is to say the far greater part of the nation ) ar obliged by the same reason to allow the same liberty , in its utmost extent , unto others : because their own is not otherwise obtainable : i say this being so , though it may seem hard to say , yet really it is much harder not to suspect som defect either in the intellects or integrity of those that oppose it . but prehaps i sing of victory too soon . the opposers of that branch of liberty which i now plead for , wil be apt to tel me that it is not simply upon the account of their religion that the roman catholics ar excluded from any share in our government ; but because their principles tend to the oppression of others , and make them restless until they themselves become absolute masters . this objection indeed would have som force if it proceeded from persons who were themselvs innocent of the crimes they impute unto others : but where al are equally guilty , it may be wondred with what forhead any one can produce it . the plain truth is , that ever since religion became twisted with secular interest , and the profession of divinity became a trade , al sides have strove to get uppermost ; and being so , have persecuted their fellows . the invention of new creeds or tests , and the persecution of dissenters , is too too ancient . the tru simplicity of our saviors and his apostles doctrin , and the meekness of their spirit , lasted not many ages : i dar not say how few years . but let us look nearer home . calvin , the great institutor of presbyterianism , shewed the narrowness of his spirit in the niceness of his theological system , the cruelty of his spirit in the death of servet ; and his followers have trod faithfully in his steps , as well by the frequent superfoetation of their articles of pretended orthodoxy , as by their persecution of dissenters where they have had power , and by their resistance even in open war , where they have been abridged of the privilidges they pretended unto . shall i instance also in our church of england ? i am loth to discover our own shame . but , alas , it lys already too open , without my discovery . she has persecuted ever since her first establishment : and som of the penal laws then made , ar now the very subject of this present debate . this guilt has been universal . and if jesus christ should now say unto the partizans of al sects , as of old unto the pharisees who accused the woman taken in adultery , let him that is innosent cast the first stone , i am perswaded the effect would now be the same as then ; they would al go away convicted . let not that therfore be urged against any one unto which al ar equally obnoxious . an objection looses al its force when it may so justly be retorted against the objector . o but , will som say , the case is not equal . the danger is greater from the roman catholics than fromothers , in that the very principles of their religion do dissolve their obligation to fidelity , and leave them at liberty to pursu the advancement of their church by the violation of al the most sacred bonds with which other men ar tied . for shame , let us in the end learn to be more equitable , and not impute unto any man as a principle of his religion that which he utterly disowns . if there have been men amongst them of such pernicious principles , have there not been such also amongst us ? if som of their casuistical doctors have palliated in som occasions the crimes of treason and rebellion , have not som of our zealous ministers in other occasions incouraged unto the same ? we want not our authors that maintain mischievous principles , no more than they want theirs : witness the list of those condemned not long ago by the vniversity of oxford . now will any presbyterian think he has fair play shown him by those that shal impute unto him al the consequences which may be drawn from the writings of buchanan ; or a church of england man from those of julian johnson ? crimes are personal . and societies must not be condemned for the miscariages of particular persons . let every man then bear his own burthen . let us al henceforward cease from criminating others with things wherwith we our selves may be so justly recriminated . now the surest way to stifle these reproaches is by mending the faults . wherfore let us now on al sides study to reform whatever is amiss : let us unanimously renounce the principle of persecution : and let that be the only test , upon which our government be modelled , as has been already judicially advised by another hand . in doing so , there is no fear but the common union and interest of al parties , in a league of mutual liberty , will be incomparably a better security for us against any particular usurper , then our several factions have been hitherto one against another . but stil this answer is not direct enough . those that ar partys in such a case are seldom sensible of the danger wherwith they threaten others , but always intent upon those dangers wherwith they conceiv that others threaten them . it is not sufficient therfore to tel them that the danger on both sides is mutual . no , they expect that on their side there should be no danger at al. let us endeavor therfore to satisfy them in that point also : and then let them shew themselves to be worthy citizens , by a cheerful compliance with their own duty , and our common interest . what can this danger be that is apprehended by the taking away of the test ? that the papists should lord it over us , and with an open force extirpate our religion by the ancient method of fire and fagot , or work our conversion by the new mode of dragooning ? but that is not rationally to be apprehended from so inconsiderable a number of men as they ar . is it supposed that their numbers may increase , and in the end grow formidable ? that argument strikes more directly against the toleration of their religion than against the abolishing of the test : for it is the toleration alone which will giv them oppertunity of spreading their doctrins , and laboring to make proselites . wherfore that argument ought not to be urged by those who acknowledg that toleration to be a natural right and a christian duty ; which certainly most men now do , and al men ought to do . no , but it wil be said that the temptation to popery wil be yet greater , by the open way to advantagious imployments , when the test shal be taken away . but do not those objectors see and consider the uncertainty of the continuance of those advantages , or perhaps even some stinging consequence attending them , under a protestant successor ? ay certainly they ar not so blinde as to be ignorant therof . experience has shown them already the force of that antidote in som eminent instances , which may assure them that no poisonous effects , at least no mortal ones , ar now to be apprehended from this guilded pil of preferment . i might here ad many other considerations to dissipate this panic fear . as , the spirit of the nation , now animated more than ever against popery . the interest of the papists themselves to keep within modest and moderate bounds , lest too great a stretching after things out of their reach , should make them lose their present footing . and , not improperly , the word of a king , who has solemnly promised us that he will not suffer any man to be oppressed in the just liberty of his conscience : of a king , i say , who dos not now first begin to affect that language , but who has been long known to assert the same principle : of a king , who values himself more upon his integrity and faithfulness than upon all the glories and advantages of his crown : and of a king , in fine , whose interest as wel as honour obliges him to keep his word . these ar al considerations of weight . but after a demonstration of the impossibility that the roman catholics should arrive to that strength as to be able to hurt us , ( tho we suppose them to be never so willing ) it is superfluous to inlarge upon topics of a weaker nature . that which cannot happen in humane probability , need not be feared in humane conduct , nor ought it to be objected in humane consultations . i wil therefore here stop the course of these reflections ; which i must acknowledg do now seem unto me strong enough to dissipate those fears which your prudence first instilled into my minde , and to incourage an honest heart to go on streight forwards , as providence shall enable him , in the present work of this day , notwithstanding any opposition or reproach that may attend it . the thing in it self is good . and therfore i declare to you , that i will no longer be ashamed or afraid to shew my approbation of it , and to dispose others ▪ as i may be able , unto the same sentiments . i ought indeed , in good manners , to have expected your judgment , before i made so express a declaration of my own . but i know your honesty too wel to doubt of your concurrence herein , and your friendship too wel to fear any hard censure for my transgressing those little rules of formal decency . let us both of us put our hands to the work , in gods name , in the sphere where we are placed . and to begin the attempt , if you judg that these reflections of mine may be in any degree useful unto the public , i giv you free liberty to disperse them as you think convenient . but that permission ingages me to ad yet a few words more ; which ar not indeed much needful to your self , but may perhaps not be unuseful to others . in perusing what i have writ , i cannot but suspect that a prejudice may arise against me in some mens mindes , from the disinteressedness i have shewn in respect of the different sects of protestants ; as if i were my self a papist , and designed wholly to favorize that party . to obviate that prejudice , i therfore desire the world may know that i am so far from being ingaged in any party , that i sincerely desire the distinctions of all parties may be obliterated amongst mankind , and that al the ends of the earth may be brought into subjection and obedience unto the gospel of the holy jesus , and own no other name or profession but that of christianity . oh what glorious days , oh what transporting comforts , and solid happiness , would that temper of spirit bring into the world ! then would the root of contention be cut up , when al men were engaged in the same cause . disputes would surely cease , when men came to know that the religion which jesus christ came to institute upon earth ▪ consists not in any airy speculations , nor shadowy ceremonys , but wholly and solely in actual obedience to his holy precepts . they would then easily infer , from such a foundation ; that notions and doctrins , and much more outward cults , ar only so far necessary unto salvation as they ar proper to influence mens lives . they would then know that the grace of god which bringeth salvation hath appeared unto al men ; and that therfore it doth not ly hid in difficultys and obscuritys , which few or none do comprehend ; but that the rules it prescribes us ar plain , even to the meanest capacitys , teaching us , that denying vngodliness and worldly lusts , we should liv soberly , righteously , and godlily in this present world. this would make al men more intent upon then duty , upon the strict observance of the rules of justice , of truth , and of universal charity and good-wil towards one another , which is the choicest flower in al the garland of christian vertues . and in the same proportion as those vertues increased , stil further knowledg , and a sound judgment in divine truths would increase with them ; and the seeds of discord would at the same time be destroyed . we should then turn our swords into plow-shares , and our spears into pruning-hooks ; we should not learn war any more , but rest fearless under our own vines , and our own fig-trees , and every man walking in the name of his god. princes would not then press uniformity in things of smal consequence , with a violence only tolerable in occasions of the most fundamental and greatest importance : subjects would not refuse conformity in things indifferent , with a headstrongness only excusable in points most essential : nor would either the one or the other mistake those fundamental and essential points , when al were agreed that they consisted only in piety , sobriety , and vertu . an authority tempered with sweetness , and a subjection mixed with lov , would make al estates of men as happy as our frail condition of mortality can admit . this thought , you see , has a little warmed me ; and no wonder it should : for indeed it is the only fire that heats my zeal , the only spring that gives motion to my sluggish and indifferent temper . god grant that it may kindle som measures of a like flame , nay a higher measure , i beseech him , in those that read it . then should i hope daily to see more and more considerable advancements in the work that providence seems to be now acting in the world. shal i explain my meaning ? why not ? i am sure it tends not to the injury of any man , and therfore it can not be reputed criminal . wel , 't is this . the persecution we have heard of in france , i am wel informed , has inspir'd a strange spirit of reformation into the romish clergy themselvs : they acknowledg the abuses that ar in their church , as far as ever its outward oeconomy and public authority wil admit : they preach openly at paris against al manner of superstition and idolatry ▪ they instruct their auditors in a spiritual adoration of the supreme deity : they do not rack the consciences of their penitents with any strict determination in points incomprehensible , but they turn them wholly to the essential dutys of life : and in this manner they endeavor to produce and maintain vnity between themselvs and their new converts , as they cal them , in the bond of peace . this appears to me an antiperistasis to the designs of the authors of that persecution ; a rebound guided by providence , which produces a far different effect from the direct blow . but this is not al. we have heard of somthing like it in italy , and in spain ; which has already made som noise and a very considerable progress in those countrys . perhaps indeed these things may be censured by som doctors of that communion , who ar as much wedded to their old-fashioned popery as the narrower sort of church-of-england-men ( amongst protestants ) ar wedded to their liturgical rites and ceremonys . but however it is one step , nay a great advancement , towards a general inlightning of mens minds in tru religion , which i strongly hope wil be conducted by providence to a happy issu . and as i contemplate the prospect of our english liberty , as a dispensation of gods own direction , extended unto us by a hand from whence we least expected it ; as an instrument more exactly fitted by him for the atchievment of this great work than those others aforementioned ; so i heartily wish that al tru-hearted englishmen would put their hands unto this work ; that we may be al found diligent laborers in the vineyard where we ar placed , faithful servants in the improvement of the talent committed unto us , and by no means barren and unfruitful in the knowledg of our lord jesus christ , unto which we have so much pretended . pardon , i intreat you , this excursion . it is now time for me to return to my first theme , and draw towards a conclusion of this tedious letter . those that read it with unprejudiced eys wil easily discern that i write it not to serve the interest of any one party , further than that interest tends to the general good : and that i despise the censures of al partys , in comparison to the satisfaction i propound unto my self in contributing towards that good. my rule is streight . let others make theirs so too , and we shal al infallibly arrive at that happy rest which we al breath after . i wil sum up what i have said , or supply what i have omitted , in a few words . liberty of conscience is the natural right of mankind , and the general interest of england . penal laws and tests ar direct infringements of that right , and they tend evidently to the ruin of that interest . wil we therfore acquit our selves like honest and prudent men , let us settle our selves in that our natural priviledg , and let us abolish every thing that is opposite therunto . let us abolish those things , i say , we that ar private persons , in perswading every man his neighbor to that disposition : and when we shal be called to it , let us elect such members to serv in parliament as shal be disposed to consent unto the abolishing of them by law. that is the surest means to ingage the king unto us , and to ingage us al unto one another . his government wil be so much the more easy as he finds his people the more compliant with his just desires ▪ and our security wil be so much the greater , nay it wil be intire , when our propertys , our libertys , and our religion , shal be defended by the common union of al partys against our onely public enemies , al turbulent and ambitious innovators . i am , dear sir , yours , &c. finis . a sermon preached before the right honourable the lord mayor, and court of aldermen, at guild-hall chappel, upon the th of november, in commemoration of englands deliverance from the gun-powder treason / by john scott, minister of st. thomas's in southwark. scott, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a sermon preached before the right honourable the lord mayor, and court of aldermen, at guild-hall chappel, upon the th of november, in commemoration of englands deliverance from the gun-powder treason / by john scott, minister of st. thomas's in southwark. scott, john, - . [ ], p. printed for tho. taylor ..., london : . advertisement: p. . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -- controversial literature. liberty of conscience -- sermons. persecution -- sermons. sermons, english -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion hooker mayor . cur. specialis tent mercurii vo. die novemb. . annoque reg. car. sec. angl. &c. xxvo. it was ordered by this court , that mr. scot be desired to print his sermon , this day preached at the guild-hall chappel , before the lord mayor , and aldermen of this city . wagstaffe . a sermon preached before the right honourable the lord mayor , and court of aldermen ; at guild-hall chappel , upon the th of november , . in commemoration of englands deliverance from the gun-powder treason . by john scott minister of st. thomas's in southwark . london , printed for tho. taylor , at the hand and bible in the new buildings on london-bridge , . the epistle dedicatory to the right honourable sir william hooker , lord mayor of london , and to the right honourable the court of aldermen . right honourable , though i esteem my self as much as i deserve , and perhaps a little more , yet i thank god i was never yet so partial to my self , or fond of my own conceptions , as to think the publication of them an act of charity , either to the world , or to the bookseller ; and as for this discourse , i assure you , had not you had a better opinion of it then i ; i should have been so charitabl as to have kept it within doors , and not to have exposed it to the open air , in which i have known many wiser discourses to have gotten their bane ; but i shall not be so unmannerly as to controul your opinion , which yet i doubt had not been so favourable to me , had not your judgments been bribed by your zeal to the protestant religion , against the adversary whereof this discourse was designed , perhaps the protestant reader , who is unacquainted with the transactions of the last years , may think i have been too severe upon the roman religion , charging it with such bloudy principles , and practises : to which i shall say no more then this ; that if i have falsified its character , or represented it fouler than it is : let me indure the shame , and punishment of a common calumniator ; but if i have drawn it according to its own natural features , and complexions ; it is not my fault that it appears deformed , and if it be as bad as 't is represented , it makes invectives enough against it self , and carries its satyrs in its own bosom : but what i have said of it is all matter of fact , which i have proved by the testimony of their own authors , who cannot be supposed to be false witnesses against themselves , and if , after this , any one should be so obstinate as to suspect me of forgery ; let him peruse the martyrologies of the six last centuries , and compare them with the bloodiest of all the ten pesecutions : and i doubt not but he will be of my opinion , viz. that domitian and dioclesian were but puny persecutors , and bunglers in cruelty compared with the infallible cut-throats of the apostolical chair . having thus accounted for the honesty of this discourse ; i have no more to say for it , but only this ; that however it may succeed , it was well intended ; and if it prove any way instrumental to alay the un-christian heats , and animosities among us , to promote the peace of the church , and the interest of the protestant religion , i have my design : and though i should be defeated in this , it will be some satisfaction to me , that i have honour'd my self before the world by this address , and testified by my ready compliance with your commands how really i am , right honourable your most humble and faithful servant john scott . a sermon preached before the right honorable the lord mayor and court of aldermen , novemb. . luke . . for the son of man came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them . it is the glory of the christian religion , that it hath conquered the world , and triumphed over all that opposed it , without any other weapon but its own victorious beauty , and reasonableness : had it been proclaimed by the mouths of canon , or marched like paracelsus his daemon , upon the pummel of the sword : it had been rivalled by sundry successful impostures ; and the alcheron it self would have compared victories with it : but in this it hath the preeminence of all the religions that ever were , that it atchieved its conquest without scrib or sword , without the aid of worldly force , or policy : that by its own native light , it vanquished the ignorance and prejudice of the world ; and by pure dint of reason , subdued mens minds to its impire : for 't was not by racks and tortures , that it converted infidels , & convinced hereticks ; but by reason , and miracles ; and till it began to be sophisticated with temporal interests , and designs , it taught its followers only to indure , but not to inflict persecutions : for this was their language in the purer ages , non est religionis , cogere religionem , quae suscipi debet sponte , non vi , as tertull. expresses it . religion presseth no man to her service , and disdains to have any followers , but volunteers ; but when once its followers began to bend it to their interest , and make it the solicitor of their temporal designs , to break into parties , and imbarque their own reputation , and in the success of those disputable opinions , that distinguished them , then according as they had the luck to succeed in their disputes , and the favour of the emperors , they began to solicit , and arm the temporal power against their adversaries ; in which bad practice , they imitated those , whom in all other things they did condemn ; namely the arrians the circumcellians , and donatists , who were the first christians that either perswaded , or practised persecution ; and yet for a long while so abhorrent it was from the temper of christians , that vrsatus , and ithrius , two otherwise catholick bishops , for perswading maximus to destroy the priscillianists , were branded by their brethren with an infamous character , and sharply reproved by the good bishop of trevers , who plainly tells them , satis , superque sufficere ut episcopali sententia haeretico judicati ecclesijs pellerentur : novum est , & inauditum nefas : ut causam ecclesiae judex seculi judicaret : it is sufficient that heriticks be banished by the church as out-laws , from the communion of christians : but it is a now and unheard of wickedness , that a cause of religion should be judged and punished at a secular tribunal ; and yet this was above years after christ : but as the churches fortunes grew better , and her sons grew worse , and some of her fathers worst of all : so persecution and tyranny prevailed in christendom , till at last it was baptized , into the name of zeal , and enthroned among the graces of religion : for if we look into the history of the roman church , we shall find persecution first preached from the infallible chair : the popes whereof growing great , and proud , and impatient of contradiction , began first to murmure against the tollerations of the novatians , which being a great eye-sore to those haughty prelates , as soon as they had gotten power into their hands , they rooted them out by force and violence , but yet they had not so far abandoned all their natural sense of mercy and goodness , as to proceed to bloodshed , till the divine right of fire and faggot was invented by st. dominick , that rabbid and furious incendiary , by whose instigation the albigenses were wasted by a dreadful war , and of them burnt to death , because they would not abjure their religion : which horrid butchery was acted by the commission of pope innocent the third , who to encourage it , granted a plenary pardon and indulgence to the executioners , and now like lybian tygers , having tasted blood , they thirst insatiably for more ; and instead of pastors turn buttchers to the flock of christ , by their repeated cruelties , converting that church into an infamous slaughter-house of christians , which was once so famous a seminary of martyrs ; and for these years bleeding , hath been the only remedy those spiritual mountebancks have prescribed , to cure the diseased church ; and this hath been cryed up as their great catholicon ; witness the infinite slaughters they have acted and instigated in italy bohemia , the upper and lower germany : witness the spanish inquisition , where the holy fathers confute hereticks with racks and gibbets ; witness the parisian massacre , where our religion was consuted only with skenes , and daggers , witness the marian days , wherein the roman faith was defended so gloriously against all arguments , with only that dreadful text , recant or burn : and if all this be not enough , witness that horrid power plot , the prevention of which we now commemorate ; a villany so foul and monstrous , as was never parallell'd either in fiction or history ; and compared with which , the most tragick scenes of melancholy poets , and dismal phantasms of despairing souls , are but all comick tales , subjects of sport and laughter : a tragedy so deep and bloody , that certainly had the most barbarous canibal in america been hired to act it , the very thought of it must have startled him into an agony ; and he could not but have relented , considering thus with himself ; i am now giving fire to a train , which at one blow will ruine a whole kingdom , tear in pieces its king and princes , and scatter their members in the air , strew its fields with the limbs and quarters of its slaughtered nobles and gentry , fill its streets with the threns and lamentations of woful mothers , the shrieks and out cryes of desolate wives & children , shake its goodly temples , and royal palaces into ruines , and in one moment lay all its glory in the dust : and yet [ o tell it not in gath , publish it not in the streets of askalon ! ] all these cruelties were designed under the livery of the most merciful jesus , and this cannibals feast of fellow-christians blood prepared to entertain the father of mercies , and the prince of love ; as if they like the heathens daemons , fed their hungry nostrils with the niderous reeks and steams of humane sacrifices : thus by degrees you see persecution is imbodyed into the romish religion ; and when heresie is the disease , ruine is the only remedy : a sure one indeed ; but o how heavenly wide of those mild prescriptions of the great physician of souls ! who being urged by his own disciples to revenge himself upon a company of rude and obstinate scismaticks , solemnly professes , that he came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them . the occasion of which words was an affront which the samaritans had offered to our blessed saviour ; who being notorious scismaticks , and professed enemies to the jews , that worshipped at jerusalem , refused to entertain our saviour for one night ; perceiving he was a jew , and so of a contrary religion to themselves , upon which james and john moved with great indignation , to see their blessed master so unworthily treated , request him , that after the example of elias , they might call for fire from heaven to destroy them : but he no way approving their motion , severely rebukes them for it , and plainly tells them , that they knew not what spirit they were of ; as much as if he should have said ; if you will needs imitate that legal zelotick spirit elias acted by ; whatever you pretend , you act not like my disciples , whose spirit and genius ought to be more tender and merciful ; and therefore , though these samaritans are of a different sect ▪ and religion , and will not imbrace me , nor my doctrine ; yet far be it from me to destroy them ; for this is quite contrary both to my temper , and the design of my coming ; which is not to destroy mens lives , but to save them . so that you see the plain scope of the words is this ; that to destroy mens lives upon the score of religion , is a practice contraty to the spirit of christ , and the design of his religion . before i proceed to the proof of this proposition , i shall briefly endeavour to state , and restrain it within its just bounds and limits : and they are these four . first , that it is not to be understood of any religion , that is in its own nature wicked and immoral : for if a mans religion teacheth vice , or directly patronizeth it , his vice is not the less punishable , because his religion prompted him to it . indeed if he keep his wicked opinion to himself , it cannot be punished , because it cannot be known ; but if he perswade others to it , or practise it himself ; it becomes matter of fact , and is as punishable as the crime is it perswades to : for the great rules of virtue and good life , are so clear and perspicuous , that a man cannot be ignorant of them , without being faulty : and therefore if a man imbrace a wicked opinion , and act or spread it , the matter of fact is justly punishable , according to the proportion of its malignity . and indeed if wicked actions were to be excused upon the score of conscience , or opinion , religion would be made a sanctuary for all the villanies in the world ; and there is no crime so monstrous , but would make a shift to shelter it self from punishment under the protection of conscience . secondly , and more particularly , that the proposition is not to be understood of such opinions , as either directly , or in their immediate consequents , undermine the foundations of government : for government being indispensably necessary to the well-being of the world , men ought to know that that can be no good religion which teacheth doctrines , whose consequents destroy it ; and therefore its just and reasonable it should be rooted out , as a dangerous post , and nuisance to the publick interest ; and the necessity of the thing , will justifie the lawfulness of it : for were princes bound to tolerate ungovernable principles , they must be kings no longer than they can get leave to reign , from the humour or conscience of each hot-brained opinionists ; and all their authority must be dependant upon the little capricio's of every peevish zealot ; the consequents of which must be the dissolution of government , and that an in-let to all disorder and confusion : and therefore those that under a pretence of religion propagate such principles , are justly accountable for all the consequent inconveniences , and punishable accordingly . thirdly , that the proposition is not be understood of our practice , but of our judgements and opinions : for every man hath a natural right , as he is a rationable creature , to judg for himself ; and to punish any one for so doing , is the greatest tyranny in the world ; it being an exercise of dominion over the minds of men , which are subject only to the empire of god ; but as for our practice , that 's liable to the restraints of humane laws ; and that as well in sacred , as in civil affairs ; they cannot indeed oblige us to do what god hath forbidden us , because his , being the supreme authority , ought to take place against all the countermands of any inferiour power whatsoever : but then there are a world of things which remain in a state of indifferency , and are left undetermined both by the natural , and positive laws of god : and these are all liable to the commands and determinations of humane authority , and are the proper matter of civil and ecclesiastical laws ; to the extent of whose jurisdiction , there can be no other restraint , than only the countermand of a superiour authority ; and therefore if there be nothing antecedently evil enjoyned by the laws , whether civil , or ecclesiastical , we are bound to obey them ; and if we do not , we are justly punishable for our disobedience . indeed if we believe the thing enjoyned to be evil , though it be not , we ought not to do it , in obedience to the supreme authority of god , which we believe hath forbidden it : but yet if we mistake , and the thing be not evil , but in its own nature indifferent , we are justly punishable for the not doing it , because our mistake alters not the nature of the thing ; if it be indifferent , it is a proper object of humane laws , whether we think it so or no , and as such may justly be imposed ; and the imposition being just , our not obeying it must needs be justly punishable . in this extremity therefore we have no other redress , but to seek information , and get our mistaken consciences better instructed ; and if when we have done all , we cannot alter our opinion , our meek and patient submission to the penalty , will be our excuse before the tribunal of god. fourthly , and lastly , that the proposition is not to be understood of our making a publick profession of our opinions , so as to disturb the peace of the church with them , so long as men are humble and modest in their dissent , and do not go about to advance their opinions into factions , and to divide and rend the church in the propagation of them , i see no reason why they should be punished , and persecuted for them ; but if men openly profess their dissent , to the prejudice of the publick peace and intrest , and doat so much upon their own conceits , as to phancy them necessary for all the rest of mankind , and consequently go about to vex their neighbours , provoke their rulers , and unsetttle the government for the propagation of them : if through an inconsiderate zeal for their own notions , they should be active and industrious to make a party against the church , and withdraw others from her communion , they are offenders to the publck peace , and as such are justly liable to punishment : for they ought to consider , that unless their opinion be of greater moment than the churches peace , it ought to vail , and give way to it , and that there are no opinions weighty enough to ballance the churches peace , whose contraries do not undermine christianity it self , and utterly defeat the ends of christian society : for everyman is obliged , by vertue of being in society , to do his utmost to preserve the honour and intrest of it , and to joyn in all acts of it , so far as they tend thereunto ; and dissent from every thing which tends to the apparent ruine of that society . now the main end of christian society , being the honour of god , and the salvation of souls : the primary reason of mens entring into churches , or christian societies , is to advance these ends , and to joyn in all acts of the society they are listed into , so far as they tend to the advancement of them ; but if any thing be required of us directly repugnant to these ends , we are bound to manifest and declare our dissent from them , and if for so doing we are 〈◊〉 cast out of the particular christian society ; by so doing , and suffering , we preserve our communion with the catholick society of christians ; but if i am never so much perswaded that such a practice or article of the church is an errour ; yet if it be not such an errour as doth defeat the great ends of christian society , i am bound either to keep my parswasion to my self , or at least not to disturb the peace of the church in my indeavours to propagate it to others ; because , next to the honour of god , and the salvation of souls , the churches peace is to be valued above all things whatsoever ; and therefore is not to be disturbed for the sake of every little errour , and trifling opinion : it is sufficient that we are allowed the liberty of opining , and are not deprived of our natural right of judging for our selves ; and we ought not to complain , though we should be restrained by laws and penalties , from making parties against the church , and propagating our little opinions into factions ; since if we will not restrain our selves , without such a restriction , it is impossible there should be any peace among christian societies ; every hot-brain'd opinionist will be making a party for himself ; and every differing opinion will grow into a sect ; and so there will be continual dividing and subdividing , till the christian world be crumbled into as many churches , as there are opinions ; and as many opinions as there are men : for whilst every one is zealously propagating his little opinion , no man will let his brother be quiet : this man will be ready to burst till he hath vented himself ; and the other will be as impatient till he hath contradicted what he hath said : and whilst both are thus zealous to proselite each other , neither will be content with a single conquest ; but the publick must be disturbed , and by the zeal of the contending parties , rent into infinite sects and divisions ; so that you see it is indispensibly necessary , that there should be some restraint , though not upon mens opinions , yet upon their publick profession of them , since without it , the church will be inevitably exposed to perpetual tumults and disturbances . having thus stated and bounded the proposition , you see the plain meaning of it is this , that it is contrary to the spirit of christ , and the genius of christianity , to destroy or persecute men for meer opinions , or errours in religion : that it is so , i shall indeavour to prove from these following instances . i. it is contrary to that tenderness and compassion which christianity requireth of us : for our religion enjoyns us to sympathize with the miserable ; and not to add afflictions to the afflicted ; and therefore fallibility being the natural imperfection , and unhappiness of humane understandings , the errours of them should rather be the subject of our pity , than our revenge : for 't is as much out of our power , not to err , as not to be sick or die : and we may as reasonably punish a man for not being immortal , as for not being infallible : for the seeds of fallibility are sown in the nature of our understandings , as well as those of mortality in the temper of our bodies : and we can no more avoid being mistaken in all instances than we can prevent the consumption of our radical moisture : all we can do is to endeavour not to err : to stand as fast as we can in the center of truth ; but if when we have done so , we should reel on either hand towards the circumference of errour ; we have done our duty , and were not bound not to be mistaken : for no obligation can reach a mans conscience , if it be impossible ; we cannot be bound to do more than our best ; to have the understanding of an angel , or to be infallible ; for these are things that are not within the sphere of our choice , and therefore are no matters of law , or subjects of rewards and punishments : 't is true , errour is many times occasioned by a corrupt byas in the will ; and mens understandings are frequently mis-led by their lusts ; and then indeed the errour hath a guilt derived to it from that evil principle to which it owes its original : but if we see men honest in their lives , we are bound to think them so in their errours too ; and if their errours be only innocent mistakes , what an inhumanity is it to persecute them for that which is their misery only , and not their sin ! who but a barbarian would cut a mans throat , for being poor , or blind , or lame ? and is it not altogether as barbarous , and cruel to destroy a man for that , which is the poverty , and blindness , and lameness of his understanding ? what is this , but to lay load upon load ; to trample upon the prostrate , and heap miseries on the miserable ? suppose that a different education , different books and company , have cast thy brothers understanding into a different figure from thine ; is it reasonable that therefore thou shouldest persecute and destroy him ? or rather is it not as unreasonable , as if thou shouldest cut off his head , because he hath a dimple upon his chin , or a mould on his cheeks , or some line in his face that renders him unlike thee ? suppose he hath the ill luck to believe some proposition , which to you and i seems wild , absurd and unreasonable , must we presently beat out his opinion with his brains , because the poor soul was so unfortunate as to be mis-led by education , and imposed upon by authority and custom , which we see do so often cheat the honestest minds ; and like a mighty whirlpool , having once sucked a man in , do keep his head under water , and make it almost impossible for him to emerge , or recover himself ? how can such a piece of cruelty , do ye think , consist with the tenderness and compassion which our religion enjoyns . ii. it is destructive of the union and harmony among christians , which the christian religion requires : for certainly the design of christianity is not to reconcile mens notions , or to beget in the world an universal harmony in systems of orthodox opinions ; which considering the frame of humane nature , the infinite variety of mens ages and complexions , and the different sizes of our understandings , would be , i doubt , as vain a project , as to attempt to build a castle in the aire nor indeed is it necessary that men should be all of one opinion , any more than that all should be of one humour and temper : for as in these , divine providence hath made a great diversity , in which there is both beauty , and convenience : so perhaps for the same reason it hath contrived variety of opinions , in which if there were an universal harmony , mankind would be at a loss for subjects of discourse , and so be deprived of a great part of the pleasures of conversation . the union therefore which our religion doth so studiously design , and zealously promote , is that of hearts and affections , and this , i doubt not , might well enough consist with different opinions , were they but managed with that humility , modesty , and charity which becomes christians : were we but so modest , as to propose our opinions calmly , or to keep them to our selves ; so humble as not to over-value our own notions , and fancy them necessary for all the rest of mankind ; so charitable , as to alow our brethren a liberty of opining , and not to damn and persecute them , because their brains are of a different figure from ours ; i cannot imagin why difference in opinions should more disturb the church , than difference in faces ; for such a demeanour one towards another would infallibly keep our charity alive , which when all is done , is the strongest ligament of christian society , and the surest band of the communion of saints ; for this will twine and clasp our souls together , and tye us one to another by the heart strings : but the destroying mens lives upon the score of their opinions , is the most effectual way in the world to supplant charity . for how is it possible , considering the passions of humane nature , that the persecuted party should love their persecutors , whom they see armed with fire and faggot to destroy them ? and when once they hate them ( as they will soon do when they 〈◊〉 them ) their passion will immediately provoke their reason to damn and censure them , which is the only means that persecuted people have a stay to the stomach of their hungry vengeance , till they have power , and opportunity to glut it in the blood of their persecutors : and if in the revolution of things , the persecuted should get above their persecutors , what can be expected , but that to preserve themselves , they will destroy them from whom they can expect nothing but destruction , should another revolution mount them uppermost again ; and so christendom will be made a cock-pit of cruelties , and as often as mens understandings are deceived , and abused ; so often there will be new executions and massacres , which must therefore needs be the more cruel and unmerciful , because they are so consecrated with a pretence of religion : for when religion , which should be the antidote of our cruelty , proves its greatest incentive , it must needs run on the faster into mischief , by how much that which stopped its course before , drives it on with the greater violence ; so that by persecuting men upon the score of opinion , we do what in us lies , to banish charity out of the world ; and in the room of that love and union , which our religion injoyns , to introduce nothing but rage , revenge , and cruelty ; and to make christendom more barbarous th●● america . iii. it 's contrary to that method which christianity prescribes us for the convincing deceived , and eronious persons 〈◊〉 for the only remedy our holy religion prescribes 〈◊〉 the cure of errour , is charity , and forbearance piety and reason ; for the sense and spirit of 〈◊〉 is described in these excellent words of st. paul , tim. . . the servants of the lord must not strive , but be gentle unto all men ; in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves ; if god peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging the truth . so that unless we can torture men without striving with them , and meekly instruct them by cutting their throats , its evident by this text , we must either not persecute men , or quit the title of being the servants of god. so also the same apostle in gal. . . brethren , if any man be overtaken with an errour , ye that are spiritual restore such a one in the spirit of meekness . and sure there is some difference between destroying , and restoring a man ; between the halter , and the spirit of meekness . 't is true indeed , the procedure of the gospel was more severe and rigorous against wicked and obstinate hereticks ; but then it was not for their opinions barely : but for the wickedness of their opinions , and obstinate perseverance in them , to the disturbance of the churches peace ; both which i have shewed you are excepted cases : but yet as the gospel was a great deal tenderer of making hereticks , than the church of rome is ; so was it also a great deal gentler in punishing them ; for its utmost severity against them was excommunication , which at the worst did not destroy mens souls ; but only consigned them to that sad portion they had deserved , and should have received independantly from the churches censure ; but the primary design of it was to scare them into a lober mind ; which if it obtained , it proceeded no further 〈◊〉 that in its own nature it was medicinal ; and though it was a distastful and uneasie potion , by reason it gave the devil possession of their bodies , to torture and afflict them ; yet in it self 't was holesome , and restorative , and did no man hurt , unless he would himself ; but if he would be obstinate in his wickedness , notwithstanding he felt the woful effects of it , he might thank himself for all that followed , it being his own obstinacy that actuated the judgement , and gave a sting to it . but to destroy a mans life is as strange a way to cure him of his errors , as cutting off his head is to cure him of the toothach ; for the only way to reduce him , is to perswade his understanding , which we shall hardly do by beating out his brains ; 't is true indeed , corporal punishments may make a man dissemble his opinion , and profess contrary to his conscience and judgement ; but they have no more vertue in them to inform his conscience , or rectifie his judgement than syllogisms , or demonstrations have , to cure him of the stone or strangury , and therefore what ever he may pretend , he cannot think his opinion truer or falser , because you threaten to wrack and torture him for it , for such premisses can infer , no conclusion but only that of his life , so whilst you attempt by such rough arguments to force him into your opinion ; you may perhaps vanquish his courage , but you will never alter his judgement ; and if you make him a hypocrite , and terrifie him into a profession of what he doth not believe ; instead of erecting a trophe to god , you shall but build a monument for the devil : and as persecution is a bad remedy for errors , so 't is a worse antidote against it ; for if you consult ecclesiastical history you will find , that fire and faggot hath made more hereticks , than it ever destroyed , witness the priscillianists , who as sulpitius tells us , were so far from being suppressed by the death of priscillian , that they were more confirmed by it , and grew much more numerous ; and it is the complaint of one of the italian inquisitors , that he had found after years experience , wherein they had destroyed above hereticks ; they were so far from being suppressed or weakened , that they were much more strengthened and encreased . for there is a popular pitty that follows all persons in misery , which breeds likeness of affection , and that very often likeness in opinion ; and so much the rather , because he that persecutes another for his opinion , gives the multitude reason to suspect , that that is the best argument he can urge against it : whereas on the contrary , he that dies for his opinion , and seals it with his blood , confirms it with the most popular argument in the world ; for although [ as one says ] laying a wager be an argument of confidence , rather then of truth ; yet when a man stakes his life and soul , it argues at least , that he is resigned , and honest , and charitable , and noble ; and this among weak people will more advance his opinion then reason , and demonstration : so by persecuting of error , we do what in us lyes to canonize it ; and by crowning of it wth the glory of martyrdom ; we take an effectual course to encrease the number of its voterys . iv. and lastly , it is contrary to that care , and tender regard of truth , which christianity injoyns us ; for in many instances there is so near a resemblance between truth and error , that our purblind reason can hardly distinguish between them ; and therefore if error were left to the persecutions of such fallible creatures as we , truth would be exposed to inevitable danger ; for if you set a blind man to weed your garden ; you must expect that sometimes he will pull up flowers instead of weeds : and if we that are so prone to err , should be authorized to root up error , 't would be impossible but we should sometimes mistake , and root up truth instead of error ; and therefore our saviour considering this , hath reserved that power in his own hands , as you may see at large in matth. . . &c. another parable put he forth unto them , saying , the kingdom of heaven is likened unto a man that soweth good seed in his field , and while men slept , his enemy came and sowed tares among his wheat , and went away : upon which this mans servants ask him , in the verse , if they should go and gather up the tares ; to which he answers him , nay , lest while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them : let both grow together until the harvest . by the field here , all men agree , we are to understand the church , and by the seed sown in it , that of the pure and sound doctrines of religion ; so that all the difficulty of the parable , lyes in understanding what is meant by the tares , and what by the not gathering the tares : by the the tares , must be meant either persons of wicked lives , or of false and evil opinions ; and by the not gathering these tares , must be understood , either the not cutting them off by the temporal sword , or the not excommunicating , and cutting them off by the spiritual sword ; but by the tares , cannot be meant persons of wicked lives , for then the text would forbid the punishment of evil doers ; by not gathering the tares , cannot be meant the not cutting them off by the spiritual sword , for then the text would forbid the church to excommunicate either wicked livers , or obstinate hereticks : and therefore of necessity by the tares , must be meant persons of evil opinions ; and by the not gathering them , the not destroying them by the temporal sword , and this interpretation is very much favoured , by the reason that is given of the prohibition , least ye also root up the wheat with them ; as if he should have said , as for external wickednesses , i freely leave them to the lash of humane judicatures ; the rectitude or obliquity of them being far more discernable , then of inward speculations , and opinions ; but i will by no means trust you with the punishment of errors ; least through interest , passion , or mistake , you should exterminate the truth with it , for you being so fallible , and apt to err , it is impossible but sometimes you must miss the mark ; mistake the wheat for tares , and hit the truth , though you aime at error . having thus shewed you how contrary it is to the spirit , and genius of christianity , to destroy mens lives , upon the score of mere opinion , or religion ; i shall now conclude what i have said , with one inference from the whole . use , from hence i infer , the antichristian tyranny of the church of rome , who hath fleshed her self with so many slaughters , and dyed her garments so deep in the blood of christians , upon no other score , but only their differing from her , in some ( at least ) disputable , and harmless opinions ; because upon her bare word they could not believe propositions , which to them seemed contrary to sense , and reason , and scripture and their faith had not stomach enough , to digest the most fulsome absurdities and swallow the grossest contradictions : blessed jesu ! that ever a church pretending to be thy spouse , should be so forgetful of thy mercies , as to spill the blood of so many thousands of christians , upon no other account , but because they could not believe her absolution such a philosophers stone , as to turn attrition into effectual repentance ; and a few words of a priest , such a powerful charm , as to conjure a man to heaven in an instant : and because thou hast made holiness the sole condition of eternal life , durst not depend upon confraternities , stations , and priviledge-altars , dei's , little offices , amulets , and such like hallowed baubles , because they could not worship images , and pray to god , and saints in the same form of words , and durst not run from scripture , to uncertain traditions , and from ancient traditions , unto new pretences ; from reasonable services , into blind devotions ; from believing the necessity of inward acts of piety , and devotion , into a dangerous temptation of resting upon the opus operatum , the meer numbring of so many beads , and saying of so many prayers ! that ever christians should be destroyed by christians , for not believing all those monstrous absurdities , which transubstantiation implies , that christs body may be in a thousand places at the same time ; that it may stay in a place while it is going from it , be both in , and out of the same place , in the same moment ; that it may come from heaven to earth , and yet never stir out of heaven , nor be any where in the way between ; that his whole body is in each crumb of each consecrated wafer , and that without being lessened , all its parts are crouded up into one single attom , and lye all within the compass of a pin's head , though it be foot long ; that though it be whole and entire in every crumb , and there be of these crumbs in distant places ; yet doth it not multiply into bodies , but still remains one and the same : now what greater tyranny can there be , than to destroy and massacre men for not believing such a mass of palpable contradictions ? and yet for these , and such like causes it is that rome hath so often washed her barbarous hands in protestant blood ; imbroiled the christian world , and by the terrour of her awful thunder-bolts , scared subjects into rebellion against their lawful soveraigns , and soveraigns into persecution of their natural subjects : of the truth of which i could give you a thousand forein instances ; but in complyance with the time and occasion , i shall rather chuse to confine my self at home : to destroy mens lives upon the score of religion , was a practice never known in england , till the time of henry the th ; who being an usurper , and so liable to many enemies , both forein and domestick ; sought to endear the pope to him , who was then moderator of christendom , by sending him , as a token of his love and duty , the blood of his enemies : and for many years after this was the yearly sacrifice our english monarks were fain to offer up to the roman idol ; and whensoever through their own weakness , they either feared , or were forced to flatter him ; they had no other way to appease the angry demon , but by causing their children to pass through the fire to him , and glutting his thirsty vengeance with their blood : but when afterwards our english monarchs threw off the roman yoak , and would no longer be the popes leeches ; he immediately issueth out his bulls , and excommunications to alarum their subjects into a rebellion against them : for immediately upon queen elizabeth's coming to the throne , pope paul the th . refuseth to acknowledge her , pretending this crown to be a fee of the papacy , and that therefore it was audaciously done of her , to assume it without his leave ; and because she would not turn out immediately , when her great landlord had given her such fair warning , pope pius the th . takes out a writ of ejectment , issueth out his bull , and deposeth her ; in which he thus expresserh himself , volumus , & jubemus ut adversus elizabetham angliae reginam subditi arma capessant ; it is our will and command that the subjects of england take up arms against their queen : upon which followed the northern rebellion , and sundry private attempts of the papists , to murder her : afterwards pope gregory the th . having two bastards to provide for , one of his own , and another of the emperours , he bestowed the kingdom of england upon the one , and that of ireland upon the other ; but neither of these prevailing , sixtus the th . curses her afresh , and publishes a crusade against her ; and bequeaths the whole right of her dominions to philip the d . king of spain ; but when neither the popes bounty , nor the blessings of his successors , nor the spanish arms , nor italian arts , could prevail against god's providence , which till the end of her daies pitched its tents about her . pope clement the th . seeing there was no other remedy , resolved to let her go like a heretick as she was , and to take more care that another heretick might not succeed her ; for which end he sent over two breves into england ; one to the clergy , and another to the laity ; commanding them not to suffer any but a catholick , though never so near in blood to succeed her ; the design of which was to exclude king james , who was the sole heir apparent to the crown ; upon which the papists indeavoured to their utmost , to prevent his coming in , and afterwards to throw him out again ; and when neither took effect , at last they resolve to send him to heaven with a vengeance , by a blow of gun-powder ; which was a villany so black and odious , that the romanists themselves do blush to own it : and indeed , were it not so apparent from the confessions of the traitors themselves ; who acknowledged the jesuits to be their conspirators , that egged them on by their pernicious counsels ; swore them to secresie by the holy trinity , and gave them the sacrament upon it , that they should neither withdraw themseves from , nor discover it to others without common consent : i say , were it not for these , and a thousand other notorious circumstances , one would have thought it impossible such a hellish design could ever have been acted under the wing and patronage of the best religion that ever was : but he that shall consider the bloody principles with which the roman church hath sophisticated christianity , must needs confess that there is no wickedness so horrid , of which her religion will not make her capable ; for 't is decreed by the lateran council , that in case any prince be a favourer of hereticks , the pope shall discharge his subjects from their allegiance , and give away his kingdom to some catholick , who upon rooting out those hereticks , shall possess it without contradiction : and 't is the general doctrine of her most celebrated divines , that the pope hath power to depose kings at his pleasure ; and this father parsons determines to be a point of faith , to believe it is in the popes power to depose heretical princes ; and that subjects are upon their being declared heretical , thereby absolved from all duty of obedience to him ; and this bellarmin proves at large , by giving us sundry examples of popes , who have deposed kings and emperours ; as of gregory the second , who deprived the emperour leo of a great part of his dominions , because he opopposed the worship of images ; of pope zacherie who deposed childerick of france ; of gregory the th who deposed henry the th emperor of germany ; of innocent the d , who deposed the emperor otho the th ; of innocent the th , who deposed frederick the d , and clement the th , who also deposed lewis the th , a●d so at last gravely concludes ; that because they had done so , they might do so still ; as if wickedness were sanctifyed by wicked examples . so also gregory de valentia affirms , that an heretical prince may by the popes sentence be deprived of his life , estate , and soveraignty . but beyond all these are those traiterous positions of mariana the spanish jesuite ; who affirms , that it is not only lawful to kill a king upon the popes s●ntance ; but also upon the verdict of a few learned doctors : and discoursing pro and con of the most convenient way of doing it , at last determines prisoning to be the most orthodox and catholick . and if we look into the histories of these last years , we shall find their practice hath made a bloody comment on their doctrines ; for in those days when excommunications from rome were so terrible , and all things shrunk at the flash of those thunders ; it was the ordinary recreation of those insolent prelates , to play at foot-ball with the crowns of princes , and trample on the necks of emperors : as the fredericks , the henries , the lodovici , bavari , found by woful experience , who were abandoned of their subjects , their kindred , their allies , their own children ; were troden under foot , deposed from their empires , defamed as hereticks , and chased like raskals . these goodly mirrours one would think were sufficient to warn all christian princes to shake off the yoak that for so many ages hath galed the necks of their ancestors . but if after so m●ny woful examples , there should remain any doubt of the tyrannick cruelties of rome , let us remember that pair of royal sacrifices the two last henry's of france , both barbarously murdered by the popes executioners : the first by the hand of a fryar , whose villany was commended by pope sixtus the th in an oration to his cardinals ; wherein he compares the fact with the incarnation and resurrection of christ : and the fryars virtue and courage , and servent love to god , to that of judith , and eliazar , in the maccabees . blessed god! what wickedness will these men stick at the head of whose religion cannonizeth regicide , and christians murder a meritorious virtue ? and why should the papists be ashamed to own the powder treason , [ which though it may compare with the blackest inte●●gues of hell , and was foul enough to bring the devil himself into disgrace ] yet was warranted by the principles of their bloody religion ? but 't is an old maxim of the roman politicks , never to own an unsuccessful villany ; and without doubt had not the parisian massacre taken effect , in which protestants were slaughtered in one night , the papists would have as loudly disclaimed that , as now they do the powder treason : but it being successful , the news of it at rome , as their own thuanus tells us , was welcomed with publick festivals , bonfires , and tryumphs ; the pope himself congratulating the inhumane cruelty of the french king , commending the faith of those bloudy wretches , whose hands were imbrewed in the slaughter , and distributing his paternal blessings among them : and without all controversie had faux and catesby been but as successful as they , their faith had been as much praised , and their persons as much blessed ; and the fifth of november had been as high a festival in the roman calender , as it is now in the english. thus if you trace the romish religion in all her late progresses , you will find that her way hath lead all along through a wilderness of confusion , and a red sea of blood : and though now she exerciseth less cruelties in the world , than formerly ; yet her will is the same , her principles the same , her documents of cutting throats the same , though blessed be god her power and interest is abated : for now a days , princes are grown too stout to kiss his holiness's toe , to hold his stirrup , and run like lacquies at his heels : those golden days are gone , and he that was wont to command , is fain to intreat his own children ; and as an ingenious author hath observed , whilst princes can stand upon their own legs , they may goe their own pace , as fast and as slow as they please ; but should any misfortune throw them upon all four , we shall soon see his holiness get up and ride them what pace he pleases : and being bestrid by such a furious jehu , to be sure they will want neither whip nor spur to make them as swift to shed blood as ever . for thus at present , the french king may allow his hugonots what liberty he pleases , and his holiness is fain to sit still , and be silent ; being kept in aw by that puissant monarch , whose cannon bullets , are grown too strong for his thunder-bolts : but the case was otherwise with charles the th , who being weakened by faction , and impoverished by civil broils , was in a manner necessitated to that infamous butchery at paris , to appease the pope , and prevent the excommunication he threatned him , unless he speedily destroyed the hugonots with fire and sword : and indeed the pope is bound both by their councels , and canons to destroy hereticks , if he can ; and which is all one , to excommunicate their favourers : for this is decreed in the th lateran councel , that all hereticks should be excommunicated , and then delivered up to the lash of the secular powers : but if the prince , or secular power being required , and admonished by the church , do not endeavour to their utmost , to exterminate , and destroy these hereticks , he shall be presently excommunicated by the metropolitan or arch-bishop ; and if within a year he doth not amend , his obstinacy shall be signifyed to the pope , vt ex tunc ipse vasallos ab ejus fidelitate denuntiet absolutos , &c. that from that time the pope may denounce his subjects absolved from their allegiance to him : and gregory the th , in that famous bull of his , intituled literae processus lectae die coenae domini , excommunicates , all hussites wiclivites , zuinglians , calvinists , hugonots , and other hereticks , together with their concealers , and favourers , and in general all those which desend them ; so that according to this bull , a child cannot conceal his parents , nor a prince rescue his subjecte from the popes blood-hounds , under the penalty of excommunication . and pope julius the d in another bull , hath determin'd , that if any man examin the doctrines of the pope , by the rule of gods word , and seeing it is different , chance to contradict it , he shall be rooted out with fire and sword. was not this a precious vicar , do you think , thus to doom men to slaughter , for not believing his own unreasonable dictates , before the infallible oracles of god himself ? and yet these bulls of the popes , with the rest of their decretals , extravagants and clementines , are all inserted in the body of the canon law of the church of rome , aud so are made as good and current popery as ever was coyned in the councel of trent : and now , after all this , me thinks 't is impossible we should be so besorted , as to trust to the cruel courtesies of rome , whose religion breaths nothing but blood and slaughter . the cry indeed of the roman factors among us , is nothing but toleration , and liberty of conscience ; and since the laws have proscribed them for their treasonous practices , and for swearing themselves vassals to the pope , whose countermands ( if they are faithful to their own principles ) must evacuate all their obligations to their natural prince ; what tragical exclamations do they make against persecution ? as if they meant to have the monopoly of it , that no body might persecute but themselves ; and though in the popish dominions , they are as fell and rabbid as so many lybean tygers , yet no sooner do they set foot upon the english shores , but as if there were an inchantment in the soil , the wolves turn sheep immediately , or at least disguise themselves in sheeps cloathing : but if ever these sweet and merciful gentlemen get into the saddle again , we shall soon find them in another note , and persecution will be zeal again , and racks and gibbets catholick arguments , and there will be no way to illuminate the understandings of us hereticks , like the light of a flaming fagget : for how can we expect it should be otherwise , when we reflect upon what is past , when the marian days are yet within our prospect ? and 't is not half an age ago since ireland swam in protestant blood , which was spilt by the instigation of some of these fawning hypocrites , who now declaim forsooth for liberty of conscience , and defie persecution and all its works : but this pretence , its evident , is only a coppy of their countenances , and without all controversie the bottom of their design is only to perswade us to let them grow till they are strong enough to cut our throats ; for 't is the subtilty of these harpys never to show their talons till they have their prey within their reach : but if what they pretend were real , why do they not allow what they plead for , and indulg that liberty to dissenters abroad , which here they crave for themselves ? why do they not as much exclaim against the spanish inquision , which hath been confirmed by so many bulls of their own popes , as they do against the english laws , and condemn the barbarous cruelties of the one , as well as the milder severities of the other ! for till they do so , we have reason to believe that 't is not against persecution they exclaim , but against being persecuted . but in the mean time , how can we expect that they should be merciful to our bodies , whose religion damns our souls ? or that if ever they get uppermost , [ which god prevent : ] they that are so uncharitable now , as to shut us out of heaven ; should be so charitable then , as not to drive us out of the world ! for this is a maxim founded upon the experience of all ages , that that religion which damns us when it is weak , will burn us when it is able . wherefore , since god in his mercy hath delivered us from the romish tyranny ; let us with thankful hearts extoll and praise his goodness , and take heed for the future , least by our divisions , or apostacies we return again unto that yoak of bondage ; and since the emissaries of rome are now so busily pursuing their old maxim , divide , & impera , and blowing the coals of our divisions , in hope at last to warm their hands at our flames ; o that we would now study the ways of peace , and reconciliation ! and not like the miserable jews , fall out among our selves , while the roman is at our gates ; for all the time we are contending in the ship , our enemy is boring a hole in the bottom ; and while we are fomenting our unhappy differences , and tearing our own wounds wider , the priest and jesuit are at work in our doublets ; who ever since their gunpowder-treason was defeated , have been strewing trains of wild-fire among our selves , to make us our own executioners , and blow us up by our own hands : for what else hath been their business among us , but only to raise sects and factions , and sow discords , and divisions in the church of england , which they know is the only bulwork of the protestant religion among us . o would to god we would once heartily attempt to countermine them ! as we might yet easily do . would we but once lay aside our unchristian passions , and prejudices , and study mutual compliances , and prefer religion before a faction , and abate some little punctilioes to the soberer , and more governable dissenters : these things if they might obtain amongst us , would yet undoubtedly secure us against all the attempts of our adversaries , and render their most hopeful design ; desperate , and unseasable : but if we will be deaf to all the arguments which our common interests , and dangers suggest to us ; if we will still squander into sects and parties , and nothing will serve our turns but the ruine of that poor church which for so many years hath been the shelter , and sanctuary of the protestant religion : the time may come perhaps , when we may dearly repent of our own follies , and remember , with tears in our eyes , that we had once an opportunity to be happy . let me therefore beseech you , even by all that love you bear to the protestant religion , to your own safety , and to the lives , and souls of your posterity ; to lay aside all faction , bitterness , and animosity ; lest by your unchristian divisions , you open the flood-gates of popery on your selves , and out a gap to let in the stygian lake of ignorance , idolatry , superstition , and blood : which god of his infinite mercy avert . to whom be honor , and glory , and power , and dominion , for ever . finis . ☞ there is lately printed , a sermon , preached before the honorable the military company at st. clements danes july . . . by the same author : and are to be sold by t. tayler at the hand and bible on london bridge . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e sulp. sev. hist. lib. p. . antinin . pars . tit. . cap. . ger. busdrag . epist. ad c●rdid . pisar. ●hil●p edict . elizab p. . de rom , pont. lib. ● . c. ● . t●m . . in thom , dil . . q. ● . p. ● . de reg. inst. l. . c. . orat. sixt. th . prited at paris . thuan. hist. lib. . conc. lat. . c. . collect. divers . constit pars . p. . de vita ignati . l. . c . p. . a collection of papers against popery and arbitrary government written by g. burnet. burnet, gilbert, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a collection of papers against popery and arbitrary government written by g. burnet. burnet, gilbert, - . p. in various pagings. printed at amsterdam, and sold by j. robinson in london, [amsterdam] : mdclxxxix [ ] "reasons against the repealing the acts of parliament concerning the test" has special t.p. and imprint date. imperfect: pages cropped with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. a letter, containing some remarks on the two papers, writ by his late majesty king charles the second, concerning religion -- reasons against the repealing the acts of parliament concerning the test -- some reflections on his majesty's proclamation -- by the king, a proclamation -- a letter, containing some reflections on his majesties declaration for liberty of conscience -- an answer to mr. henry payne's letter concerning his majesty's declaration of indulgence -- the earle of melfort's letter to the presbyterian ministers in scotland -- an answer to a paper printed with allowance, entitled, a new test of the church of england's loyalty. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng payne, henry. -- an answer to a scandalous pamphlet entituled a letter to a dissenter concerning his majesties late declaration of indulgence. catholic church -- infallibility. church and state -- england. liberty of conscience. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - spi global rekeyed and resubmitted - rachel losh sampled and proofread - rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a collection of papers against popery and arbitrary government . written by g. bvrnet , d. d. printed at amsterdam , and sold by j. robinson in london , mdclxxxix . a letter , containing some remarks on the two papers , writ by his late majesty king charles the second , concerning religion . sir , i thank you for the two royal papers , that you have sent me : i had heard of them before , but now we have them so well attested , that there is no hazard of being deceived by a false copy : you expect that in return , i should let you know , what impression they have made upon me . i pay all the reverence that is due to a crown'd head , even in ashes ; to which i will never be wanting : far less am i capable of suspecting the royal attestation that accompanies them ; of the truth of which i take it for granted no man doubts ; but i must crave leave to tell you , that i am confident , the late king only copied them , and that they are not of his composing : for as they have nothing of that free air , with which he expressed himself ; so there is a contexture in them , that does not look like a prince ; and the beginning of the first shewes it was the effect of a conversation , and was to be communicated to another : so that i am apt to think they were composed by another , and were so well relished by the late king , that he thought fit to keep them , in order to his examining them more particularly : and that he was prevailed with to copy them , lest a paper of that nature might have been made a crime , if it had been found about him written by another hand : and i could name one or two persons , who as they were able enough to compose such papers , so had power enough over his spirit to engage him to copy them , and to put themselves out of danger by restoring the original . you ought to address your self to the learned divines of our church , for an answer to such things in them as pussle you , and not to one that has not the honour to be of that body ; and that has now carried a sword for some time , and imploys the leasure that at any time he enjoyes , rather in philosophical and mathematical enquiries , than in matters of controversy . there is indeed one consideration that determined me more easily to comply with your desires , which is , my having had the honour to discourse copiously of those matters with the late king himself : and he having proposed to me some of the particulars that i find in those papers , & i having said several things to him , in answer to those heads , which he offered to me only as objections , with which he seemed fully satisfied , i am the more willing to communicate to you , that which i took the liberty to lay before his late majesty on several occasions : the particulars on which he insisted in discourse with me , were the uselesness of a law without a judge , and the neecssity of an infallible tribunal to determine controversies ▪ to which he added , the many sects that were in england , which seemed to be a necessary consequence of the liberty that every one took to interpret the scriptures : and he often repeated that of the church of englands arguing , from the obligation to obey the church , against the sectaries , which he thought was of no force , unless they allowed more authority to the church than they seemed willing to admit , in their disputes with the church of rome . but upon this whole matter i will offer you some reflections , that will , i hope , be of as great weight with you , as they are with my self . i. all arguments that prove upon such general considerations , that there ought to be an infallible judge named by christ , and clothed with his authority , signify nothing , unless it can be shewed us , in what texts of scripture that nomination is to be found ; and till that is shewed , they are only arguments brought to prove that christ ought to have done somewhat that he has not done . so these are in effect so many arguments against christ , unless it appears that he has authorised such a iudge : therefore the right way to end this dispute , is , to shew where such a constitution is authorised : so that the most that can be made of this is , that it amounts to a favorable presumption . ii. it is a very unreasonable thing for us to form presumptions , of what is , or ought to be , from inconveniences that do arise , in case that such things are not : for we may carry this so far , that it will not be easie to stop it . it seems more sutable to the infinite goodness of god , to communicate the knowledge of himself to all mankind , and to furnish every man with such assistances as will certainly prevail over him . it seems also reasonable to think , that so perfect a saviour as iesus christ was , should have shewed us a certain way , and yet consistent with the free use of our faculties , of avoiding all sin : nor is it very easy to imagine , that it should be a reproach on his gospel , if there is not an infallible preservative against errour , when it is acknowledged , that there is no infallible preservative against sin : for it is certain , that the one damns us more infallibly , than the other . iii. since presumptions are so much insisted on , to prove what things must be appointed by christ ; it is to be considered , that it is also a reasonable presumption , that if such a court was appointed by him , it must be done in such plain terms that there can be no room to question the meaning of them : and since this is the hinge upon which all other matters turn , it ought to be expressed so particularly , in whom it is vested , that there should be no occasion given to dispute , whether it is in one man or in a body ; and if in a body , whether in the majority , or in the two thirds , or in the whole body unanimously agreeing : in short , the chief thing in all governments being the nature and power of the judges , those are always distinctly specified ; and therefore if these things are not specified in the scriptures ; it is at least a strong presumption , that christ did not intend to authorise such judges . iv. there were several controversies raised among the churches to which the apostles writ , as appears by the epistles to the romans , corinthians , galatians and colossians , yet the apostles never make use of those passages that are pretended for this authority to put an end to those controversies ; which is a shrewd presumption , that they did not understand them in that sense in which the church of rome does now take them . nor does st. paul in the directions that he gives to church-men in his epistles to timothy and titus , reckon this of submitting to the directions of the church for one , which he could not have omitted , if this be the true meaning of those disputed passages : and yet he has not one word sounding that way , which is very different from the directions which one possessed with the present , view that the church of rome has of this matter must needs have givē . v. there are some things very expresly taught in the n. testament , such as the rules of a good life , the use of the sacraments , the addressing our selves to god for mercy and grace , thro the sacrifice that christ offered for us on the cross , and the worshipping him as god , the death , resurrection and ascension of jesus christ , the resurrection of our bodies and life everlasting : by which it is apparent , that we are set beyond doubt in those matters ; if then there are other passages more obscure concerning other matters , we must conclude , that these are not of that consequence , otherwise they would have been as plainly revealed as the others are ; but above all , if the authority of the church is delivered to us in disputable terms , that is a just prejudice against it , since it is a thing of such consequence , that it ought to have been revealed in a way so very clear and past all dispute . vi. if it is a presumption for particular persons to judge concerning religion , which must be still referred to the priests & other guides in sacred matters ; this is a good argument to oblige all nations to continue in the established religion , whatever it may happen to be ; and above all others , it was a convincing argument in the mouths of the jewes against our saviour . he pretended to be the messias , and proved it both by the prophesies that were accomplished in him , and by the miracles that he wrought : as for the prophesies , the reasons urged by the church of rome will conclude much stronger , that such dark passages as those of the prophets were , ought not to be interpreted by particular persons , but that the exposition of these must be referred to the priests and sanhedrin , it being expresly provided in their law ( deut. . . ) that when controversies arose , concerning any cause that was too intricate , they were to go to the place which god should choose , and to the priests of the tribe of levi , & to the judge in those daies , & that they were to declare what was right , & to their decision all were obliged to submit , under pain of death : so that by this it appears , that the priests in the jewish religion were authorised in so extraordinary a manner , that i dare say the church of rome would not wish for a more formal testimony on her behalf : as for our saviours miracles , these were not sufficient neither , unless his doctrine was first found to be good : since moses had expresly warned the people ( deut. . . ) that if a prophet came and taught them to follow after other gods , they were not to obey him , tho he wrought miracles to prove his mission , but were to put him to death : so a jew saying , that christ , by making himself one with his father , brought in the wors●hip of another god , might well pretend that he was not obliged to yield to the authority of our saviours miracles , without taking cognisance of his doctrine , and of the prophesies concerning the messias , and in a word , of the whole matter . so that , if these reasonings are now good against the reformation , they were as strong in the mouths of the iewes against our saviour : and from hence we see , that the authority that seems to be given by moses to the priests , must be understood with some restrictions ; since we not only find the prophets , and ieremy in particular , opposing themselves to the whole body of them , but we see likewise , that for some considerable time before our saviour's dayes , not only many ill-grounded traditions had got in among them , by which the vigour of the moral law was much enervated , but likewise they were also universally possessed with a false notion of their messias ; so that even the apostles themselves had not quite shaken off those prejudices at the time of our saviour's ascension . so that ▪ here a church , that was still the church of god , that had the appointed means of the expiation of their sins , by their sacrifices and washings , as well as by their circumcision , was yet under great and fatal errors , from which particular persons had no way to extricate themselves , but by examining the doctrine and texts of scripture , and by judging of them according to the evidence of truth , and the force & freedom of their faculties . vii . it seems evident , that the passage [ tell the church ] belongs only to the reconciling of differences : ●hat of [ binding & of loosing , ] according to the use of those terms among the iews , signifies only an authority that was given to the apostles , of giving precepts , by which men were to be obliged to such duties , or set at liberty from them : and [ the gates of hell not prevailing against the church ] signifys only , that the christian religion was never to come to an end , or to perish : & that of [ christs being with the apostles to the end of the world ] imports only a special conduct & protection which the church may alwayes expect , but as the promise , i will not leave thee nor forsake thee ; that belongs to every christian , does not import an infallibility : no more does the other : and for those passages concerning [ the spirit of god that searches all things ] it is plain , that in them st. paul is treating of the divine inspiration , by which the christian religion was then opened to the world ; which he sets in opposition to the wisdom or philosophy of the greeks ; so that as all those passages come far short of proving that for which they are alledged , it must at least be acknowledged , that they have not an evidence great enough to prove so important a truth , as some would evince by them ; since 't is a matter of such vast consequence , that the proofs for it must have an undeniable evidence . viii . in the matters of religion two things are to be considered , first , the account that we must give to god , and the rewards that we expect from him : and in this every man must answer for the sincerity of his heart , in examining divine matters , and the following what ( upon the best enquiries that one could make ) appeared to be true : and with relation to this , there is no need of a iudge ▪ for in that great day every one must answer to god according to the talents thar he had , and all will be saved according to their ●incerity ; and with relation to that judgement , there is no need of any other judge but god. a second view of religion , is as it is a body united together , & by consequence brought under some regulation : and as in all states , there are subalterne iudges , in whose decisions all must at least acquiesce , tho they are not infallible , there being still a sort of an appeal to be made to the soveraigne or the supream legsliative body ; so the church has a subalterne iurisdiction : but as the authority of inferiour judges is still regulated , and none but the legislators themselves have an authority equal to the law ; so it is not necessary for the preservation of peace and order , that the decisions of the church should be infallible , or of equal authority with the scriptures . if judges do so manifestly abuse their authority , that they fall into rebellion and treason , the subjects are no more bound to consider them ; but are obliged to resist them , and to maintain their obedience to their soveraign ; tho' in other matters their judgment must take place , till they are reversed by the soveraign . the case of religion being then this , that jesus christ is the soveraign of the church ; the assembly of the pastors is only a subalterne iudge : if they manifestly oppose themselves to the scriptures , which is the law of christians , particular persons may be supposed as competent iudges of that , as in civill matters they may be of the rebellion of the iudges , and in that case they are bound still to mantain their obedience to iesus christ. in matters indifferent , christians are bound , for the preservation of peace and unity , to acquiesce in the decisions of the church , and in matters justly doubtful , or of small consequence , tho they are convinced that the pastors have erred , yet they are obliged to be silent , and to bear tolerable things , rather than make a breach : but if it is visible , that the pastors do rebel against the soveraign of the church , i mean christ , the people may put in their appeal to that great iudge , and there it must lie . if the church did use this authority with due discretion , and the people followed the rules that i have named with humility and modesty , there would be no great danger of many divisions ; but this is the great secret of the providence of god , that men are still men , and both pastors and people mix their passions and interests so with matters of religion , that as there is a great deal of sin and vice still in the world , so that appears in the matters of religion as well as in other things : but the ill consequences of this , tho they are bad enough , yet are not equal to the effects that ignorant superstition , and obedient zeal have produced in the world , witness the rebellions and wars for establishing the worship of images ; the croissades against the saracens , in which many millions were lost ; those against hereticks , and princes deposed by popes , which lasted for some ages ; and the massacre of paris , with the butcheries of the duke of alva in the last age , and that of ireland in this : which are , i suppose , far greater mischiefs than any that can be imagined to arise out of a small diversity of opinions : and the present state of this church , notwithstanding all those unhappy rents that are in it , is a much more desirable thing , than the gross ignorance and blind superstition that reigns in italy and spain at this day . ix . all these reasonings concerning the infallibility of the church signify nothing , unless we can certainly know , whither we must go for this decision : for while one party shewes us , that it must be in the pope , or is no where , and another party sayes it cannot be in the pope , because as many popes have erred , so this is a doctrine that was not known in the church for a thousand years , and that has been disputed ever since it was first asserted , we are in the right to believe both sides ; first , that if it is not in the pope , it is no where ; and then , that certainly it is not in the pope ; and it is very incongruous to say , that there is an infallible authority in the church , and that yet it is not certain where one must seek for it ; for the one ought to be as clear as the other ; and it is also plain , that what primacy so ever st. peter may be supposed to have had , the scripture sayes not one word of his successors at rome ; so at least this is not so clear , as a matter of this consequence must have been , if christ had intended to have lodged such an authority in that see. x. it is no less incongruous to say , that this infallibility is in a general council : for it must be somewhere else , otherwise it will return only to the church by some starts , and after long intervals : and as it was not in the church , for the first years , so it has not been in the church these last ▪ years . it is plain also , that there is no regulation given in the scriptures , concerning this great assembly , who have a right to come & vote , and what forfeits this right , and what numbers must concur in a decision , to assure us of the infallibility of the iudgment . it is certain , there was never a general council of all the pastors of the church : for those of which we have the acts , were only the councils of the roman empire , but for those churches that were in the south of africk , or the eastern parts of asia ▪ beyond the bounds of the roman empire , as they could not be summoned by the emperours authority , so it is certain none of them were present : unless one or two of persia at nice , which perhaps was a corner of persia belonging to the empire ; and unless it can be proved , that the pope has an absolute authority to cut off whole churches from their right of coming to councils , there has been no general council these last . years in the world , ever since the bishops of rome have excommunicated all the greek churches upon such trifling reasons , that their own writers are now ashamed of them ; and i will ask no more of a man of a competent understanding , to satisfy him that the council of trent was no general council , acting in that freedom that became bishops , than that he will be at the pains to read card. pallavicins history of that council . xi . if it is said , that this infallibility is to be sought for in the tradition of the doctrine in all ages , and that every particular person must examine this : here is a sea before him , and instead of examining the small book of the n. testament , he is involved in a study that must cost a man an age to go thro it ; and many of the ages , thro which he caries this enquiry , are so dark , and have produced so few writers , at least so few are preserved to our dayes , that it is not possible to 〈◊〉 out their belief . we find also traditions have varied so much that it is hard to say that there is much weight to be laid on this way of conveyance . a tradition concerning matters of fact that all people see , is less apt to fail than a tradition of points of speculation : and yet we see very near the age of the apostles , contrary traditions touching the observation of easter , from which we must conclude , that either the matter of fact of one side , or the other , as it was handed down , was not true , or at least that it was not rightly understood . a tradition concerning the use of the sacraments being a visible thing , is more likely to be exact , than a speculation concerning their nature ; and yet we find a tradition of giving infants the communion , grounded on the indispensible necessity of the sacrament , continued a thousand years in the church . a tradition on which the christians founded their joy and hope , is less like to be changed , than a more remote speculation , and yet the first writers of the christian religion had a tradition handed down to them by those who saw the apostles , of the reign of christ for a thousand years upon earth ; and if those who had matters at second hand from the apostles , could be thus mistaken , it is more reasonable to apprehend greater errours at such a distance . a tradition concerning the book of the scriptures is more like to be exact , than the exposition of some passages in it ; and yet we find the church did unanimously believe the translation of the . interpreters to have been the effect of a miraculous inspiration , till st. ierome examined this matter better , and made a new translation from the hebrew copies . but which is more then all the rest , it seems plain , that the fathers befor the council of nice believed the divinity of the son of god to be in some sort inferiour to that of the father , and for some ages after the council of nice , they believed them indeed both equal , but they considered these as two different beings , and only one in essence , as , three men have the same humane nature in common among them ; and that as one candle lights another , so the one flowed from another ; and after the fifth century the doctrine of one individual essence was received . if you will be farther informed concerning this , father petau will satisfy you as to the first period before the council of nice , and the learned dr. cudmorth as to the second . in all which particulars it appears , how variable a thing tradition is . and upon the whole matter , the examining tradition thus , is still a searching among books , and here is no living judge . xii . if then the authority that must decide controversies , lies in the body of the pastors scattered over the world , which is the last retrenchment , here as many and as great scruples will arise , as we found in any of the former heads . two difficulties appear at first view , the one is , how can we be assured that the present pastors of the church are derived in a just succession from the apostles : there are no registers extant that prove this : so that we have nothing for it but some histories , that are so carelesly writ , that we find many mistakes in them in other matters ; and they are so different in the very first links of that chain , that immediatly succeeded the apostles , that the utmost can be made of this is , that here is a historical relation somewhat doubtful ; but here is nothing to found our faith on : so that if a succession from the apostles times , is necessary to the constitution of that church , to which we must submit our selves , we know not where to find it : besides that , the doctrine of the necessity of the intention of the minister to the validity of a sacrament , throws us into inextricable difficulties . i know they generally say , that by the intention they do not mean the inward acts of the minister of the sacrament , but only that it must appear by his outward deportment , that he is in earnest going about a sacrament , and not doing a thing in jest ; and this appeared so reasonable to me , that i was sorry to find our divines urge it too much : till turning over the rubricks that are at the beginning of the missal , i found upon the head of the intention of the minister , that if a priest has a number of hoslies before him to be consecrated , and intends to consecrate them all , except one , in that case that vagrant exception falls upon them all : it not being affixed to any one , and it is defined that he consecrates none at all . here it is plain , that the secret acts of a priest can defeat the sacrament ▪ so that this overthrows all certainty concerning a succession : but besides all this , we are sure , that the greek churches have a much more uncontested succession than the latines : so that a succession cannot direct us . and if it is necessary to seek out the doctrines that are universally received , this is not possible for a private man to know . so that in ignorant countries , where there is little study , the people have no other certainty concerning their religion , but what they take from their curate and confessor : since they cannot examine what is generally received . so that it must be confessed that all the arguments that are brought for the necessity of a constant infallible iudge , turn against all those of the church of rome , that do not acknowledge the infallibility of the pope : for if he is not infallible , they have no other iudge , that can pretend to it . it were also easy to shew , that some doctrines have been as universally received in some ages , as they have been rejected in others ʒ which shews , that the doctrine of the present church is not alwayes a sure measure . for five ages together , the doctrine of the popes power to depose heretical princes was received without the least opposition : and this cannot be doubted by any that knows what has been the state of the church since the end of the eleventh century : & yet i believe , few princes would allow this , notwithstanding all the concurring authority of so many ages to fortify it . i could carry this into a great many other instances , but i single out this , because it is a point in which princes are naturally extream sensible . upon the whole matter , it can never enter into my mind , that god , who has made man a creature , that naturally enquires and reasons , and that feels as sensible a pleasure when he can give himself a good account of his actions , as one that sees , does perceive in comparison to a blind man that is led about ; and that this god , that has also made religion on design to perfect this humane nature , and to raise it to the utmost height to which it can arrive , has contrived it to be dark , and to be so much beyond the penetration of our faculties , that we cannot find out his mind in those things that are necessary for our salvation : and that the scriptures , that were writ by plain men , in a very familiar stile , and addrest without any discrimination to the vulgar , should become such an unintelligible book in these ages , that we must have an infallible iudge to expound it : and when i see not only popes , but even some bodies that pass for general councils , have so expounded many passages of it , and have wrested them so visibly , that none of the modern writers of that church pretend to excuse it , i say i must freely own to you , that when i find i need a commentary on dark passages , these will be the last persons to whom i will address my self for it . thus you see how fully i have opened my mind to you in this matter ; i have gone over a great deal of ground in as few words as is possible , because hints i know are enough for you ; i thank god , these considerations do fully satisfy me , and i will be infinitely joyed , if they have the same effect on you . i am yours . this letter came to london with the return of the first post after his late majesties papers were sent into the countrey ; some that saw it , liked it well , and wished to have it publick , and the rather , because the writer did not so entirely consine himself to the reasons that were in those papers , but took the whole controversy to task in a little compass , and yet with a great variety of reflections . and this way of examining the whole matter , without following those papers word for word , or the finding more fault than the common concern of this cause required , seemed more aggreeing to the respect that is due to the dead , and more particularly to the memory of so great a prince ; but other considerations made it not so easy nor so adviseable to procure a license for the printing this letter , it has been kept in private hands till now : those who have boasted much of the shortness of the late kings papers , and of the length of the answers that have been made to them , will not find so great a disproportion between them and this answer to them . finis . reasons against the repealing the acts of parliament concerning the test . humbly offered to the consideration of the members of both houses , at their next meeting on the th of april . printed in the year . reasons against the repealing the acts of parliament concerning the test . humbly offered to the consideration of the members of both houses , at their next meeting on the th of april . i if the just apprehensions of the danger of popery gave the birth to the two laws for the two tests , the one with relation to all publick emploiments in . and the other with relation to the constitution of our parliaments for the future in . the present time and conjuncture does not seem so proper for repealing them ; unless it can be imagined , that the danger of popery is now so much less than it was formerly , that we need be no more on our guard against it . we had a king , when these laws were enacted , who as he declared himself to be of the church of england , by receiving the sacrament four times a year in it , so in all his speeches to his parliaments , and in all his declarations to his subjects , he repeated the assurances of his firmness to the protestant religion so solemnly and frequently , that if the saying a thing often gives just reason to believe it , we had as much reason as ever people had to depend upon him : and yet for all that , it was thought necessary to fortify those assurances with laws : and it is not easy to imagin , why we should throw away those , when we have a prince that is not only of another religion himself , but that has expressed so much steadiness in it , and so much zeal for it , that one would think we should rather now seek a further security , than throw away that which we already have . ii. our king has given such testimonies of his zeal for his religion , that we see among all his other royal qualities , there is none for which he desires and deserves to be so much admired . since even the passion of glory , of making himself the terrour of all europe , and the arbiter of christendom , ( which as it is natural to all princes , so must it be most particularly so to one of his martial and noble temper ) yields to his zeal for his church ; and that he , in whom we might have hoped to see our edward the third , or our henry the th revived , chooses rather to merit the heightning his degree of glory in another world , than to acquire all the lawrels and conquests that this low and vile world can give him : and that , instead of making himself a terrour to all his neighbours , he is contented with the humble glory of being a terrour to his own people ; so that instead of the great figure , which this reign might make in the world , all the news of england is now only concerning the practises on some fearful mercenaries . these things shew , that his majesty is so possessed with his religion , that this cannot suffer us to think , that there is at present no danger from popery . iii. it does not appear , by what we see , either abroad or at home , that popery has so changed its nature , that we have less reason to be afraid of it at present , than we had in former times . it might be thought ill nature to go so far back , as to the councils of the lateran , that decreed the extirpation of hereticks , with severe sanctions on those princes that failed in their duty , of being the hangmen of the inquisitors ; or to the council of constance , that decreed , that princes were not bound to keep their faith to hereticks ; thô it must be acknowledged , that we have extraordinary memories if we can forget such things , and more extraordinary understandings if we do not make some inferences from them . i will not stand upon such inconsiderable trifles as the gunpowder plot , or the massacre of ireland ; but i will take the liberty to reflect a little on what that church has done since those laws were made , to give us kinder and softer thoughts of them , and to make us the less apprehensive of them . vve see before our eyes what they have done , and are still doing in france ; and what feeble things edicts , coronation oaths , laws and promises , repeated over and over again , prove to be , where that religion prevails ; and louis le grand makes not so contemptible a figure in that church , or in our court , as to make us think , that his example may not be proposed as a pattern , as well as his aid may be offered for an encouragement , to act the same things in england , that he is now doing with so much applause in france : and it may be perhaps the rather desired from hence to put him a little in countenance , when so great a king as ours is willing to forget himself so far as to copy after him , and to depend upon him : so that as the doctrine and principles of that church must be still the same in all ages and places , since its chief pretension is , that it is infallible , it is no unreasonable thing for us to be afraid of those , who will be easily induced to burn us a little here , when they are told , that such fervent zeal will save them a more lasting burning hereafter , and will perhaps quit all scores so entirely , that they may hope scarce to endure a singing in purgatory for all their other sins . iv. if the severest order of the church of rome , that has breathed out nothing but fire and blood since its first formation , and that is even decryed at rome it self for its violence , is in such credit here ; i do not see any enducement from thence to persuade us to look on the councils that are directed by that society , as such harmless and inoffensive things , that we need be no more on our guard against them . i know not why we may not apprehend as much from father petre , as the french have felt from pere de la chaise , since all the difference that is observed to be between them , is , that the english jesuite has much more fire and passion , and much less conduct and judgment than the french has . and when rome has expressed so great a jealousy of the interest that that order had in our councils , that f. morgan , who was thought to influence our ambassadour , was ordered to leave rome , i do not see why england should look so tamely on them . no reason can be given why card. howard should be shut out of all their councils , unless it be , that the nobleness of his birth , and the gentleness of his temper , are too hard even for his religion and his purple , to be mastered by them . and it is a contradiction , that nothing but a belief capable of receiving transubstantiation can reconcile , to see men pretend to observe law , and yet to find at the same time an ambassadour from england at rome , when there are so many laws in our book of statutes , never yet repealed , that have declared over and over again all commerce with the court and see of rome to be high treason . v. the late famous judgment of our judges , who knowing no other way to make their names immortal , have found an effectual one to preserve them from being ever forgot , seems to call for another method of proceeding . the president they have set must be fatal either to them or us . for if men , that get into scarlet and furrs , have an authority to dissolve all our laws , the english government is to be hereafter lookt at with as much scorn , as it has hitherto drawn admiration . that doubtful vvords of laws , made so long ago , that the intention of the lawgivers is not certainly known , must be expounded by the judges , is not to be questioned : but to infer from thence , that the plain vvords of a law , so lately made , and that was so vigorously asserted by the present parliament , may be made void by a decision of theirs , after so much practice upon them , is just as reasonable a way of arguing , as theirs is , who because the church of england acknowledges , that the church has a power in matters of rites and ceremonies , will from thence conclude , that this power must go so far , that thô christ has said of the cup , drink ye all of it , we must obey the church when she decrees , that we shall not drink of it . our judges , for the greater part , were men that had past their lives in so much retirement , that from thence one might have hoped , that they had studied our law well , since the bar had called them so seldom from their studies : and if practice is thought often hurtful to speculation , as that which disorders and hurries the judgment , they who had practised so little in our law , had no byass on their understandings : and if the habit of taking money as a lawyer is a dangerous preparation for one that is to be an incorrupt judge , they should have been incorruptible , since it is not thought , that the greater part of them got ever so much money by their profession , as pay'd for their furrs . in short , we now see how they have merited their preferment , and they may yet expect a further exaltation , when the justice and the laws of england come to be in hands , that will be as careful to preserve them , as they have been to destroy them . but what an infamy will it lay upon the name of an english parliament , if instead of calling those betrayers of their countrey to an account , they should go by an after-game to confirm what these fellows have done . vi. the late conferences with so many members of both houses , will give such an ill-natured piece of jealousy against them , that of all persons living , that are the most concern'd to take care how they give their votes , the vvorld will believe , that threatnings and promises had as large a share in those secret conversations , as reasoning or persuasion : and it must be a more than ordinary degree of zeal and courage in them , that must take off the blot , of being sent for , and spoke to , on such a subject and in such a manner . the worthy behaviour of the members in the last session , had made the nation unwilling to remember the errors committed in the first election : and it is to be hoped , that they will not give any cause for the future to call that to mind ▪ for if a parliament , that had so many flaws in its first conception , goes to repeal laws , that we are sure were made by legal parliaments , it will put the nation on an enquiry that nothing but necessity will drive them to . for a nation may be laid asleep , and be a little cheated ; but when it is awakned , and sees its danger , it will not look on and see a rape made on its religion and liberties , without examining , from whence have these men this authority ? they will hardly find that it is of men ; and they will not believe that it is of god. but it is to be hoped , that there will be no occasion given for this angry question which is much easier made than answered . vii . if all that were now asked in favour of popery , were only some gentleness towards the papists ; there were some reason to entertain the debate , when the demand were a little more modest : if men were to be attainted of treason , for being reconciled to the church of rome , or for reconciling others to it ; if priests were demanded to be hanged , for taking orders in the church of rome ; and if the two thirds of the papists estates were offered to be levied , it were a very natural thing to see them uneasy and restless : but now the matter is more barefaced ; they are not contented to live at ease , and enjoy their estates ; but they must carry all before them : and f. petre cannot be at quiet , unless he makes as great a figure in our court , as pere de la chaise does at versailles . a cessation of all severities against them , is that to which the nation would more easily submit ; but it is their behaviour that must create them the continuance of the like compassion in another reign . if a restless and a persecuting spirit were not inherent in that order , that has now the ascendant , they would have behaved themselves so decently under their present advantages , as to have made our divines , that have charged them so heavily , look a little out of countenance : and this would have wrought more on the good nature of the nation , and the princely nobleness of the successors whom we have in view , than those arts of craft and violence , to which we see their tempers carry them even so early , before it is yet time to show themselves . the temper of the english nation , the heroïcal vertues of those whom we have in our eyes , but above all , our most holy religion , which instead of revenge and cruelty , inspires us with charity and mercy , even for enemies , are all such things , as may take from the gentlemen of that religion all sad apprehensions , unless they raise a storm against themselves , and provoke the iustice of the nation to such a degree , that the successors may find it necessary to be just , even when their own inclinations would rather carry them to shew mercy . in short , they need fear nothing but what they create to themselves : so that all this stir that they keep for their own safety , looks too like the securing to themselves pardons for the crimes that they intend to commit . viii . i know it is objected as no small prejudice against these laws , that the very making of them discovered a particular malignity against his majesty , and therefore it is ill manners to speak for them . the first had perhaps an eye at his being then admiral : and the last was possibly levelled at him : thô when that was discovered , he was excepted out of it by a special proviso . and as for that which past in , i hope it is not forgot , that it was enacted by that loyal parliament , that had setled both the prerogative of the crown and the rites of the church , and that had given the king more money than all the parliaments of england had ever done in all former times . a parliament that had indeed some disputes with the king , but upon the first step that he made with relation to religion or safety , they shewed how ready they were to forget all that was past : as appeared by their behaviour after the triple alliance . and in , thô they had great cause given them to dislike the dutch war , especially the strange beginning of it upon the smirna fleet : and the stopping the exchequer , the declaration for toleration , and the writs for the members of the house , were matters of hard digestion ; yet no sooner did the king give them this new assurance for their religion then , thô they had very great reasons given them to be jealous of the war , yet since the king was engaged , they gave him pounds for carrying it on ; and they thought they had no ill penniworths for their money , when they carried home with them to their countreys this new security for their religion , which we are desired now to throw up , and which the reverend iudges have already thrown out , as a law out of date . if this had carried in it any new piece of severity , their complaints might be just ; but they are extream tender , if they are so uneasy under a law that only gives them leisure and opportunities to live at home . and the last test , which was intended only for shutting them out from a share in the legislative body , appears to be so just , that one is rather amased to find that it was so long a doing , than that it was done at last : and since it is done , it is a great presumption on our understandings to think , that we should be willing to part with it . if it was not sooner done , it was because there was not such cause given for jealousy to work upon : but what has appeared since that time , and what has been printed in his late majesties name , shews the world now , that the iealousies which occasioned those laws , were not so ill grounded , as some well meaning men perhaps then believed them to be . but there are some times in which all mens eyes come to be opened . ix . i am told , some think it is very indecent to have a test for our parliaments , in which the king's religion is accused of idolatry ; but if this reason is good in this particular , it will be full as good against several of the articles of our church , and many of the homilies . if the church and religion of this nation is so formed by law , that the king's religion is declared over and over again to be idolatrous , what help is there for it ? it is no other , than it was when his majesty was crowned , and swore to maintain our laws . i hope none will be wanting in all possible respect to his sacred person ; and as we ought to be infinitly sorry to find him engaged in a religion , which we must believe idolatrous , so we are far from the ill manners of reflecting on his person , or calling him an idolater : for as every man that reports a lye , is not for that to be called a lyar ; so thô the ordering the intention , and the prejudice of a mispersuasion are such abatements , that we will not rashly take on us to call every man of the church of rome an idolater ; yet on the other hand , we can never lay down our charge against the church of rome as guilty of idolatry , unless at the same time we part with our religion . x. others give us a strange sort of argument , to perswade us to part with the test ; they say , the king must imploy his popish subjects , for he can trust no other ; and he is so assured of their fidelity to him , that we need apprehend no danger from them . this is an odd method to work on us , to let in a sort of people to the parliament and government , since the king cannot trust us , but will depend on them : so that as soon as this law is repealed , they must have all the imployments , and have the whole power of the nation lodged in their hands ; this seems a little too gross to impose , even on irishmen . the king saw for many years together , with how much zeal both the clergy , and many of the gentry appeared for his interests ; and if there is now a melancholy damp on their spirits , the king can dissipate it when he will ; and as the church of england is a body that will never rebel against him , so any sullenness , under which the late administration of affairs has brought them , would soon vanish , if the king would be pleas'd to remember a little what he has so often promised , not only in publick but in private ; and would be contented with the excercise of his own religion , without imbroiling his whole affairs , because f. petre will have it so : and it tempts englishmen to more than ordinary degrees of rage , against a sort of men , who it seems , can infuse in a prince , born with the highest sense of honour possible , projects , to which without doing some violence to his own royal nature , he could not so much as hearken to , if his religion did not so fatally mufle him up in a blind obedience . but if we are so unhappy , that priests can so disguise matters , as to mislead a prince , who without their ill influences would be the most glorious monarch of all europe , and would soon reduce the grand louis to a much humbler figure ; yet it is not to be so much as imagined , that ever their arts can be so unhappily successful , as to impose on an english parliament , composed of protestant members . finis . some reflections on his majesty's proclamation of the th of february / for a toleration in scotland , together with the said proclamation . i. the preamble of a proclamation , is oft writ in hast , and is the flourish of some wanton pen : but one of such an extraordinary nature as this is , was probably more severely examined ; there is a new designation of his majesties authority here set forth of his absolute power , which is so often repeated , that it deserves to be a little searched into . prerogative royal , and soveraign authority , are termes already received and known ; but for this absolute power , as it is a new term , so those who have coined it , may make it signify what they will. the roman law speaks of princeps legibus solutus , and absolute in its natural signification , importing the being without all ties and restraints ; then the true meaning of this seems to be , that there is an inherent power in the king , which can neither be restrained by lawes , promises , nor oaths ; for nothing less than the being free from all these , renders a power absolute . ii. if the former term seemed to stretch our allegeance , that which comes after it , is yet a step of another nature , tho one can hardly imagine what can go beyond absolute power ; and it is in these words , which all our subjects are to obey without reserve . and this is the carrying obedience many sises beyond what the grand seigneur has ever yet claimed : for all princes , even the most violent pretenders to absolute power , till lewis the great 's time , have thought it enough to oblige their subjects to submit to their power , and to bear whatsoever they thought good to impose upon them ; but till the days of the late conversions by the dragoons , it was never so much as pretended , that subjects were bound to obey their prince without reserve , and to be of his religion , because he would have it so . which was the only argument that those late apostles made use of ; so it is probable this qualification of the duty of subjects was put in here , to prepare us for a terrible le roy le veut ; and in that case we are told here , that we must obey without reserve ; and when those severe orders come , the privy council , and all such as execute this proclamation , will be bound by this declaration to shew themselves more forward than any others , to obey without reserve : and those poor pretensions of conscience , religion , honour , and reason , will be then reckoned as reserves upon their obedience , which are all now shut out . iii. these being the grounds upon which this proclamation is founded , we ought not only to consider what consequences are now drawn from them , but what may be drawn from them at any time hereafter ; for if they are of force , to justify that which is now inferred from them , it will be full as just to draw from the same premises an abolition of the protestant religion , of the rights of the subjects , not only to church-lands , but to all property whatsoever . in a word , it asserts a power to be in the king , to command what he will , and an obligation in the subjects , to obey whatsoever he shall command . iv. there is also mention made in the preamble of the christian love and charity , which his majesty would have established among neighbours ; but another dash of a pen , founded on this absolute power , may declare us all hereticks ; and then in wonderful charity to us , we must be told , that we are either to obey without reserve , or to be burnt without reserve . we know the charity of that church pretty well : it is indeed fervent and burning : and if we have forgot what has been done in former ages , france , savoy , and hungary , have set before our eyes very fresh instances of the charity of that religion : while those examples are so green , it is a little too imposing on us , to talk to us of christian love and charity . no doubt his majesty means sincerely , and his exactness to all his promises , chiefly to those made since he came to the crown , will not suffer us to think an unbecoming thought of his royal intentions ; but yet after all , tho it seems by this proclamation , that we are bound to obey without reserve , it is hardship upon hardship to be bound to believe without reserve . v. there are a sort of people here tolerated , that will be very hardly found out : and these are the moderate presbyterians : now , as some say , that there are very few of those people in scotland that deserve this character , so it is hard to tell what it amounts to ; and the calling any of them immoderate , cuts off all their share in this grace . moderation is a quality that lyes in the mind , and how this will be found out , i cannot so readily guess . if a standard had been given of opinions or practices , then one could have known how this might have been distinguished ; but as it lyes , it will not be easy to make the discrimination ; and the declaring them all immoderate , shuts them out quite . vi. another foundation laid down for repealing all laws made against the papists , is , that they were enacted in sixth's minority : with some harsh expressions , that are not to be insisted on , since they shew more the heat of the penner , than the dignity of the prince , in whose name they are given out ; but all these laws were ratifyed over and over again by k ▪ iames , when he came to be of full age : and they have received many confirmations by k. charles the first , and k charles the second , as well as by his present majesty , both when he represented his brother in the year . and since he himself came to the crown : so that whatsoever may be said concerning the first formation of those laws , they have received now for the course of a whole hundred years , that are lapsed since k. iames was of full age , so many confirmations , that if there is any thing certain in humane government , we might depend upon them ; but this new coyned absolute power must carry all before it . vii . it is also well known , that the whole settlement of the church lands and tythes , with many other things , and more particularly the establishment of the protestant religion , was likewise enacted in iames's minority , as well as those penal laws : so that the reason now made use of , to annul the penal laws , will serve full as well , for another act of this absolute power , that shall abolish all those ; and if maximes that unhinge all the securities of humane society , and all that is sacred in government , ought to be lookt on with the justest and deepest prejudices possible , one is tempted to lose the respect that is due to every thing that carrys a royal stamp upon it , when he sees such grounds made use of , as must shake all settlements whatsoever ; for if a prescription of . years , and confirmations reiterated over and over again these . years past , do not purge some defects in the first formation of those laws , what can make us secure : but this looks so like a fetch of the french prerogative law , both in their processes with relation to the edict of nantes , and those concerning dependences at mets , that this seems to be a copy from that famous original . viii . it were too much ill nature to look into the history of the last age , to examine on what grounds those characters of pious and blessed given to the memory of q. mary are built ; but since james's memory has the character of glorious given to it , if the civility due to the fair sex makes one unwilling to look into the one , yet the other may be a little dwelt on . the peculiar glory that belongs to james's memory , is , that he was a prince of great learning , and that he imployed it chiefly in writing for his religion : of the volume in folio , in which we have his works , two thirds are against the church of rome ; one part of them is a commentary on the revelation , proving that the pope is antichrist ; another part of them belonged more naturally to his post and dignity ; which is the warning that he gave to all the princes and states of europe , against the treasonable and bloody doctrines of the papacy . the first act he did when he came of age , was to swear in person with all his family , and afterwards with all his people of scotland , a covenant , containing an enumeration of all the points of popery , and a most solemn renunciation of them , somewhat like our parliament test : his first speech to the parliament of england was copious on the same subject : and he left a legacy of a wish on such of his posterity as should go over to that religion , which in good manners is suppressed . it is known , k. iames was no conquerour , and that he made more use of his pen than his sword : so the glory that is peculiar to his memory must fall chiefly on his learned and immortal writings : and since there is such a veneration expressed for him , it agrees not ill with this , to wish , that his works were more studied by those who offer such incense to his glorious memory . ix . his maj. assures his people of scotland , upon his certain knowledge and long experience , that the catholicks , as they are good christians , so they are likewise dutiful subjects : but if we must believe both these equally , then we must conclude severely against their being good christians ; for we are sure they can never be good subjects , not only to a heretical prince , but even to a catholick prince , if he does not extirpate hereticks ; for their beloved council of the lateran , that decreed transubstantiation , has likewise decreed , that if a prince does not extirpate hereticks out of his dominions , the pope must depose him , and declare his subjects absolved from their allegeance , and give his dominions to another : so that even his majesty , how much soever he may be a zealous catholick , yet cannot be assured of their fidelity to him , unless he has given them secret assurances , that he is resolved to extirpate hereticks out of his dominions ; and that all the promises which he now makes to these poor wretches are no other way to be kept , than the assurances which the great lewis gave to his protestant subjects , of his observing still the edict of nantes even after he had resolved to break it , and also his last promise made in the edict , that repealed the edict of nantes , by which he gave assurances , that no violence should be used to any for their religion , in the very time that he was ordering all possible violences to be put in execution against them . x. his majesty assures us , that on all occasions the papists have shewed themselves good and faithfull subjects to him and his royall predecessors ; but how absolute soever the kings power may be , it seems his knowledge of history is not so absolute , but it may be capable of some improvement . it will be hard to find out what loyalty they shewed on the occasion of the gunpowder plot , or during the whole progress of the rebellion of ireland ; if the king will either take the words of k. iames of glorious memory , or k. charles the first , that was indeed of pious and blessed memory , rather than the word of the penners of this proclamation , it will not be hard to find occasions where they were a little wanting in this their so much boasted loyalty : and we are sure , that by the principles of that religion , the king can never be assured of the fidelity of those he calls his catholick subjects , but by engaging to them to make his heretical subjects sacrifices to their rage . xi . the king declares them capable of all the offices and benefices which he shall think fit to bestow on them , and only restrains them from invading the protestant churches by force : so that here a door is plainly opened for admitting them to the exercise of their religion in protestant churches , so they do not break into them by force ; and whatsoever may be the sense of the term benefice in its antient and first signification , now it stands only for church preferments ; so that when any churches , that are at the kings gift , fall vacant , here is a plain intimation , that they are to be provided to them ; and then it is very probable , that all the lawes made against such as go not to their parish churches , will be severely turned upon those that will not come to mass. xii . his majesty does in the next place , in the vertue of his absolute power / annull a great many laws , as well those that established the oaths of allegeance and supremacy , as the late test , enacted by himself in person , while he represented his brother : upon which he gave as strange an essay to the world of his absolute iustice in the attainder of the late earl of argile , as he does now of his absolute power in condemning the test it self ; he also repeals his own confirmation of the test , since he came to the crown , which he offered as the clearest evidence that he could give of his resolution to maintain the protestant religion , and by which he gained so much upon that parliament , that he obtained every thing from them that he desired of them ; till he came to try them in the matters of religion . this is no extraordinary evidence to assure his people , that his promises will be like the lawes of the medes and persians , which alter not ; nor will the disgrace of the commissioner that enacted that law , lay this matter wholly on him ; for the letter , that he brought , the speech that he made , and the instructions which he got , are all too well known to be so soon forgotten : and if princes will give their subjects reason to think , that they forget their promises , as soon as the turn is served for which they were made , this will be too prevailing a temptation on the subjects to mind the princes promise as little as it seems he himself does ; and will force them to conclude , that the truth of the prince , is not so absolute as it seems he fancies his power to be . xiii . here is not only a repealing of a great many lawes , and established oaths and tests , but by the exercise of the absolute power / a new oath is imposed , which was never pretended to by the crown in any former time ; and as the oath is created by this absolute power / so it seems the absolute power must be supported by this oath : since one branch of it , is an obligation to maintain his majesty and his lawfull successors in the exercise of this their absolute power and authority against all deadly , which i suppose is scotch for mortalls : now to impose so hard a yoke as this absolute power on the subjects , seems no small stretch ; but it is a wonderfull exercise of it to oblige the subjects to defend this : it had been more modest , if they had been only bound to bear it , and submit to it : but it is a terrible thing so far to extinguish all the remnants of naturall liberty , or of a legall government , as to oblige the subjects by oath to maintain the exercise of this , which plainly must destroy themselves : for the short execution by the bow-strings of turkey , or by sending orders to men to return in their heads , being an exercise of this absolute power / it is a litle hard to make men swear to maintain the king in it : and if that kingdom has suffered so much by the many oaths that have been in use among them , as is marked in this proclamation , i am affraid this new oath will not much mend the matter . xiv . yet after all , there is some comfort ; his majesty assures them , he will use no violence nor force , nor any invincible necessity to any man on the account of his persuasion : it were too great a want of respect to fancy , that a time may come in which even this may be remembred , full as well , as the promises that were made to the parliament after his majesty came to the crown : i do not , i confess , apprehend that ; for i see here so great a caution used in the choice of these words , that it is plain , very great severities may very well consist with them : it is clear , that the generall words of violence and force are to be determined by these last of invincible necessity / so that the king does only promise to lay no invincible necessity on his subjects ; but for all necessities , that are not invincible , it seems they must expect to bear a large share of them ; disgraces , want of imployments , fines , and imprisonments , and even death it self are all vincible things to a man of a firmness of mind : so that the violences of torture , the furies of dragoons , and some of the methods now practised in france , perhaps may be included within this promise ; since these seem almost invincible to humane nature , if it is not fortified with an extraordinary measure of grace : but as to all other things , his majesty binds himself up from no part of the exercise of his absolute power by this promise . xv. his majesty orders this to go immediately to the great seal , without passing thro the other seals : now since this is counter-signed by the secretary , in whose hands the signet is , there was no other step to be made but thro the privy seal ; so i must own , i have a great curiosity of knowing his character in whose hands the privy seal is at present ; for it seems his conscience is not so very supple , as the chancellors and the secretaryes are ; but it is very likely , if he does not quickly change his mind , the privy seal at least will very quickly change its keeper ; and i am sorry to hear , that the l. chancellor and the secretary have not another brother to fill this post , that so the guilt of the ruin of that nation , may lie on one single family , and that there may be no others involved in it . xvi . upon the whole matter , many smaller things being waved , it being extream unpleasant to find fault , where one has all possible dispositions to pay all respect ; we here in england see what we must look for . a parliament in scotland was tryed , but it proved a little stubborn ; and now absolute power comes to set all right ; so when the closetting has gone round , so that noses are counted , we may perhaps see a parliament here , but if it chances to be untoward , and not to obey without reserve / then our reverend iudges will copy from scotland , and will not only tell us of the kings imperial power , but will discover to us this new mystery of absolute power , to which we are all bound to obey without reserve . these reflexions refer in so many places to some words in the proclamation , that it was thought necessary to set them near one another , that the reader may be able to judge , whether he is deceived by any false quotations or not . by the king. a proclamation . james r. james the seventh by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c to all and sundry our good subjects , whom these presents do or may concern , greeting . we having taken into our royal consideration the many and great inconveniencies which have happened to that our ancient kingdom of scotland of late years , through the different perswasions in the christian religion , and the great heats and animosities amongst the several professors thereof , to the ruin and decay of trade , wasting of lands , extinguishing of charity , contempt of the royal power , and converting of true religion , and the fear of god , into animosities , names , factions , and sometimes into sacriledge and treason . and being resolved as much as in us lyes , to unite the hearts and affections of our subjects , to god in religion , to us in loyalty , and to their neighbours in christian love and charity . have therefore thought fit to grant , and by our souveraign authority , prerogative royal , and absolute power , which all our subjects are to obey without reserve ; do hereby give and grant our royal toleration , to the several professors of the christian religion after-named , with , and under the several conditions , restrictions , and limitations after-mentioned . in the first place , we allow and tolerate the moderate presbyterians , to meet in their private houses , and there to hear all such ministers , as either have , or are willing to accept of our indulgence allanerly , and none other , and that there be not any thing said or done contrary to the well and peace of our reign , seditious or treasonable , under the highest pains these crimes will import ; nor are they to presume to build meeting-houses , or to use out-houses or barns , but only to exercise in their private houses , as said is : in the mean time , it is our royal will and pleasure , that field conventicles , and such as preach , or exercise at them , or who shall any way● assist or connive at them , shall be prosecuted according to the utmost severity of our laws made against them , seeing from these rendezvouzes of rebellion , so much disorder hath proceeded , and so much disturbance to the government , and for which after this our royal indulgence for tender consciences there is no excuse left . in like manner , we do hereby tolerate quakers to meet and exercise in their form , in any place or places appointed for their worship . and considering the severe and cruel laws , made against roman catholicks ( therein called papists ) in the minority of our royal grand father of glorious memory , without his consent , and contrary to the duty of good subjects , by his regents , and other enemies to their lawful soveraign , our royal great grand mother queen mary of blessed and pious memory , wherein under the pretence of religion , they cloathed the worst of treasons , factions , and usurpations , and made these laws , not as against the enemies of god , but their own ; which laws have still been continued of course without design of executing them ▪ or any of them ad terrorem only , on supposition , that the papists relying on an external power , were incapable of duty , and true allegeance to their natural soveraigns , and rightful monarchs ; we of our certain knowledge , and long experience , knowing that the catholicks , as it is their principle to be good christians , so it is to be dutiful subjects ; and that they have likewise on all occasions shewn themselves good and faithfull subjects to us , and our royal predecessors , by hazarding , and many of them actually losing their lives and fortunes , in their defence ( though of another religion ) & the maintenance of their authority against the violences and treasons of the most violent abettors of these laws : do therefore with advice and consent of our privy council , by our soveraign authority , prerogative royal , and absolute power , aforesaid ▪ suspend , stop and disable all laws , or acts of parliament , customs or constitutions , made or executed against any of our roman-catholick subjects , in any time past , to all intents and purposes , making void all prohibitions therein mentioned , pains or penalties therein ordained to be inflicted , so that they shall in all things be as free in all respects as any of our protestant subjects whatsoever , not only to exercise their religion , but to enjoy all offices , benefices and others , which we shall think fit to bestow upon them in all time coming : nevertheless , it is our will and pleasure , and we do hereby command all catholicks at their highest pains , only to exercise their religious worship in houses or chappels ; and that they presume not to preach in the open fields , or to invade the protestant churches by force , under the pains aforesaid , to be inflicted upon the offenders respectively ; nor shall they presume to make publick processions in the high-streets of any of our royal burghs , under the pains above-mentioned . and whereas the obedience and service of our good subjects is due to us by their allegiance , and our soveraignty , and that no law , custom or constitution , difference in religion , or other impediment whatsoever , can exempt or discharge the subjects from their native obligations and duty to the crown , or hinder us fiom protecting , and employing them , according to their several capacities , and our royal pleasure ; nor restrain us from conferring heretable rights and priviledges upon them , or vacuate or annul these rights heretable , when they are made or conferred : and likewise considering , that some oaths are capable of being wrested by men of sinistrous intentions , a practice in that kingdom fatal to religion as it was to loyalty ; do therefore , with advice and consent aforesaid , cass , annull and discharge all oaths whatsoever , by which any of our subjects are incapacitated , or disabled from holding places , or offices in our said kingdom , or enjoying their hereditary rights and priviledges , discharging the same to be taken or given in any time coming , without our special warrant and consent , under the pains due to the contempt of our royal commands and authority . and to this effect , we do by our royal authority aforesaid , stop , disable , and dispense with all laws enjoyning the said oaths , tests , or any of them , particularly the first act of the first session of the first parliament of king charles the second ; the eleventh act of the foresaid session of the foresaid parliament ; the sixth act of the third parliament of the said king charles ; the twenty first and twenty fifth acts of that parliament , and the thirteenth act of the first session of our late parliament , in so far allanerly as concerns the taking the oaths , or tests therein prescribed , and all others , as well not mentioned as mentioned , and that in place of them , all our good subjects , or such of them as we or our privy council shall require so to do , shall take and swear the following oath allanerly ▪ i a. b. do acknowledge / testifie and declare / that james the seventh , by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. is rightful king , and supream governour of these realms , and over all persons therein ; and that it is unlawful for subjects , on any pretence , or for any cause whatsoever , to rise in arms against him , or any commissionated by him ; and that i shall never so rise in arms , nor assist any who shall so do ; and that i shall never resist ●is power or authority , nor ever oppose his authority to his person , as i shall answer to god ; but shall to the utmost of my power assist , defend , and maintain him , his heirs and lawful successors , in the exercise of their absolute power and authority against all deadly . so help me god. and seeing many of our good subjects have , before our pleasure in these matters was made publick , incurred the guilt appointed by the acts of parliament above-mentioned , or others ; we , by our authority , and absolute power and prerogative royal above-mentioned , of our certain knowledge , and innate mercy , give our ample and full indemnity to all those of the roman-catholick or popish religion , for all things by them done contrary to our laws or acts of parliament , made in any time past , relating to their religion , the worship and exercise thereof , or for being papists , jesuits , or traffickers , for hearing , or saying of mass , concealing of priests or jesuits , breeding their children catholicks at home or abroad , or any other thing , rite or doctrine , said , performed , or maintained by them , or any of them : and likewise , for holding or taking of places , employments , or offices , contrary to any law or constitution , advices given to us , or our council , actions done , or generally any thing performed or said against the known laws of that our ancient kingdom : excepting always from this our royal indemnity , all murders , assassinations , thefts , and such like other crimes , which never used to be comprehended in our general acts of indemnity . and we command and require all our judges , or others concerned , to explain this in the most ample sense & meaning acts of indemnity at any time have contained : declaring this shall be as good to every one concerned , as if they had our royal pardon & remission under our great seal of that kingdom . and likewise indemnifying our protestant subjects from all pains and penalties due for hearing or preaching in houses ; providing there be no treasonable speeches uttered in the said conventicles by them , in which case the law is only to take place against the guilty , and none other present ; providing also that they reveal to any of our council the guilt so committed ; as also , excepting all fines , or effects of sentences already given . and likewise indemnifying fully and freely all quakers , for their meetings and worship , in all time past , preceding the publication of these presents . and we doubt not but our protestant subjects will give their assistance and concourse hereunto , on all occasions , in their respective capacities . in consideration whereof , and the ease those of our religion , and others may have hereby , and for the encouragement of our protestant bishops , and the regular clergy , and such as have hitherto lived orderly , we think fit to declare , that it never was our principle , nor will we ever suffer violence to be offered to any mans conscience , nor will we use force , or invincible necessity against any man on the account of his perswasion , nor the protestant religion , but will protect our bishops and other ministers in their functions , rights and properties , and all our protestant subjects in the free exercise of their protestant religion in the churches . and that we will , and hereby promise , on our royal word , to maintain the possessors of church lands formerly belonging to abbays , or other churches of the catholick religion , in their full and free possession and right , according to our laws and acts of parliament in that behalf in all time coming . and we will imploy indifferently all our subjects of all perswasions , so as none shall meet with any discouragement on the account of his religion , but be advanced , and esteemed by us , according to their several capacities and qualifications , so long as we find charity and unity maintained . and if any animosities shall arise , as we hope in god there will not , we will shew the severest effects of our royal displeasure against the beginners or fomenters thereof , seeing thereby our subjects may be deprived of this general ease and satisfaction , we intend to all of them , whose happiness , prosperity , wealth and safety , is so much our royal care , that we will leave nothing undone which may procure these blessings for them . and lastly , to the end all our good subjects may have notice of this our royal will and pleasure , we do hereby command , our lyon king at arms , and his brethern heraulds , macers , pursevants and messengers at arms , to make timous proclamation thereof at the mercat cross of edinburgh ; and besides the printing and publishing of this our royal proclamation , it is our express will and pleasure , that the same be past under the great seal of that our kingdom per saltum , without passing any other seal or register . in order whereunto , this shall be to the directors of our chancellary , and their deputes for writing the same , and to our chancellor for causing our great seal aforesaid , to be appended thereunto , a sufficient warrand . given at our court at whitehal the twelfth day of febr. ● . and of our reign the third year . by his majesties command melfort . god save the king. finis . a letter , containing some reflections on his majesties declaration for liberty of conscience . dated the fourth of april , . sir , i. i thank you for the favour of sending me the late declaration that his majesty has granted for liberty of conscience . i confess , i longed for it with great impatience , and was surprised to find it so different from the scotch pattern ; for i imagined , that it was to be set to the second part of the same tune : nor can i see why the penners of this have sunk so much in their stile ; for i suppose the same men penned both . i expected to have seen the imperial language of absolute power , to which all the subjects are to obey without reserve ; and of the cassing , annulling , the stopping , and disabling of laws set forth in the preamble and body of this declaration ; whereas those dreadful words are not to be found here : for instead of repealing the laws , his majesty pretends by this only to suspend them ; and tho in effect this amounts to a repeal , yet it must be confessed that the words are softer . now since the absolute power , to which his majesty pretends in scotland , is not founded on such poor things as law ; for that would look as if it were the gift of the people ; but on the divine authority , which is supposed to be delegated to his majesty , this may be as well claimed in england as it was in scotland : and the pretension to absolute power is so great a thing , that since his majesty thought fit once to claim it , he is little beholding to those that make him fall so much in his language ; especially since both these declarations have appeared in our gazettes ; so that as we see what is done in scotland , we know from hence what is in some peoples hearts , and what we may expect in england . ii. his majesty tells his people , that the perfect injoyment of their property has never been in any case invaded by him since his coming to the crown . this is indeed matter of great incouragement to all good subjects ; for it lets them see , that such invasions , as have been made on property , have been done without his majesties knowledge : so that no doubt the continuing to levy the customes and the additional excise ( which had been granted only during the late kings life , ) before the parliament could meet to renew the grant , was done without his majesties knowledge ; the many violences committed not only by soldiers , but officers , in all the parts of england , which are severe invasions on property , have been all without his majesties knowledge ; and since the first branch of property is the right that a man has to his life , the strange essay of mahometan government , that was shewed at taunton ; and the no less strange proceedings of the present lord chancellour , in his circuit after the rebellion ( which are very justly called his campagne , for it was an open act of hostility to all law ) and for which and other services of the like nature , it is believed he has had the reward of the great seal , and the executions of those who have left their colours , which being founded on no law , are no other than so many murders ; all these , i say , are as we are sure , invasions on property ; but since the king tells us , that no such invasions have been made since he came to the crown , we must conclude that all these things have fallen out without his privity . and if a standing ▪ army , in time of peace , has been ever lookt on by this nation as an attempt upon the whole property of the nation in gross , one must conclude , that even this is done without his majesties knowledge . iii. his majesty expresses his charity for us in a kind wish , that we were all members of the catholick church ; in return to which we offer up daily our most earnest prayers for him , that he may become a member of the truly catholick church : for wishes and prayers do no hurt on no side : but his majesty adds , that it has ever been his opinion , that conscience ought not to be constrained , nor people forced in matters of meer religion . we are very happy if this continues to be always his sense : but we are sure in this he is no obedient member of that which he means by the catholick church : for it has over and over again decreed the extirpation of hereticks . it encourages princes to it , by the offer of the pardon of their sins ; it threatens them to it , by denouncing to them not only the judgments of god , but that which is more sensible , the loss of their dominions : and it seems they intend to make us know that part of their doctrine even before we come to feel it , since tho some of that communion would take away the horror which the fourth council of the lateran gives us , in which these things were decreed , by denying it to be a general council , and rejecting the authority of those canons , yet the most learned of all the apostates that has fallen to them from our church , has so lately given up this plea , and has so formally acknowledged the authority of that council , and of its canons , that it seems they think they are bound to this piece of fair dealing , of warning us before hand of our danger . it is true bellarmin sayes , the church does not always execute her power of deposing heretical princes , tho she always retains it : one reason that he assigns , is , because she is not at all times able to put it in execution : so the same reason may perhaps make it appear unadviseable to extirpate hereticks , because that at present it cannot be done ; but the right remains entire ; and is put in execution in such an unrelenting manner in all places where that religion prevails , that it has a very ill grace , to see any member of that church speak in this strain : and when neither the policy of france , nor the greatness of their monarch , nor yet the interests of the emperour joyned to the gentleness of his own temper , could withstand these bloody councils , that are indeed parts of that religion , we can see no reason to induce us to believe , that a toleration of religion is proposed with any other design but either to divide us , or to lay us asleep , till it is time to give the alarm for destroying us . iv. if all the endeavours , that have been used in the last four reigns , for bringing the subjects of this kingdom to a unity in religion have been ineffectual , as his maj. says ; we know to whom we owe both the first beginnings and the progress of the divisions among our selves ; the gentleness of q. elisabeth's government , and the numbers of those that adhered to the church of rome , made it scarce possible to put an end to that party during her reign , which has been ever since restless , and has had credit enough at court during the three last reigns , not only to support it self , but to distract us , and to divert us from apprehending the danger of being swallowed up by them , by fomenting our own differences , and by setting on either a toleration , or a persecution , as it has hapned to serve their interests . it is not so very long since , that nothing was to be heard at court but the supporting the church of england , and the extirpating all the nonconformists : and it were easy to name the persons , if it were decent , that had this ever in their mouths ; but now all is turned round again , the church of england is in disgrace ; and now the encouragment of trade , the quiet of the nation , and the freedom of conscience are again in vogue , that were such odious things but a few years ago , that the very mentioning them was enough to load any man with suspitions as backward in the king's service , while such methods are used , and the government is as in an ague , divided between hot and cold fits , no wonder if laws so unsteadily executed have failed of their effect . v. there is a good reserve here left for severity when the proper opportunity to set it on presents it self : for his majesty declares himself only against the forcing of men in matters of meer religion : so that whensoever religion and policy come to be so interwoven , that meer religion is not the case , and that publick safety may be pretended , then this declaration is to be no more claimed : so that the fastning any thing upon the protestant religion , that is inconsistent with the publick peace , will be pretended to shew that they are not persecuted for meer religion . in france , when it was resolved to extirpate the protestants , all the discourses that were written on that subject were full of the wars occasioned by those of the religion in the last age , tho as these were the happy occasions of bringing the house of bourbon to the crown , they had been ended above . years ago , and there had not been so much as the least tumult raised by them these . years past : so that the french , who have smarted under this severity , could not be charged with the least infraction of the law : yet stories of a hundred years old were raised up to inspire into the king those apprehensions of them , which have produced the terrible effects that are visible to all the world. there is another expression in this declaration , which lets us likewise see with what caution the offers of favour are now worded , that so there may be an occasion given when the time and conjuncture shall be favourable to break thro them all : it is in these words , so that they take especial care that nothing be preached or taught amongst them , which may any ways tend to alienate the hearts of our people from us or our government . this in it self is very reasonable , and could admit of no exception , if we had not to do with a set of men , who to our great misfortune have so much credit with his majesty , and who will be no sooner lodged in the power to which they pretend , than they will make every thing that is preached against popery pass for that which may in some manner alienate the subjects from the king. vi. his majesty makes no doubt of the concurrence of his two houses of parliament , when he shall think it convenient for them to meet . the hearts of kings are unsearchable ; so that it is a little too presumptuous to look into his majesties secret thoughts : but according to the judgments that we would make of other mens thoughts by their actions , one would be tempted to think , that his majesty made some doubt of it , since his affairs both at home and abroad could not go the worse , if it appeared that there were a perfect understanding between him and his parliament , and that his people were supporting him with fresh supplies ; and this house of commons is so much at his devotion , that all the world saw how ready they were to grant every thing that he could desire of them , till he began to lay off the mask with relation to the test , and since that time the frequent prorogations , the closetting , and the pains that has been taken to gain members , by promises made to some , and the disgraces of others , would make one a little inclined to think , that some doubt was made of their concurrence . but we must confess , that the depth of his majesties judgment is such , that we cannot fathom it , and therefore we cannot guess what his doubts or his assurances are . it is true , the words that come after unriddle the mystery a little , which are , when his majesty shall think it convenient for them to meet : for the meaning of this seems plain , that his maj. is resolved , that they shall never meet , till he receives such assurances , in a new round of closetting , that he ●hall be put out of doubt concerning it . vii . i will not enter into the dispute concerning liberty of conscience , and the reasons that may be offered for it to a session of parliament ; for there is scarce any one point , that either with relation to religion , or politicks , affords a greater variety of matter for reflection : and i make no doubt to say , that there is abundance of reason to oblige ● parliament to review all the penal laws , either with relation to papists , or to dissenters : but i will take the boldness to add one thing , that the kings's suspending of laws strikes at the root of this whole government , and subverts it quite : for if there is any thing certain with relation to the english government , it is this , that the executive power of the law is entirely in the king ; and the law to fortify him in the management of it has clothed him with a vast prerogative , and made it unlawful upon any pretence whatsoever to resist him : whereas on the other hand , the legislative power is not so entirely in the king , but that the lords and commons have such a share in it , that no law can be either made , repealed , or which is all one suspended , but by their consent : so that the placing this legislative power singly in the king , is a subversion of this whole government ; since the essence of all governments consists in the subjects of the legislative authority ; acts of violence or injustice , committed in the executive part , are such things that all princes being subject to them , the peace of mankind were very ill secured if it were not unlawful to resist upon any pretence taken from any ill administrations , in which as the law may be doubtful , so the facts may be uncertain , and at worst the publick peace must alwayes be more valued than any private oppressions or injuries whatsoever . but the total subversion of a government , being so contrary to the trust that is given to the prince who ought to execute it ▪ will put men upon uneasy and dangerous inquiries : which will turn little to the advantage of those who are driving matters to such a doubtful and desperate issue . viii . if there is any thing in which the exercise of the legislative power seems indispensable , it is in those oaths of allegeance and tests , that are thought necessary to qualify men either to be admitted to enjoy the protection of the law , or to bear a share in the government ; for in these the security of the government is chiefly concerned ; and therefore the total extinction of these , as it is not only a suspension of them , but a plain repealing of them , so it is a subverting of the whole foundation of our government : for the regulation that king and parliament had set both for the subjects having the protection of the state by the oath of allegeance , and for a share in places of trust by the tests , is now pluckt up by the roots ; when it is declared , that these shall not at any time hereafter be required to be taken , or subscribed by any persons whatsoever : for it is plain , that this is no suspension of the law , but a formal repeal of it , in as plain words as can be conceived . ix . his majesty says , that the benefit of the service of all his subjects is by the law of nature inseparably annexed to and inherent in his sacred person . it is somewhat strange , that when so many laws , that we all know are suspended , the law of nature , which is so hard to be found out , should be cited ; but the penners of this declaration had b●st let that law lie forgotten among the rest ; for there is a scurvy paragraph in it , concerning self preservation , that is capable of very unacceptable glosses . it is hard to tell what section of the law of nature has markt out either such a form of government , or such a family for it . and if his majesty renounces his pretensions to our allegeance as founded on the laws of england , and betakes himself to this law of nature , he will perhaps find the counsel was a little too rash ; but to make the most of this that can be , the law of nations or nature does indeed allow the governours of all societies a power to serve themselves of every member of it in the cases of extream danger ; but no law of nature that has been yet heard of will conclude , that if by special laws , a sort of men have been disabled from all imployments , that a prince who at his coronation swore to maintain those laws , may at his pleasure extinguish all these disabilities . x. at the end of the declaration , as in a postscript , his majesty assures his subjects , that he will maintain them in their properties , as well in church and abbey lands , as other lands : but the chief of all their properties being the share that they have by their representatives in the legislative power ; this declaration , which breaks thro that , is no great evidence that the rest will be maintained : and to speak plainly , when a coronation oath is so little remembred , other promises must have a proportioned degree of credit given to them : as for the abbey lands , the keeping them from the church is according to the principles of that religion sacriledge ; and that is a mortal sin , and there can no absolution be given to any who continue in it : and so this promise being an obligation to maintain men in a mortal sin , is null and void of it self : church-lands are also according to the doctrine of their canonists , so immediatly gods right , that the pope himself is only the administrator and dispencer , but is not the master of them ; he can indeed make a truck for god , or let them so low , that god shall be an easy landlord : but he cannot alter gods property , nor translate the right that is in him to sacrilegious laymen and hereticks . xi . one of the effects of this declaration , will be the setting on foot a new run of addresses over the nation : for there is nothing how impudent and base soever , of which the abject flattery of a slavish spirit is not capable . it must be confest , to the reproach of the age , that all those strains of flattery among the romans , that tacitus sets forth with so mueh just scorn , are modest things , compared to what this nation has produced within these seven years : only if our flattery has come short of the refinedness of the romans , it has exceeded theirs as much in its loathed fulsomness . the late king set out a declaration , in which he gave the most solemn assurances possible of his adhering to the church of england , and to the religion established by law , and of his resolution to have frequent parliaments ; upon which the whole nation fell as it were into raptures of joy and flattery : but tho he lived four years after that , he called no parliament , notwithstanding the law for triennial parliaments : and the manner of his death , and the papers printed after his death in his name , have sufficiently shewed , that he was equally sincere in both those assurances that he gave , as well in that relating to religion , as in that other relating to frequent parliaments ; yet upon his death a new set of addresses appeared , in which all that flattery could invent was brought forth , in the commendations of a prince , to whose memory the greatest kindness can be done , is to forget him : and because his present majesty upon his coming to the throne gave some very general promise of maintaining the church of england , this was magnified in so extravagant a strain , as if it had been a security greater than any that the law could give : tho by the regard that the king has both to it and to the laws , it appears that he is resolved to maintain both equally : since then the nation has already made it self sufficiently ridiculous both to the present and to all succeeding ages ; it is time that at last men should grow weary , and become ashamed of their folly. xii . the nonconformists are now invited to set an example to the rest : and they who have valued themselves hitherto upon their opposition to popery and that have quarrelled with the church of england , for some small approaches to it , in a few ceremonies , are now solicited to rejoyce , because the laws that secure us against it , are all plucked up : since they enjoy at present and during pleasure leave to meet together . it is natural for all men to love to be set at ease , especially in the matters of their consciences ; but it is visible , that those who allow them this favour , do it with no other design , but that under a pretence of a general toleration , they may introduce a religion which must persecute all equally : it is likewise apparent how much they are hated , and how much they have been persecuted by the instigation of those who now court them , and who have now no game that is more promising , than the engaging them and the church of england into new quarrels : and as for the promises now made to them , it cannot be supposed that they will be more lasting than those that were made some time ago to the church of england , who had both a better title in law and greater merit upon the crown to assure them that they should be well used than these can pretend to . the nation has scarce forgiven some of the church of england the persecution into which they have suffered themselves to be cosened : tho now that they see popery barefaced , the stand that they have made , and the vigorous opposition that they have given to it , is that which makes all men willing to forget what is past , and raises again the glory of a church that was not a little stained by the indiscretion and weakness of those , that were too apt to believe and hope , and so suffered themselves to be made a property to those who would now make them a sacrifice . the sufferings of the nonconformists , and the fury that the popish party expressed against them , had recommended them so much to the compassions of the nation , and had given them so just a pretension to favour in a better time , that it will look like a curse of god upon them , if a few men , whom the court has gained to betray them , can have such an ill influence upon them as to make them throw away all that merit , and those compassions which their sufferings have procured them ; and to go and court those who are only seemingly kind to them , that they may destroy both them and us . they must remember that as the church of england is the only establishment that our religion has by law ; so it is the main body of the nation , and all the sects are but small and stragling parties : and if the legal settlement of the church is dissolved , and that body is once broken , these lesser bodies will be all at mercy : and it is an easy thing to define what the mercies of the church of rome are . xiii . but tho it must be confessed , that the nonconformists are still under some temptations , to receive every thing that gives them present ease , with a little too much kindness ; since they lie exposed to many severe laws , of which they have of late felt the weight very heavily , and as they are men , and some of them as ill natured men as other people , so it is no wonder if upon the first surprises of the declaration , they are a little delighted , to see the church of england , after all its services and submissions to the court , so much mortified by it ; so that taking all together it will not be strange if they commit some follies upon this occasion . yet on the other hand , it passes all imagination , to see some of the church of england , especially those whose natures we know are so particularly sharpned in the point of persecution , chiefly when it is levelled against the dissenters , rejoyce at this declaration , and make addresses upon it . it is hard to think that they have attained to so high a pitch of christian charity , as to thank those who do now despitefully use them , and that as an earnest that within a little while they will persecute them . this will be an original , and a master piece in flattery , which must needs draw the last degrees of contempt on such as are capable of so abject and sordid a compliance , and that not only from all the true members of the church of england , but likewise from those of the church of rome it self ; for every man is apt to esteem an enemy that is brave even in his misfortunes , as much as he despises those whose minds sink with their condition . for what is it that these men would thank the king ? is it because he breaks those laws that are made in their favour , and for their protection : and is now striking at the root of all the legal settlement that they have for their religion ? or is it because that at the same time that the king professes a religion that condemns his supremacy , yet he is not contented with the exercise of it as it is warranted by law , but carries it so far as to erect a court contrary to the express words of a law that was so lately made : that court takes care to maintain a due proportion between their constitution and all their proceedings , that so all may be of a piece , and all equally contrary to law. they have suspended one bishop , only because he would not do that which was not in his power to do : for since there is no extrajudiciary authority in england , a bishop can no more proceed to a sentence of suspension against a clergy-man without a tryal , and the hearing of parties , than a judge can give a sentence in his chamber without an indictment , a tryal , or a iury : and because one of the greatest bodies of england would not break their oaths , and obey a mandate that plainly contradicted them , we see to what a pitch this is like to be carried . i will not anticipate upon this illegal court , to tell what iudgments are coming , but without carrying our iealousies too far , one may safely conclude , that they will never depart so far from their first institution , as to have any regard , either to our religion , or our laws , or liberties , in any thing they do . if all this were acted by avowed papists , as we are sure it is projected by such , there were nothing extraordinary in it : but that which carries our indignation a little too far to be easily governed , is to see some pretended protestants , and a few bishops , among those that are the fatal instruments of pulling down the church of england , and that those mercenaries sacrifice their religion and their church to their ambition and interests ; this has such peculiar characters of misfortune upon it , that it seems it is not enough if we perish without pity , since we fall by that hand tha● we have so much supported and fortifyed , bu● we must become the scorn of all the world since we have produced such an unnatural brood , that even while they are pretending to be the sons of the church of england , are cutting their mother's throat : and not content with judas's crime , of saying , hail master , and kissing him , while they are betraying him into the hands of others ; these carry their wickedness further , and say : hail mother , and then they themselves murther her . if after all this we were called on to bear this as christians , and to suffer it as subjects , if we were required in patience to possess our own souls , ●nd to be in charity with our enemies ; and which is more , to forgive our false brethren , who add treachery to their hatred ; the exhortation were seasonable , and indeed a little necessary ▪ for humane nature cannot easily take down things of such a hard digestion : but to tell u● that we must make addresses , and offer thanks●or ●or all this , is to insult a little too much upon ●s in our sufferings : and he that can believe ●hat a dry and cautiously worded promise of maintaining the church of england , will be religiously observed after all that we have ●een , and is upon that carried so far out of ●is wits as to address and give thanks , and will believe still , such a man has nothing to ●xcuse him from believing transubstantiation 〈◊〉 self ; for it is plain that he can bring himself ●o believe even when the thing is contrary to ●he clearest evidence that his senses can give ●im . si populus hic vult decipi decipiatur . postscript . these reflections were writ soon after the declaration came to my hands , but the matter of them was so tender , and the conveyance of them to the press was so uneasy , that they appear now too late to have one effect that was designed by them , which was , the diverting men from making addresses upon it ; yet if what is here proposed makes men become so far wise as to be ashamed of what they have done , and is a means to keep them from carrying their courtship further than good words , this paper will not come too late . finis . an answer to mr. henry payne's letter , concerning his majesty's declaration of indulgence , writ to the author of the letter to a dissenter . mr. payne , i cannot hold asking you , how much money you had , from the writer of the paper , which you pretend to answer : for as you have the character of a man that deales with both hands , so this is writ in such a manner as to make one think you were hired to it , by the adverse party : but it has been indeed so ordinary to your friends , to write in this manner of late , that the censures upon it are divided , both fall heavy : some suspect their sincerity others accuse them for want of a right understanding : for tho all are not of the pitch of the irish priests reflections , on the bp of bath and wells's sermon , which was indeed irish double refined ; yet both in your books of controversy , and policy , and even in your poems , you seem to have entred into such an inter-mixture with the irish , that the thread all over is linsey-woollsey . you acknowledge that the gentleman whom you answer has a polite pen , and that his letter is an ingenious paper , and made up of well-composed sentences and periods . yet i believe he will hardly return you your complement . if it was well writ , your party wants either men or judgment extreamly , in allowing you this province of answering it . if the paper did you some hurt , you had better have let the town be a litle pleased with it for a while ; and have hoped that a litle time or some new paper ( tho one of its force is scarce to be expected ) should have worn it out , then to give it a new luster by such an answer . the time of the dissenters sufferings , which you lengthen out to years , will hardly amount to seven . for the long intervals it had , in the last reign , are not forgot : and those who animated the latest and severest of their sufferings are such , that in good manners you ought not to reflect on their conduct . opium is as certain a poison , tho not so violent , as sublimate ; and if more corrosive medicines did not work , the design is the same , when soporiferous ones are used : since the patient is to be killed both ways : and it seems that all that is in debate is , which is the safer : the accepting a present ease when the ill intent with which it is offered , is visible , is just as wise an action , as to take opium to lay a small distemper when one may conclude from the dose , that he will never come out of the sleep . so that after all , it is plain on which side the madness lies . the dissenters for a little present ease , to be enjoyed at mercy , must concur to break down all our hedges , and to lay us open to that devouring power , before which nothing can stand that will not worship it . all that for which you reproach the church of england amounts to this , that a few good words , could not persuade her to destroy her self ; and to sacrifice her religion and the laws to a party that never has done nor ever can do the king half the service that she has rendred him . there are some sorts of propositions that a man does not know how to answer : nor would he be thought ingratefull who after he had received some civilities from a person to whom he had done great service , could not be prevailed with by these so far as to spare him his wife or his daughter . it must argue a peculiar degree of confidence to ask things , that are above the being either askt or granted . our religion and our government are matters that are not to be parted with to shew our good breeding : and of all men living you ought not to pretend to good manners , who talk as you do , of the oppression of the last reign . when the king's obligations to his brother , and the share that he had in his councils , are considered ; the reproaching his government , has so ill a grace , that you are as indecent in your flatteries as injurious in your reflections . and by this gratitude of yours to the memory of the late king , the church of england may easily infer , how long all her services would be remembred , even if she had done all that was desired of her . i would fain know which of the brethren of the dissenters in forreigne countries sought their relief from rebellion . the germans reformed by the authority of their princes , so did the swedes , the danes , and like wise the switsers . in france they maintained the princes of the blood against the league : and in holland the quarrell was for civil liberties ; protestant and papist concurring equally in it . you mention holland as an instance that liberty and infallibility can dwell together : since papists there shew that they can be friendly neighbours , to those whom they think in the wrong : it is very like they would be still so in england , if they were under the lash of the law , and so were upon their good behaviour , the goverment being still against them : and this has so good an effect in holland , that i hope we shall never depart from the dutch pattern : some can be very humble servants that would prove imperious masters . you say that force is our only supporter : but tho there is no force of our side at present , it does not appear that we are in such a tottering condition , as if we had no supporter left us . god and truth are of our side : and the indiscreet use of force , when set on by our enemies , has rather undermined than supported us . but you have taken pains to make us grow wiser , and to let us see our errors , which is perhaps the only obligation that we owe you ; and we are so sensible of it , that without examining what your intentions may have been in it , we heartily thank you for it . i do not comprehend what your quarrell is at the squinting term of the next heir , as you call it ; tho i do not wonder that squinting comes in your mind whensoever you think of her ; for all people look asquint at that which troubles them : and her being the next heir is no less the delight of all good men , than it is your affliction : all the pains that you take to represent her dreadful to the dissenters , must needs find that credit with them , that is due to the insinuations of an enemy . it is very true , that as she was bred up in our church , she adheres to it so eminently , as to make her to be now our chief ornament as we hope she will be once our main defence . if by the strictest form of our church you mean an exemplary piety , and a shining conversation , you have given her true character : but your designe lies another way to make the dissenters form strange ideas of her , as if she thought all indulgence to them criminal : but as the gentleness of her nature is such , that none but those who are so guilty , that all mercy to them would be a crime , can apprehend any thing that is terrible , from her , so as for the dissenters , her going so constantly to the dutch and french churches shews , that she can very well endure their assemblies , at the same time that she prefers , ours . she has also too often expressed her dislike at the heats that have been kept up among us concerning such inconsiderable differences , to pass for a bigot or a persecutor in such matters : and she sees both the mischief that the protestant religion has received from their subdivisions , and the happiness of granting a due liberty of conscience , where she has so long lived , that there is no reason to make any fancy that she will either keep up our differences , or bear down the dissenters with rigor . but because you hope for nothing from her own inclinations , you would have her terrified with the strong argument of numbers , which you fancy will certainly secure them from her recalling the favour . but of what side soever that argument may be strong , sure it is not of theirs who make but one to two hundred : and i suppose you scarce expect that the dissenters will rebel , that you may have your masses , and how their numbers will secure them , unless it be by enabling them to rebell , i cannot imagine : this is indeed a squinting at the next heir , with a witness , when you would already muster up the troops that must rise against her . but let me tell you , that you know both her character and the prince's very ill that fancy , they are only to be wrought on by fear . they are known to your great grief ; to be above that : and it must be to their own mercifull inclinations , that you must owe all that you can expect under them , but neither to their fear nor to your own numbers . as for the hatred and contempt , even to the degree of being more ridiculous then the mass under which you say her way of worship is in holland , this is one of those figures of speech that shew how exactly you have studied the jesuites moralls . all that come from holland , assure us , that she is so universally beloved and esteemed there , that every thing that she does , is the better thought of even because she does it . upon the whole matter , all that you say of the next heir , proves too truly that you are that for which you reproach the church of england , a disciple of the crown only for the loaves ; for if you had that respect which you pretend for the king , you would have shewed it more upon this occasion . nor am i so much in love with your stile , as to imitate it , therefore i will not do you so great a pleasure , as to say the least thing that may reflect on that authority , which the church of england has taught me to reverence even after all the disgraces that she has received from it : and if she were not insuperably restrained by her principles , instead of the thin muster with which you reproach her , she could soon make so thick a one as would make the thinnes of yours , very visible upon so unequall a division of the nation : but she will neither be threatned nor laughed out of her religion and her loyalty : tho such insultings as she meets with , that almost pass all humane patience , would tempt men that had a less fixed principle of submission , to make their enemies feel to their cost , that they owe all the triumphs they make , more to our principles , than to their own force . their laughing at our doctrine of non resistance , lets us see , that it would be none of theirs under the next heir , at whom you squint , if the strong argument of numbers made you not apprehend that two hundred to one would prove an unequal match . as for your memorandums , i shall answer them as short as you give them . it will be hard , to persuade people , that a decision in favour of the dispencing power , flowing from judges that are both made , and payed , and that may be removed at pleasure , will amount to the recognising of that right by law . . it will be hard to persuade the world , that the kings adhering to his promises , and his coronation oath , and to the known lawes of the land , would make him felo de se. the following of different methods were the likelier way to it , if it were not for the loyalty of the church of england . . it will be very easy to see the use of continuing the test by law ; since all those that break thro it , as well as the judges , who have authorised their crimes , are still liable for all they do : and after all your huffing , with the dispencing power , we do not doubt but the apprehension of an after reckoning sticks deep somewhere , you say , it may be supposed , that the aversion of a protestant king to the popish party , will sufficiently exclude them , even without the test. but it must be confessed , that you take all possible care , to confirm that aversion so far , as to put it beyond a it may be supposed . and it seems you understand christs prerogative , as wel as the judges did the kings , that fancy the test is against it : it is so suteable to the nature of all governments , to take assurances of those who are admitted to places of trust , that you do very ill to appeal to an impartial consideration , for you are sure to lose it there . few english men , will believe you in earnest when you seem zealous for publick liberty , or the magna charta : or that you are so very apprehensive of slavery : and your friends must have very much changed both their natures and their principles , if their conduct does not give cause to renew the like statutes against them , even tho they should be repealed in this reign , notwithstanding all your confidence to the contrary . i will still believe that the strong argument of numbers will be always the powerfullest of all others with you : which as long as it has its force , and no longer , we may hope to be at quiet . i concurre heartily with you in your prayers for the king , tho perhaps i differ from you in my notions , both of his glory and of the felicity of his people : and as for your own particular , i wish you would either not at all imploy your pen , or learn to write to better purpose : but tho i cannot admire your letter , yet i am your humble servant t. t. the earle of melfort's letter to the presbyterian-ministers in scotland , writ in his majesty's name upon their address ; together with some remarks upon it . the earle of melfort's letter . gentlemen ; i am commanded by his majesty , to signify unto you his gracious acceptance of your address , that he is well satisfied with your loyalty expressed therein ; for the which he resolves to perpetuate the favour , not only during his own reign , but also to lay down ways for its continuance , and that by appointing in the next ensuing parliament the taking off all penal statutes contrary to the liberty or toleration granted by him . his majesty knows , that enemies to him , to you , and this toleration , will be using all endeavours to infringe the same ; but as ever the happiness of his subjects standing in liberty of conscience , and the security of their properties ( next the glory of god ) hath been his majesty's great end , so he intends to continue , if he have all sutable encouragement and concurrence from you in your doctrine and practice ; and therefore as he hath taken away the protestant penal statutes lying on you , and herein has walked contrary not only to other catholick kings , but also in a way different from protestant kings who have gone before him , whose maxime was to undoe you , by fining , confining , and taking away your estates , and to harrass you in your persons , liberties and priviledges ; so he expects a thankful acknowledgment from you , by making your doctrine tend , to cause all his subjects to walk obediently , and by your practice walking so as shall be most pleasing to his majesty , and the concurring with him for the removing these penal statutes : and he further expects that you continue your prayers to god for his long and happy reign , and for all blessings on his person and government ; and likewise that you look well to your doctrine , and that your example be influential : all th●se are his majesty's commands . sic subs . melfort . remarks . the secretary hand is known to al the writing masters of the town ; but here is an essay of the secretary's stile for the masters of our language : this is an age of improvements , and men that come very young into imployments , make commonly a great progress ; therefore common things are not to be expected here : it is true , some roughnesses in the stile seem to intimate that the writer could turn his conscience more easily than he can do his pen , and that the one is a little stiffer and less compliant than the other . he tells the addressers , that his majesty is well satisfied with their loyalty contained in their address ; for the which he resolves to perpetuate the favour . it appears that the secretary stile and the notary stile come nearer one another than was generally believed : for the which here , & infringe the same afterwards , are beauties borrowed from the notary stile : the foresaid is not much courser . the king 's perpetuating the favour is no easy thing , unless he could first perpetuate himself . now tho his majesty's fame will be certainly immortal , yet to our great regret his person is mortal ; so it is hard to conceive , how this perpetuity should be setled . the method here proposed is a new figure of the secretary stile : which is the appointing in the next ensuing parliament the taking off all penal laws . all former secretaries used the modest words of proposing or recommending ; but he who in a former essay of this stile , told us of his majesty's absolute power , to which all the subjects are to obey without reserve , furnishes us now with this new term of the king 's appointing what shal be done in parliament . but what if after all , the parliament proves so stubborn , as not to comply with this appointment , i am afraid then the perpetuity will be of a shrort continuance . he in the next place , mentions the liberty or toleration granted by the king. liberty is not so hard a word , but that it might be understood without this explanation or toleration , unless the secretary stile either approaches to the notary stile in some nauseous repetitions , or that he would intimate by this , that all the liberty that is left the subjects is comprehended in this toleration . and indeed , after absolute power was once asserted , it was never fit to name liberty without some restriction . after this comes a stately period , the enemies to him , to you , and to this toleration . yet i should be sorry if it were true ; for i hope there are many enemies to this toleration , who are neither enemies to the king , nor to these addressers ; and that on the contrary they are enemies to it , because they are the best friends that both the king and the people have . it is now no secret , that tho' both the prince and princess of orange , are great enemies to persecution , and in particular to all rigour against the presbyterians , yet they are not satisfied with the way in which this toleration is granted . but the reckoning of them as enemies either to the king or the people , is one of the figures of this stile , that will hardly pass : and some will not stick to say , that the writer of this letter , has with this dash of his pen , declared more men enemies to the king , than ever he will be able to make friends to him . he tells them next , that these enemies will be using all endeavours to infringe the same . this is also a strong expression . we know the use of the noun infraction , but infringe is borrowed from the notaries ; yet the plain sense of this seems to be , that those enemies will disturb the meetings , of which i do not hear any of them have the least thought , yet by a secret figure of the secretary stile , perhaps this belongs to all those who either think that the king cannot do it by law , or that will not give their vote to confirm it in parliament : but i am not so well acquainted with all the mysteries of this stile , as to know its full depth . there comes next a long period of words , for i was at the pains to count them all , which seemed a little too prolix for so short a letter , especially in one that writes after the french pattern . but as ever the happiness of his subjects , standing in liberty of conscience , and the security of their properties , next the glory of god , hath been his majesty's great end ; so he intends to continue , if he have all suteable encouragement and concurrence from you , in your doctrine and practice . the putting ever at the beginning of the period , and at so great a distance from that to which it belongs , is a new beauty of stile . and the standing of this happiness , makes me reflect on that which i hear a scotch preacher delivered in a sermon , that he doubted this liberty would prove but like a standing drink . the king 's receiving suteable encouragement from his subjects , agrees ill with the height of stile that went before , of appointing what the parliament must do . kings receive returns of duty and obedience from their subjects ; but hitherto encouragement was a word used among equals : the applying it to the king , is a new figure . a man not versed in the secretary stile would have expressed this matter thus . his majesty has ever made the happiness of his subjects , which consists in liberty of conscience , and the security of property , his great end , next to the glory of god : and he intends to do so still , if he receives all suteable returns from you in your doctrine and practice . i have marked this the more particularly , to make the difference between the common and the secretary stile the more sensible . but what need is there of the concurrence of the addressers , with the king , if he appoints the next parliament to take off all the penal laws . must we likewise believe that his majesty's zeal for the happiness of his subjects , depends on the behaviour of these addressers : and on the encouragement that he receives from them , so that he will not continue it , unless they encourage him in it . this is but an incertain tenure , and not like to be perpetual . but after all the secretary stile is not the royal stile , so notwithstanding this beautiful period , we hope our happiness is more steady , than to turn upon the encouragings of a few men : otherwise if it is a standing happiness yet it is a very tottering one . the protestant penal statutes , is another of his elegancies : for since all the penal laws as well those against papists , as those against dissenters , were made by protestant parliaments , one does not see how fitly this epithete comes in here ; another would have worded this , thus , the penal statutes made against protestants . but the new stile has figures peculiar to it self , that pass in the common stile for improprieties . this noble lord is not contented to raise his majesty's glory above all other catholick kings , in this grant of liberty or toleration , in which there is no competition to be made ; for tho the most christian king , who is the eldest son of that church , has indeed executed her orders in their full extent of severity , yet his majesty , who is but the cadet in that churche's catalogue of honour , it seems does not think that he is yet so much beholding to his mother as to gratify her by the destruction of his people : yet i say , as if this were too little , the king's glory is here carried farther , even above the protestant kings , who have gone before him : whose maxime was to undo you , by fining , confining and taking away your estates , and to harrass you in your persons , liberties and priviledges . here is an honour that is done the king's ancestors by one of his secretaries , which is indeed new , and of his own invention : the protestant kings can be no other than the kings brother , his father , and his grandfather . kings shut out q. elisabeth , who might have been brought in if the more general term of crowned heads had been made use of ; but as the writer has ordered it , the satyr falls singly on the king's progenitors : for the papers that were found in the strong box , will go near to put the late king out of the list of protestant kings : so that this reproach lies wholly on the king's father and his grand-father . it is a little surprising , after all the eloquence that has been imployed to raise the character of the late martyr to so high a pitch , that one of his sons secretaries should set it under his hand in a letter that he pretends is written by the king's commands , that he made it a maxime to undo his people . the writer of this letter should have avoided the mentioning of fines , since it is not so long , since both he and his brother valued themselves on a point that they carried in the council of scotland , that husbands should be fined for their wives not going to church , tho it was not founded on any law. and of all men living he ought to be the last that should speak of the taking away estates ; who got a very fair one during the present reign , by an act of parliament , that attainted a gentleman in a method as new as his stile is ; upon this ground , that two privy councellours declared , they believed him guilty . he will hardly find among all the maximes of those protestant persecuting kings any one that will justify this . it seems the new stile is not very copious in words , since doctrine is three times repeated in so short a letter : he tells them ▪ that their doctrine must tend to cause all the subjects to walk obediently ; now by obediently in this stile , is to obey the absolute pomer without reserve ; for to obey according to law , would pass now for a crime : this being then his meaning , it is probable that the encouragements which are necessary to make his majesty continue the happiness of his subjects , will not be so very great , as to merit the perpetuating this favour . there is with this a heavy charge laid upon them as to their practice ; that it must be such as shall be most pleasing to his majesty ; for certainly that can only be by their turning papists : since a prince that is so zealous for his religion , as his majesty is , cannot be so well pleased with any other thing as with this . their concurring with the king to remove the penal laws , comes over again ; for tho repetitions are impertinencies in the common stile , they are flowers in the new one . in conclusion , he tells them , that the king expects , that they will continue their prayers for him ; yet this does not agree too well with a catholick zeal : for the prayers of damned hereticks cannot be worth the asking ; for the third time he tells them to look well to their doctrine : now this is a little ambiguous ; for it may either signify , that they should study the controversies well , so as to be able to defend their doctrine solidly , or that they should so mince it , that nothing may fall from them in their sermons against popery ; this will be indeed a looking to their doctrine ; but i do not know whether it will be thought a looking well to it or not . he adds , that their example be influential : i confess this hard new word frighted me : i suppose the meaning of it is , that their practice may be such as that it may have an influence on others : yet there are both good and bad influences , a good influence will be the animating the people to a zeal for their religion ; and a bad one will be the slackning and sofning of that zeal . a little more clearness here had not been amiss . as for the last words of this letter ; that all these are his majesty's commands ; it is very hard for me to bring my self to believe them . for certainly he has more piety for the memory of the late martyr , and more regard both to himself , to his children , and to his people , than to have ever given any such commands . in order to the communicating this piece of elegance to the world , i wish the translating it into french were recommended to mr. d' albeville : that it may appear whether the secretary stile will look better in his irish french , than it does now in the scotch english of him who penne dit . finis . an answer to a paper printed with allowance , entitled , a new test of the church of england's loyalty . i. the accusing the church of england of want of loyalty , or the putting it to a new test , after so fresh a one , with relation to his majesty , argues a high degree of confidence in him who undertakes it . she knew well what were the doctrines and practices of those of the roman church , with relation to hereticks ; and yet she was so true to her loyalty , that she shut her eyes on all the temptations , that so just a fear could raise in her : and she set her self to support his majesties right of succession , with so much zeal , that she thereby not only put her self in the power of her enemies ; but she has also exposed her self to the scorn of those who insult over her in her misfortune . she lost the affections even of many of her own children ; who thought that her zeal for an interest , which was then so much decry'd , was a little too fervent : and all those who judged severely of the proceedings , thought that the opposition which she made to the side that then went so high , had more heat than decency in it . and indeed all this was so very extraordinary , that if she was not acted by a principle of conscience , sh● could make no excuse for her conduct● there appeared such peculiar marks of affection and heartiness , at every time that the duke was named , whether in drinking his health , or upon graver occasions , that it seemed affected : and when the late king himself ( whose word they took that he was a protestant ) was spoke of but coldly , the very name of the duke set her children all on fire ; this made many conclude , that they were ready to sacrifice all to him ; for indeed their behaviour was inflamed with so much heat , that the greater part of the nation believed they waited for a fit opportunity to declare themselves . faith in jesus christ was not a more frequent subject of the sermons of many , than loyalty ; and the right of the succession to the crown , the heat that appeared in the pulpit , and the learning that was in their books on these subjects , and the eloquent strains that were in their addresses , were all originals ; and made the world conclude , that whatever might be laid to their charge , they should never be accused of any want of loyalty , at least in this king's time , while the remembrance of so signal a service was so fresh . when his majesty came to the crown , these men did so entirely depend on the promise that he made , to maintain the church of england , that the doubting of the performance appeared to them the worst sort of infidelity . they believed , that in his majesty , the hero , and the king , would be too strong for the papist : and when any one told them , how weak a tie the faith of a catholick to hereticks must needs be , they could not hearken to this with any patience ; but looked on his majesties promise as a thing so sacred , that they imploy'd their interest to carry all elections of parliament-men , for those that were recommended by the court , with so much vigour , that it laid them open to much censure . in parliament they moved for no lawes to secure their religion ; but assuring themselves , that honour was the kings idol , they laid hold on it , and fancied , that a publick reliance on his word , would give them an interest in his majesty , that was generous , and more suteable to the nobleness of a princely nature than any new laws could be : so that they acquiesced in it , and gave the king a vast revenue for life : in the rebellion that followed , they shewed with what zeal they adhered to his majesty , even against a pretender that declared for them . and in the session of parliament , which came after that , they shewed their disposition to assist the king with new supplies ; and were willing to excuse and indemnify all that was past ; only they desired with all possible modesty , that the laws which his majesty had both promised , and at his coronation had sworn to maintain , might be executed . here is their crime , which has raised all this out-cry ; they did not move for the execution of severe or penal laws , but were willing to let those sleep , till it might appear by the behaviour of the papists , whether they might deserve that there should be any mitigation made of them in their favour . since that time , our church-men have been constant in mixing their zeal for their religion against popery , with a zeal for loyalty against rebellion , because they think these two are very well consistent one with another . it is true , they have generally expressed an unwillingness to part with the two tests ; because they have no mind to ●ust the keeping of their throats to those who they believe will cut them : and they have seen nothing in the conduct of the papists , either within or without the kingdom , to make them grow weary of the laws for their sakes ; and the same principle of common sense , which makes it so hard for them to believe transubstantiation , makes them conclude , that the author of this paper , and his friends , are no other , than what they hear , and see , and know them to be . ii. one instance in which the church of england shewed her submission to the court , was , that as soon as the nonconformists had drawn a new storm upon themselves , by their medling in the matter of the exclusion , many of her zealous members went into that prosecution of them , which the court set on foot , with more heat , than was perhaps either justifiable in it self , or reasonable in those circumstances ; but how censurable soever some angry men may be , it is somewhat strange to see those of the church of rome blame us for it , which has decreed such unrelenting severities against all that differ from her , and has enacted that not only in parliaments but even in general councils . it must needs sound odly to hear the sons of a church , that must destroy all others as soon as it can compass it , yet complain of the excesses of fines and imprisonments , that have been of late among us . but if this reproach seems a little strange when it is in the mouth of a papist , it is yet much more provoking , when it comes from any of the court. were not all the orders for the late severity sent from thence ? did not the judges in every circuit , and the favourite justices of peace in every sessions , imploy all their eloquence on this subject ? the directions that were given to the justices and the grand juries were all repeated aggravations of this matter : and a little ordinary lawyer , without any other visible merit , but an outragious fury in those matters , on which he has chiefly valued himself , was of a sudden taken into his majesties special favour , and raised up to the highest posts of the law. all these things , led some of our obedient clergy , to look on it as a piece of their duty to the king , to encourage that severity , of which the court seemed so fond , that almost all people thought , they had set it up for a maxime , from which they would never depart . i will not pretend to excuse all that has been done of late years : but it is certain , that the most crying severities have been acted by persons that were raised up to be judges and magistrates for that very end : they were instructed , trusted , and rewarded for it , both in the last and under the present reign . church-preferments were distributed , rather as recompences of this devouring zeal , than of a real merit ; and men of more moderate tempers were not only ill lookt at , but ill used . so that it is in it self very unreasonable to throw the load of the late rigour on the church of england , without distinction : but it is worse than in good manners it is fit to call it , if this reproach comes from the court. and it is somewhat unbecoming to see that , which was set on at one time , disown'd at another ; while yet he that was the chief instrument in it is still in so high a post ; and begins now to treat the men of the church of england , with the same brutal excesses , that he bestowed so lately and so liberally on the dissenters ; as if his design were to render himself equally odious to all mankind . iii. the church of england may justly expostulate when she is treated as seditious , after she has rendred the highest services to the civil authority , that any church now on earth has done : she has beaten down all the principles of rebellion , with more force and learning , than any body of men has ever yet done ; and has run the hazard of enraging her enemies , and losing her friends , even for those , from whom the more learned of her members knew well what they might expect . and since our author likes the figure of a snake in ones bosom so well ; i could tell him , that according to the apologue , we took up and sheltred an interest , that was almost dead , and by that warmth gave it life , which yet now with the snake in the bosom , is like to bite us to death . we do not say , we are the only church that has principles of loyalty ; but this we may say , that we are the church in the world that carries them the highest ; as we know a church that of all others sinks them the lowest . we do not pretend that we are inerrable in this point , but acknowledge that some of our clergy miscarried in it upon king edwards death : yet at the same time , others of our communion adhered more steadily to their loyalty in favour of queen mary , than she did to the promises that she made to them . upon this subject our author by his false quotation of history , forces me to set the reader right , which if it proves to the disadvantage of his cause , his friends may thank him for it . i will not enter into so tedious a digression as the justifying queen elisabeths being legitimate , and the throwing the bastardy on queen mary must carry me to ; this i will only say , that it was made out , that according to the best sort of arguments used by the church of rome , i mean the constant tradition of all ages , king henry the viii . marrying with queen katherine , was incestuous , and by consequence queen mary was the bastard , and queen elisabeth was the legitimate issue . but our author not satisfied with defaming queen elisabeth , tells us , that the church of england was no sooner set up by her , than she enacted those bloody cannibal laws , to hang , draw and quarter the priests of the living god : but since these lawes disturb him so much , what does he think of the laws of burning the poor servants of the living god , because they cannot give divine worship to that which they believe to be only a piece of bread ? the representation he gives of this part of our history , is so false , that tho' upon queen elisabeth's coming to the crown , there were many complaints exhibited of the illegal violences that bonner and other butchers had committed , yet all these were stifled , and no penal lawes were enacted against those of that religion . the popish clergy were indeed turned out ; but they were well used , and had pensions assigned them ; so ready was the queen and our church to forgive what was past , and to shew all gentleness for the future . during the first thirteen years of her reign , matters went on calmly , without any sort of severity on the account of religion . but then the restless spirit of that party , began to throw the nation into violent convulsions . the pope deposed the queen , and one of the party had the impudence to post up the bull in london ; upon this followed several rebellions , both in england and ireland , and the papists of both kingdoms entred into confederacies with the king of spain and the court of rome ; the priests disposed all the people that depended on them , to submit to the popes authority in that deposi●ion , and to reject the queens : these endeavours , besides open rebellions , produced many secret practices against her life . all these things gave the rise to the severe laws , which began not to be enacted before the twentieth year of her reign . a war was formed by the bull of deposition , between the queen and the court of rome , so it was a necessary piece of precaution , to declare all those to be traitors who were the missionaries of that authority which had stript the queen of hers : yet those laws were not executed upon some secular priests who had the honesty to condemn the deposing doctrine . as for the unhappy death of the queen of scotland , it was brought on by the wicked practices of her own party , who fatally involved her in some of them ; she was but a subject here in england ; and if the queen took a more violent way , than was decent for her own security , here was no disloyalty nor rebellion in the church of england , which owed her no sort of allegeance . iv. i do not pretend that the church of england has any great cause to value her self upon her fidelity to king charles the first , tho' our author would have it pass for the only thing of which she can boast : for i confess , the cause of the church was so twisted with the king 's , that interest and duty went together : tho i will not go so far as our author , who says , that the law of nature dictates to every individual to fight in his own defence : this is too bold a thing to be delivered so crudely at this time . the laws of nature are perpetual , and can never be cancelled by any special law : so if these gentlemen own so freely , that this is a law of nature , they had best take care not to provoke nature too much , lest she fly to the relief that this law may give her , unless she is restrained by the loyalty of our church . our author values his party much upon their loyalty to king charles the first : but i must take the liberty to ask him , of what religion were the irish rebells ; and what sort of loyalty was it , that they shewed either in the first massacre , or in the progress of that rebellion ? their messages to the pope , to the court of france , and to the duke of lorrain , offering themselves to any of these , that would have undertaken to protect them , are acts of loyalty , which the church of england is no way inclined to follow : and the authentical proofs of these things are ready to be produced . nor need i add to this , the hard terms that they offered to the king , and their ill usage of those whom he imployed . i could likewise repress the insolence of this writer , by telling him of the slavish submissions that their party made to cromwel , both father and son. as for their adhering to king charles the first , there is a peculiar boldness in our authors assertion , who says , that they had no hope nor interest in that cause : the state of that court is not so quite forgot , but that we do well remember what credit the queen had with the king , and what hopes she gave the party ; yet they did not so entirely espouse the kings cause , but that they had likewise a flying squadron in the parliaments army , how boldly soever this may be denyed by our author ; for this i will give him a proof , that is beyond exception , in a declaration of that king 's , sent to the kingdom of scotland , bearing date the . of april . which is printed over and over again , and as an author that writes the history of the late wars , has assured us the clean draught of it , corrected in some places with the king 's own hand , is yet extant : so that it cannot be pretended , that this was only a bold assertion of some of the kings ministers , that might be ill affected to their party . in that declaration the king studied to possess his subjects of scotland with the justice of his cause , and among other things , to clear himself of that imputation that he had an army of papists about him , after many things said on that head , these words are added : great numbers of that religion have been with great alacrity entertained in that rebellious army against us : and others have been seduced , to whom we had formerly denyed imployments ; as appears by the examination of many prisoners , of whom we have taken twenty and thirty at a time of one troop or company of that religion . i hope our author will not have the impudence to dispute the credit that is due to this testimony : but no discoveries , how evident soever they may be , can affect some sort of men ; that have a secret against blushing . v. our author exhorts us , to change our principles of loyalty , and to take example of our catholick neighbours , how to behave our selves towards a prince , that is not of our perswasion : but would he have us learn of our irish neighbours , to cut our fellow subjects throats , and rebel against our king , because he is of another religion ? for that is the freshest example that any of our catholick neighbours have set us : and therefore i do not look so far back , as to the gunpowder-plot , or the league of france in the last age. he reproaches us for failing in our fidelity to our king. but in this matter we appeal to god , angels , and men ; and in particular to his majesty : let our enemies shew any one point of our duty , in which we have failed : for as we cannot be charged for having preacht any seditious doctrine , so we are not wanting in the preaching of rhe duties of loyalty , even when we see what they are like to cost us . the point which he singles out is , that we have failed in that grateful return , that we owed his majesty for his promise , of maintaining our church as it is established by law ; since upon that we ought to have repealed the sanguinary laws , and the late impious tests : the former being enacted to maintain the usurpation of queen elisabeth ; and the other being contrived to exclude the present king. we have not failed to pay all the gratitude and duty that was possible , in return to his majesties promise ; which we have carried so far , that we are become the object even of our enemies scorn by it . with all humility be it said , that if his majesty had promised us a farther degree of his favour , than that of which the law had assured us , it might have been expected , that our return should have been a degree of obedience beyond that which was required by law ; so that the return of the obedience injoyned by law , answers a promise of a protection according to law : yet we carried this matter further ; for as was set forth in the beginning of this paper , we went on in so high a pace of compliance and confidence , that we drew the censures of the whole nation on us : nor could any jealousies or fears give us the least apprehensions , till we were so hard pressed in matters of religion , that we could be no longer silent : the same apostle that taught us to honour the king , said likewise , that we must obey god rather than man. our author knows the history of our laws ill ; for besides what has been already said , touching the laws made by queen elisabeth , the severest of all our penall laws , and that which troubles him and his friends most , was past by k. james after the gunpowder-plot ; a provocation that might have well justified even greater severities . but tho our author may hope to imp●se on an ignorant reader , who may be apt to believe implicitly , what he says concerning the laws of the last age , yet it was too bold for him to assert , that the tests , which are so lately made , were contrived to exclude the present king : when there was not a thought of exclusion many years after the first was made , and the duke was excepted out of the second by a special proviso . but these gentlemen will do well never to mention the exclusion ; for every time that it is named , it will make people call to mind , the service that the church of england did in that matter , and that will carry with it a reproach of ingratitude that needs not be aggravated . he also confounds the two tests , as if that for publick imployments , contained in it a declaration of the king 's being an idolater , or as he makes it , a pagan : which is not at all in it ; but in the other for the members of parliament , in which there is indeed a declaration , that the church of rome is guilty of idolatry ; which is done in general terms , without applying it to his majesty , as our author does : upon this he would infer , that his majesty is not safe till the tests are taken away : but we have given such evidences of our loyalty , that we have plainly shewed this to be false ; since we do openly declare , that our duty to the king is not founded on his being of this or that religion ; so that his majesty has a full security from our principles , tho the tests continue , since there is no reason that we , who did run the hazard of being ruined by the excluders , when the tide was so strong against us , would fail his majesty now , when our interest and duty are joyned together : but if the tests are taken away , it is certain that we can have no security any longer ; for we shall be then laid open to the violence of such restless and ill-natured men , as the author of this paper and his brethren are . vi. the same reason that made our saviour refuse to throw himself down from the roof of the temple , when the devil tempted him to it , in the vain confidence , that angels must be assistant to him to preserve him , holds good in our case . our saviour said , thou shalt not tempt the lord thy god. and we dare not trust our selves to the faith and to the mercies of a society , that is but too well known to the world , to pretend , that we should pull down our pales , to let in such wolves among us . god and the laws have given us a legal security , and his majesty has promised to maintain us in it : and we think it argues no distrust , either of god , or the truth of our religion , to say , that we cannot by any act of our own , lay our selves open , and throw away that defence . nor would we willingly expose his majesty to the unwearied solicitations of a sort of men , who , if we may judge of that which is to come , by that which is past , would give him no rest , if once the restraints of law were taken off , but would drive matters to those extremities , to which we see their natures carry them head-long . vii . the last paragraph is a strain worthy of that school that bred our author ; he says , his majesty may withdraw his royal protection from the church of england which was promised her , upon the account of her constant fidelity ; and he brings no other proof to confirm so bold an assertion but a false axiome of that despised philosophy , in which he was bred : cessante causa tollitur effectus . this is indeed such an indignity to his majesty , that i presume to say it with all humble reverence , these are the last persons whom he ought to pardon , that have the boldness to touch so sacred a point as the faith of a prince , which is the chief security of government , and the foundation of all the confidence that a prince can promise himself from his people , and which , once blasted , can never be recovered : equivocations may be both taught and practised with less danger by an order that has little credit to lose ; but nothing can shake thrones so much , as such treacherous maximes . i must also ask our author , in what point of fidelity has our church failed so far , as to make her forfeit her title to his majesties promises ? for as he himself has stated this matter , it comes all to this . the king promised that he would maintain the church of england as established by law. upon which in gratitude he says , that the church of england was bound to throw up the chief security that she had in her establishment by law ; which is , that all who are intrusted either with the legislative or the executive parts of our government , must be of her communion ; and if the church of england is not so tame and so submissive , as to part with this , then the king is free from his promise , and may withdraw his royal protection ; tho i must crave leave to tell him , that the laws gave the church of england a right to that protection , whether his majesty had promised it or not . of all the maximes in the world , there is none more hurtful to the government , in our present circumstances , than the saying , that the kings promises and the peoples fidelity ought to be reciprocal ; and that a failure in the one , cuts off the other : for by a very natural consequence the subject may likewise say , that their oaths of allegeance being founded on the assurance of his majesties protection , the one binds no longer than the other is observed : and the inferences that may be drawn from hence will be very terrible , if the loyalty of the so much decryed church of england , does not put a stop to them . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e ☜ ☜ ☜ the conformity of the discipline and government of those who are commonly called independants to that of the ancient primitive christians by lewis du moulin. du moulin, lewis, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious. liberty of conscience. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the conformity of the discipline and government of those who are commonly called independants to that of the ancient primitive christians . by dr. lewis du moulin sometime history professor of oxford . qui repertâ veritate aliquid ulterius discutit , mendacium quaerit . valentinianus & martianus . london , printed for richard janeway , . the table of the chapters . chap. . of prejudices in general , and of the force of the objections commonly urged against the tenets and principles of nestorius , to serve by way of introduction to the prejudices that are formed against the independants . pag. . chap. . the advantages of the congregational may above any other establishment of the church beside : that it is the most reasonable ; and that all others have insuperable inconveniences . p. . chap. . that upon the ground of this hypothesis ▪ that every supreme authority either in the popish , or the presbyterian church is subject to ernour , monsieur de condom hath reason to approve of the congregational may , and the independancy of particular churches on any other authority than that of jesus christ in his word . p. . chap. . that the design of the congregational churches is most holy and most reasonable , when they labour to retain a conformity of faith with the other ▪ reformed churches ; but take the liberty to differ from them in matter of discipline : of the veneration ▪ they have for calvin , and for the churches which follow his doctrine , and discipline . p. . chap. . that the congregational churches do most rationally establish the authority of synods , and pastors , and the nature of the church . p. . chap. . an answer to those who say that the congregational way is incompatible with the civil power ; and that it deprives the magistrate of the right he hath to the government of the church ; that it is introductory of irreligion , ignorance , and schism in the church . p. . chap. . that the congregational way has been practised in all ages of the world. p. . chap. . of the great benefit and advantage that comes from the establishment of the congregational way in the world. p. . chap. . that the most judicious divines of france and other places , without thinking of it , do naturally fall into the hypotheses of the congregational churches . of the judgment which ought to be made of their confession of faith , of their discipline , and conduct . p. . chap. . of the wise and prudent carriage of the independants , and of their way to get further off the church of rome than any other , and to condemn all the wayes of reconciliation with it , and the churches that hold any communion with rome . that the indeavour to come near it is damnable and pernicious : as is sufficiently seen in the present posture of the affairs of england . p. . chap. . a continuance of the same matter concerning the wise carriage of those churches that are for their way congregational , when they condemn all manner of speaking like to rome , and all practises , that do any whit savour of theirs : and the six maxims on which the pope and his church are founded : a confirmation of that by a history taken out of the life of joseph hall. p. . chap. . an apology for the author of the conformity of the congregational churches with that of the antient primitive christians : that a disinteressed person , such as he is , is the most fit to write about these matters . of the obligation he hath to the bishop of condom for the light he hath given him . p. . chap. . the explication of one difficulty which runs throughout the whole precedent discourse . p. . chap. . remarks upon the fault that some may find in the title of this discourse . p. . chap. ult. an answer to those who accuse the independants for being the authors of the late civil wars in england , and particularly for having had an immediate hand in the death of king charles the first . p. . the conformity of the government of those who are commonly called independants , with that of the ancient primitive christians chap. i. of prejudices in general , and of the force of the objections commonly urged against the tenets and principles of nestorius , to serve by way of introduction , to the prejudices that are formed against the independants . 't is above fifty years , since some learned and judicious persons , as well of the gown , as others , have now brought to light an important and necessary truth , which the strength of prejudice , and a general and opinionative blindness , that hath lasted for more than this thousand years , hath kept under a bushel : 't is that of nestorius , which the eminent authority of cyril , has made to pass , during all that time , and even from the third oecumenical councel , for an absolute lie , and with which all the learned , both the general and particular councils , all the fathers , and all the new doctors of both communions , have been so successively prepossessed , that they have thought it nearly concerned their honour , not only to deny it ; but even to be continually throwing their anathema's at the head of the poor nestorius , whom they have made to pass for an abominable heretick , although at the bottome , nestorius was he of the two who was by far the more orthodox , and the honester man ; and on the other hand , cyril was the heretick . for it is with the authority of cyrillus , as with that eminent authority of the church of rome , to which monsieur a●●auld would have all men fixed , and with which he thought to overwhelm and undo monsieur claude . not to make any application of this history to what has happened to my self in particular , as to the necessary truths i have promulged and advanced , i will content my self with fixing to one , which is like to that of nestorius ; 't is that about those who are called independants ; who though they will not yield , in exactness of living , or in holiness of doctrine , to any of the protestants in europe , for they are led more than other christians by the spirit of jesus christ , which is a spirit of meekness , moderation , and of a sound mind , and they are farthest off from the spirit of malignity and persecution , and their doctrine hath more of conformity with that of the apostles , and the primitive christians , than any of the others ; and though , to conclude , their confession of faith is the most nervous and sinewy , the most orthodox , and coutched up in terms so strong and powerful , that of all pieces , which yet have appeared in the world , fince the writings of the apostles , it is the most full and perfect : yet have they had the unhappiness to be loaded with injuries by our synods , and by those of our divines , who are the most eminent in learning , and of a life and piety the most exemplary , and that too in a manner altogether inhumane and barbarous ; so far , as that monsieur amy●auld calls them fools , enthusiasts , and such as are infamous in their lives . monsieur d' aille , the father says of them , that it is a pernicious sect , which from the very foundation overthrows the empires and governments of the world ; and others have no better opinion of them , imputing to them practises contrary to truth ; as to receive into their communion the most loose , disordered , and impious persons ; though on the contrary , their fault , if it be one , is just at the other extremity , not to receive , neither into their society , nor their communion any but such , in whom they probably find the marks of regeneration ; and that beside , their greatest crime is to condemn the practise of churches , as popish and tyrannical , when by a right pretended to be divine , and by vertue of the power of the keyes , and of that of binding and loosing ; they erect a tribunal , or a national ecclesiastical power , independent and distinct from that of the magistrate , though otherwise they approve of the government of our churches of france according to the principles of those who establish it upon a natural right , and upon a considerate discipline , in a manner absolutely like to the civil and politick . for it is upon this ground of natural right , of confederation , of arbitrary discipline , and purely humane , which may , and ought to be changed and altered , according to times and places , it is upon this ground , i say , that the discipline of the reformed churches of france is established and founded , as the last article of their discipline , says it , in the very express terms . chap. ii. the advantage of the congregational way , above any other establishment of the church beside : that it is the most reasonable , and that oll others have insuperable inconveniencies . this congregational way hath incredible advantages over and above all the other establishments of religion , which most commonly are of the same extent as the civil state of every territory : but , beyond all , this way introduces into all the churches which conform to it , or at least into a great many of those churches , a reformation in doctrine , in discipline , and in manner of government ; wholly apostolical : it being impossible that of a hundred congregations , or particular churches , which should differ one from another in faith , and in the way of government , otherwise independant each on the other , or on the synods , but that there should be some or other which does retain this apostolical holiness : whereas it is not any wayes possible , as we have seen by experience since the time of constantine the great , but that one national church of the same extent as the civil state , or as the empire or dominion of a prince , must needs have many defects , errours , and apparent disorders , not only in discipline , but also in doctrine , for these following reasons , . we must consider a national church , either in the manner , as it was established by constantine , theodostus , and justinian , of as great an extent as the roman empire , in which the state ecclesiastical was regulated after the model of the civil state : where the bishop of a city or place , whose extent was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was parallel to the defensor civitatis , or to the dux ; the archbishop , or the metropolitan of the province was parallel to the praeses or proconsul , and corrector . the diocesan , the primate , or the patriarch , who was also the hexarch in the time of the calcedonian council , was parallel to the legat of the emperour , or vicarius , where the praetorium was , and where there was in the ecclesiastical state a subordination of courts and tribunals , as in the civil state : for that was the errour of the antients to adjust the ecclesiastical government to the civil , instead of practising the quite contrary , according to the judicious maxim of a wise italian politician . bisogna accomodare la ragione di stato alla religione , & non la religione alla rag one di stato . or we must consider the national church , when the pastors are in an equality of rank and dignity , but with subordination to provincial or national assemblies , consistories , colloquies , and synods . now in either manner of establishment , where there is observed in all things an uniformity of doctrine and of discipline , and which is pressed by the same rigorous severities in the state ecclesiastical , as the laws are in the civil , in either manner , i say , even , when the magistrate favours the true worshippers of jesus christ , there happens errours and disorders innumerable , which never would be found in the establishment of the congregational way : as when the bishop or a small number of pastors has the whole management and supervision of affairs ; and where it is impossible but that heresie , ambition , envy , politick regards , temporal interest , the spirit of pride and grandeur , and factions should reign among them ; and that these errours and disorders should so easily be visible , and taken notice of , as in a particular composed of one or two pastors , and of a small number of people , this is what has been observed by the historians socrates , and sozomen , and by the fathers . gregory nazianzen sayes , that he had never seen synods to produce any good effects , but that they had rather increased heresie , then stifled and suppress'd it . martyn , the bishop of tours , had no better opinion of them . all the synods , especially , the oecumenical , had been shire ▪ halls , houses of confusion , or even aceldama's , if the emperours , or their commissaries had not thrown water upon the fire which they had kindled : yet they could not always so hinder , but that these two great evils of synods and bishops , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did transport them to the very extremities of tyranny and cruelty : insomuch that dioscorus who was president in the second council of ephesus over four hundred persons , was so moved with rage and passion against flavian bishop of antioch , that he rose up from his seat , and killed him with blows and kicks , and also trampled upon his body after he was dead . 't is remarkable that the canons full of piety and pure doctrine , were never made in numerous and oecumenical synods , but in those that were private , and composed of a few persons , such as was that of orenge , where we read these words that deserve to be writ in gold. tales nos amat deus , quales futuri sumus ipsius dono , non quales sumus nostro merito : having in it only the first nicene council which hath produced us this most nervous confession concerning the blessed trinity . i add that in the establishment of a national church , which observes in a large extent of dominion the same uniformity of religion as of polity , it is neither goodness nor truth , neither sincerity , nor a well-form'd design that acts , but it is hazard , worldly interrest , power , and the greatest number , which is oftentimes the most erroncous , and the will of one single person invested with an absolute power , which is most commonly taken up by flatterers , and counsellors , who are animated with other motives than those of conscience , or who , how good soever , and sincere otherwise , are not illuminated , nor learned enough to give a right judgement about matters of religion . carneades said , that the state of athens was unhappy , in which wise men made fair overtures , and gave good counsels , but fools judged of them , and ordered all things according to their idle and extravagant fancies . and indeed wise men may consult ▪ but it is the greatest number , or the longest and best sword that determines , which is too often in the hands of those , who have more strength of power , than force of judgement , so that by this establishment of a national ecclesiastical government , thousands of christians and faithful souls are as much obliged to submit themselves to the religion of a whole empire , according to the establishment which shall be made of it by an idolatrous rehoboam , by an arrian constantius , by an apostate julian , by a popish mary queen of england , as to that which shall be set up by a david , by a constantine the the great , and by a queen elizabeth of ever blessed memory ; which inconveniencies neither can nor ever will be able to happen in a place , where the congregational way shall be established . it may be one soveraign , who shall be as heretick , as constantius , will issue forth his commands for the establishment of his heresie in all the places of his dominion , as theodosius the second made another for that of the orthodox faith , when he commanded , that all the subjects of his empire should receive the faith from damaseus of rome , and from peter of alexandria . but it may likewise fall out , that that same emperour , to wit , theodosius the second , might make two ordinances , which may mutually destroy one another ; for he convoked the first synod of ephesus , which condemned the opinion of nestorius , and some years after he convoked the second synod of ephesus , which contradicted it , and allowed the opinion of nestorius . . this same inconvenience is verified by the establishment of the best reformed churches in the world , i mean that of luther , and of calvin : for as the reformation was that of a national church of the same extent with that of the territory of the soveraign where it was established ; so likewise did it carry the obligation into germany , sweedland , and denmark that they should submit to consubstantiation , without any bodies having the liberty to form assemblies to themselves which may reject it ; which churches might do if they were independant . the same inconvenience is happened , and must happen from the national establishment of the reformation which calvin hath made in england , holland , some parts of germany , and elsewhere : and how pure soever the reformation was as for the doctrine of that holy man , it is extremely defective as to the discipline , the power ecclesiastick , and that tribunal which he erected in geneva , distinct and independant on the magistrate , by vertue of a pretended divine right and power , which hath been the cause of all those infinite disorders , confusions , and even schisms in england , scotland , holland , and geneva , even in the time of calvin , as we read in his epistles . . one great convenience which is found in the establishment of a national government , is , that it is always grounded upon humane principles , cruel , and barbarous , as to constrain , to persecute ▪ and even to burn those who in matter of religion do not embrace that of the ecclesiastical state , or of the magistrate that establishes it , and do not conform to all the practices that he appoints and commands . . they say that this national establishment of ecclesiastical government , deprives man of his reason , and his natural and religious liberty , in the choice he ought to make of his god , and of the worship he ought to render him , and to which he should not be constrained , but perswaded ▪ neither to be brought to it by custome nor by birth , nor likewise by the law of the magistrate , unless he be convinced that his ordinances and commands in matters of religion are conformable to the word of god ; for they press mightily upon this consideration , that this establishment divests man of the same liberty in his religious life , as he hath in the civil , where he is not restrained by any law of the magistrate to choose his house , his wife , his master , his servant , his lawyer , his physitian , his calling , nor any one particular manner how to govern his family , provided it may be done without breaking the publick peace . . they say , that how unjust or how extravagant soever the laws of the magistrate might be for the regulating of politie , yet there is nothing unreasonable , neither in the magistrate generally to command the practice of them , nor in all subjects submitting to them , without reserve or exception ▪ so long as the importance of those laws do not extend beyond the present life ; but if it reaches further , and conscience and eternal salvation be concerned therein , they believe , that an uniformity of faith and of religion , which should be imposed upon us , how good so ever the thing might be in its self , it would be wicked and unreasonable , because it would do violence to the conscience , of which the magistrate is not the master , nor the arbiter , as he is of the bodies and estates of men. chap. iii. that upon the ground of this hypothesis , that every supream authority , either in the popish or the presbyterian church , is subject to error ; monsieur de condom hath reason to approve of the congregational way , and the independency of particular churches on any other authority than that of jesus christ in his vvord . but there is nothing , which does more reasonably establish the independancy of particular churches , nor which more powerfully destroyes this authority in the church , by a divine right , and the necessity there is , that a person , or a particular church should depend upon its ordinances , ( unless that supream authority is infallible ; for if it be subject to error , it must of necessity do violence to the christian liberty of the faithful , and so degenerate into a tyrannical authority ) there is nothing , i say , which establishes more reasonably the independency of particular churches , nor which more powerfully destroyes their dependency , than the account which the bishop of condom gives of the judgements of the independants , and of the sentence that the synod of charenton pronounced against them . they believe , sayes he , that every faithful member ought to follow the illuminations of his own conscience , without submitting his judgement to the authority of any body , nor any ecclesiastical assembly , and they do not refuse to submit to the word of god , nor to embrace the decisions of synods , when after a due and through examination of them , they find them reasonable . that which they refuse to do , is to submit their judgement to that of any assembly , because it is a society of men that are subject to errour . the gospel it self is not more true than this perswasion of independants , and that bishop could not approve of one more reasonable , to wit , that a particular person , or church , ought not to submit their faith , their religion , nor the guidance of their manners to an authority which is subject to errour , but only to the word of god , which is an infallible authority . upon this ground the bishop of condom hath reason to condemn the synod of charenton , for having taxed the judgement of the independants with errour , which consists , as sayes the synod , in what they teach , that every church ought to be governed by its own laws , without any dependance upon any in matters ecclesiastical , and without any obligation to acknowledge the authority of synods for its governance and conduct . then a little after , this same synod decides , that this sect is as prejudicial to the state as to the church : that it opens a door to all sorts of irregularities and extravagancies : that it takes away all the means of bringing any remedy to them ; and that if it had field-room enough it would form to it self as many religions , as parishes or particular assemblies . these last words , sayes the bishop , discover , that it is principally in matters of faith , that the synod would establish dependancy , since the greatest inconvenience that he takes notice of , into which the faithful people of god would fall by independancy , is , that they would frame as many religions as parishes ; then , says he , of necessity , according to the doctrine of that synod , each church , and by a stronger reason each particular , must depend , as to what respects faith , upon a supreme authority , which resides in some assembly , or in some body , to which authority all the faithful people of god ought to submit their judgement . this bishop could take notice of nothing more unreasonable , and more extravagant in our synods , than to oblige a private person to submit himself in matters of faith to the judgment of an assembly ▪ whose decisions are not the word of god , that is to say , not infallible . 't is true , that pre-supposing all supreme authority in the church , whether in the protestant or romish , is subject to errour , the government of the adversaries of rome , of independants , or other protestants , is equally justifiable , when they refuse to pay submission to the authority of rome , since that it is incomparably more defective than that which the protestants set up in their churches . but on the other side , if it be true , that , upon this ground , the government of the independants is more justifiable and more reasonable than that of other protestants who blindly submit themselves to a tribunal subject to errour , and whose conduct and gonance is beyond all comparison further off from reason , than is that of the papists ; for pre-supposing that the authority of rome is infallible , the submission ▪ which the people pay to that supreme authority , is so much the more reasonable as that of the protestants is the less , when they submit to a supreme authority which they themselves believe is subject to errour . in short , the bishop of condom hath great reason to be sure , that the protestants are mightily beside the cushion , and to blame , for condemning the infallibility of rome , so long as the incontestability , and indisputableness which they invest their supreme authority withal , carries the same obligation along with it to obedience and submission . a great divine of ours who relates the judgement of the protestants hereupon , libr. . cap. . de clavibus , expresses himself in these words . hujus ligamenti quo pastores ecelesiae constringunt peccatores , tanta est vis & certitudo , ut christus pronunciet , si quid ligaverint pastores in terris , id fore lig●tum in coelo ; id est , deum ratum habiturum hanc ligationem , potest fieri aliquando ut ligatio sit injusta , vult tamen christus eam ratam esse ; non enim fas est homini qui injuste excommunicatus est , invaaere sacram coenam , & invitis pastoribus irrumpere in communionem ecclesiae . is not that to tell us , that a man excommunicated unjustly , is as much obliged to submit himself to the excommunication pronounced against him by an authority which hath erred , as when it is given by an authority which hath not erred ? and is not that to tell us , that in every way , whither justly or unjustly , a person delivered to satan ( as is the general opinion of all protestants ( excepting my father ) that to deliver to satan and to excommunicate are one and the same thing ) ought not to dispute o●● resist that authority , which hath delivered him up to that evil spirit ? to conclude , is not that to speak in the language of the canon , si papa distinct . ▪ which will by no means permit a person cast thus to the devil , although against all right and justice , by the authority of the pope , to resist that supreme authority . the bishop likewise hath no less good reason to be sure , that the conjunction of all the parts of romish church in one body would be unreasonable , if they were not cimented by infallibility ; and to divest it of its infallibility , is to break it in pieces , is to cast every of its least parts into independancy , and to give liberty to every of them to govern themselves according to their own mode and way , and to do their business by themselves . but here we should observe , as we go along , that of two depths of satan , the ecclesiastical power , and infallibility , the first is a lie , an imposture , and a cheat ; but that presupposing that it is not a cheat , but a thing that is good , and true , and the use of which is necessary in the church , infallibility is naturally and reasonably a consequence of it . and in truth , our reformers have placed incontestability in the room of infallibility . but it is true also , that if infallibility be a pure cheat ▪ the other is a pure and absolute tyranny , and it is less reasonable , in not being a natural consequence of ecclesiastical power : incontestability is a thousand times worse than infallibity except it be in one thing , and that is , that it hath not been of so long a duration . 't is here no doubt wherein the illuminations of humane reason were not so great to our first reformers , as to the generation of men in this age : for as those soresaw in it , that a submission of so many princes and people , who differed in customes , laws , and languages , to an authority subject to errour , was not only unreasonable , but also impossible , to prevent the revolt both of kings and people , they with a great deal of justice invested it with infallibility . and 't is here too that the bishop of condom triumphs over us , and has great reason for it on his side , when he reproaches us that we have been deficient in our politicks , in not erecting among us an infallible tribunal , and that we are much to blame , for obliging the faithful people of god with so much rigour and severity to submit to a tribunal subject to errour ; but those of rome are not so , for they oblige their people to submit to one that is infallible . but the independants , as they are led by the illumination of grace , and reason , so likewise are they most reationally , and with great justice and piety disengaged not only from a pretended infallible tribunal , but also from the tyranny of such dependance , or submission to an authority subject to errour . as to the assertion of the synod of charenton , that the sect of the independants opens the door to all manner of irregularities and extravagances , that assertion , i say , seems plausible at the first , as in truth it is not only plausible , but most reasonable in matters purely civil , in which , if there were not a last resort and refuge , and appeal from court to court in the territories of a soveraign , there would be as many courts erected independant one on the other , not only as there are families , but as there are private persons . which inconvenience is not one in matters of religion , faith , doctrine and divine worship , in ▪ which the conscience of every one is the last resort wherein the business is to be judged without any further appeal , and where none ought to be constrained , but exhorted and perswaded : a synod is to perswade a particular church to embrace such a faith ; but it hath neither right nor power to force it . now a particular church is to do the same as to one of its members , and if it carries any constraint with it , it no longer acts as a church , and as an assembly of christians and faithful● people , but as a magistrate , at least like an arbiter and judge , to whom jesus christ sent the planteth in the eighteenth chapter of st. matthew , in these words tell it to the church , that is to say , tell it to an assembly which had neither any court , nor any power , nor jurisdiction , and where the party intimated mightly decline , or refuse the judgement without damage , as it appears by those words of jesus christ , if he dres not hearken to the church . for by these words , let him be unto thee , &c. jesus christ does not command the church to proceed to an excommunication of that party that has done the wrong , but he advises the offended party to cite the other , who has deprived himself of the quality of a brother before the natural judges , as well of the publicans as of the heathens the one being the ministers of the state , and the other being of the religion of the emperour . in short , the church as such , and considered as christians , and honest men , hath no more jurisdiction ▪ that a colledge of philosophers . chap. iv. that the design of the congregational churches is most holy and most reasonable , when they labour to retain a conformity of faith with the other reformed churches , but take the liberty to differ from them in matter of discipline : of the veneraiton they have for calvin , and for the churches which follow his doctrine and discipline . the design of producing their confession of faith , is to shew , that it is the very masterpiece of an extreamly juditious government ; and as it was the work of persons most perfect in the study of divinity , the principal design they had in the composition of their confession was to declare and testifie to the world , that altho every church might take the liberty to differ from others in discipline , they ought nevertheless to labour above all things to retain and keep the same faith in matters , that are essential with all the reformed churches . this is what the congregational party have done with great care and circumspection in the making of their confession : for beside , that they do but a very little differ from that of the presbyterians , and that they do not at all divide from them , but in matter of discipline , they have also indeavoured to have their faith conformable to the doctrine of the church of england : and as to their discipline , it is very simple and naked : they have no other than that which saint paul gives in three words , to wit , that every thing in the church should be done decently and in order . they have especially had an eye to the practice of the churches under the good roman emperors , under constantine , theodosius , martianus , and justinian , under whom they kept a strict uniformity in faith ▪ and that correspondence was maintained by letters which they called literae testimoniales , circulares , ecclesiasticae , formatae ; tho otherwise they took the liberty to differ one from another , even under one and the same emperour , in discipline , in customes , and in ceremonies . saint austin , epist . ad tanuarium , . & epist . . ad casulanum presbyterum , permits any church to differ from others in ceremonies , and in manner of government , provided that they agree with them in unity of faith. the historian socrates , libr. . cap. . tells us , that there was not to be found two churches in all the roman empire , which observed one and the same form of prayers to god. the jesuit mainbourg , how zealous soever he is to the uniformity of rome in his doctrine and discipline , yet he ceases not to say , and to maintain , that the diversity of usages , customes , and practices , is compatible with the unity of faith. one ought not , says he , never to separate for the diversity and customes , which may be different the one from the other , without the wounding the vnity of faith. pag. . of his third book of the treatise of schism among the grecians . i have read as much in a great lawyer , it is godefrey the son. certissima olim fidei ▪ contesseratio erat unà eucharistiam s●mere . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicebantur non in eadem disciplina , sed fid● . we must also do them this justice , that there are no doctors who have a greater veneration for the doctrine and memory of caloin , nor who desire with more ardent zeal to have a strict and close communion with the churches which follow the doctrine of that holy man , than their pastors ; altho they believe that they may have , as i have said , the liberty to differ from them in matter of discipline , without thinking themselves guilty , either of separation ▪ or schism . chap. v. that the congregational churches do most rationally establish the authority of synods and pastors , and the nature of the church . 't is a great wrong and injury done to the independants , to affirm that they condemn synods , since on the contrary , they establish the true use of them , as the bishop of condom , who hath more charity for them than other synods , and our divines acknowledge . the independants , says he , do not refuse to embrace and comply with the decisions of synods , when , after they have duely examined them , they find them not unreasonable : that which they refuse to do , is to submit their judgement to that of any assembly or society subject to errour . the independants argue as mr. pajon does : though jesus christ himself , says he , should come down from heaven to dwell on the earth again with all the rayes of glory that are roand about him , to teach us , and to guide and direct us ; yet it would be impossible for us to obey him reasonably , without making use of our iwn illumination to know it , and to judge whither it be just and reasonable to obey him in all things . if he would not have a humane judgement submit to that which discovers it's infallibility with so much dazling and lustre , unless reason lead one to it ; by an argument à fortiori would he approve of the conduct of the independants as reasonable , when they refuse to submit to a judgement that is humane and fallible . but the true constitution of synods according to them , when they look upon them as the assemblies of the ministers of jesus christ , of divines , and of faithful people , and the true use they make of them , and which ought to be made of them , is to ask , and receive from them advice and counsel , as one expects , and as one ought to receive it from wise and experienced men , and not by way of command and impulse . that is all the authority that the great arch-bishop of armagh , and mr. baxter gives them , when they consider them as such : and also the oecumenical synods which were held under constantine and martian , had no more , before those emperours gave to their conclusions the force and prevalence of canons , and the sanction of imperial laws . they take the apostolical synod for the model of the authority of all synods , at least of that which they would attribute to themselves : and although it was the onley synod that was guided by the spirit of infallibility , and its authority was much more eminent otherwise than that of all the synodal assemblies in the succeeding ages ; yet it never went , as the others have done since , to throw out anathema's at the heads of those who refuse to be obedient to them ; but it only concludes with this exhortation , if you keep these canons , you will do well , they speak of the nature of the church , of the power and calling of pastors , and of their ordination , and according to the good maxims of monsieur mestrozat , monsieur pajon , and monsieur claude , and their doctors were the first who have established the true nature of schism . as to what respects the power , the authority , and the jurisdiction of pastors , they acknowledge no other in the church than that which is confined in every particular church , and which goes not beyond perswasion ▪ or at the farthest a declaration that it makes , that it no longer owns such and such , either for the pastors , or members of its society : and this is what is done by a natural right , and not in shooting out the thunderclaps of excommunication , or deposition against them ; for excommunication is not a business that is much disputed of among them . the hereticks and the wicked , being condemned by their own confession , have no need to be excommunicated , because they are excommunicated of themselves , as the bishop godean tells us in his paraphrase upon the eleventh verse , of the third chapter of the epistile to titus , a man that is an heretick after the first and second admonition reject , knowing that he that is such , is subverted , and sinneth , being condemned of himself ▪ and it is what he says , after saint jerome . if any one of their assemblies practise excommunication , it is that of the ancient christians , it is not a privation from the holy supper , but an ejection of the body out of the assembly , no longer to be reckoned any of their members . chap. vi. an answer to those who say that the congregational way is incompatible with the civil power ; and that it deprives the magistrate of the right he hath to the government of the church ; that it is introductory of irreligion , ignorance , and schism in the church . the four and twentieth chapter of their confession of faith , condemns those who speak of them , as of persons that despise superiour powers : for it is easiy to demonstrate that their way is so far from being , as monsieur daille believed , pernitious , and such as troubles the peace of the world , or which over-throws the governments of it , and the authority both of soveraigns and their states , that , on the contrary , there is no way in the world which contributes more to the strength'ning of empires , especially of monarchies , and which ought lesse disquiet the crowned heads for fear least they should cause by it any commotions in the state , than theirs : for as they do not set up and establish any ecclesiastical tribunal independant on the magistrate , which draws along with it the two thirds of the most considerable persons of the state , especially , those who are most nice and scrupulous in religion ; it is impossible that there should be any troubles made by leagues and confederations in that manner as may be in all the presbyterian churches of a nation , and as those practise it , when they forme to themselves , as oft times they have done an assembly of their deputies . all the world knowes that these general and national assemblies of the clergy , have been formidable to kings and parliaments ▪ because they are as an altar , and a soveraign ecclesiastical power ; opposed to a soveraign and civil power , of which there have been seen pernitious effects in scotland , and which france , would have found , if the reformed religion had prevailed over the romish : and i am very much persuaded that nothing so much diverted henry the fourth from the thoughts he might have had to establish the reformed religion in france , as the apprehension he had that his actions , being somewhat free , might be too far lookt into and examined by the synods and the consistories , and that his person should be brought under their jurisdiction . as therefore the independants do condemn these maxims , and these practises , which are absolutely contrary to theirs ; how ill intended soever they were , or might be , it is no more possible for them to set up in a kingdom , a soveraign ecclesiastical jurisdiction , than for all the companies of merchants and tradesmen , or for all the families of france to erect a tribunal , and a merchandizing , or oecumenical power , which may be equal with that of the civil state , in a word , as the congregational churches do neither receive ordinances , nor commandments from their synods , but only counsells and advice , and that they cannot assemble in a body by their deputies , they give a great advantage unto magistrates to possess an intire and perfect soveraignty , and to take for their motto , divide & impera . for those who deprive their synods of all authority , and who do not attribute to themselves any other power than that of persuasion , are the most remote of all from framing to themselves , either an empire , or one to be chief over them . 't is true , their weakness is their subscribing to that maxim of cicero , libr. de officiis . vt tutela , sic procuratio reipublicae ad utilitatem eorum qui commissi sunt , non ad eorum quibus commissa est gerunda est : and to that of salvian , libr. de providentia . infinitam regiae majestatis potestatem isti agnoscunt , qui infinitam divini numinis omnipotentiam non credunt . 't is true , they are accused for depriving the magistrate from the same authority , and soveraign intendence over the ecclesiastical state , as over that of the civil ▪ but notwithstanding they do sufficiently satisfy all reasonable and considerate persons of this in the four and twentieth chapter of their confession . beside those who condemn that collaterality of governments and of tribunals , the one ecclesiastical , and the other civil , in one and the same territory , and who believe that it comes from the forge of antichrist , and that it hath introduced popery into the world , do not trouble themselves about resolving the difficulty , nor about assigning to each his lawes , his courts , his officers , his soveraign , and the measure of his power and authority . i add , that as the force and efficacy of laws does not consist in , whither they are ecclesiastical or civil , nor in their goodness , justice , and truth ; but in the will of him , or those , who sit at the helm of affairs , the congregational churches must of necessity acknowledg the force of all those laws , whither for the ecclesiastical , or the civil state : only they affirm , that as the magistrate is not infallible , he may possibly abuse his right , and orr either in the publication , or the execution of his laws , of what nature soever they be : and as they are not obliged to obey all civil laws , no more are they obliged to obey all laws ecclesiastical ; they affirm also , that as the empire of jesus christ , in matters of religion , is not over the bodies , but over the hearts of men , the magistrate who is the protector and defender of the visible church of jesus christ in his territories , sins extremely , when he makes laws and ordinances that do violence to the bodies of his subjects , and that take from them that liberty , which every man ought to have in the choice of his religion , and in the manner of serving god. but that crime which is imposed on them , supposing it to be one , is incomparably less , than that of presbyterian churches , all which follow the establishment , and the practise of calvin , who set up in geneva an ecclesiastical tribunal , independant and distinct from that of the magistrate ; insomuch that a learned man named monsieur jurieu , has writ a large book , wherein he endeavours to prove , that the soveraign magistrate , considered as such , has not any jurisdiction , nor intendence over the collected churches in his dominions , and that he hath no other right than that of inspection , and considered as a christian , and one of his principal members ▪ wherein monsieur jurieu is more independant than the independants themselves , and he does not afford so much authority to the magistrate over the churches that are collected within his territories and dominions , as the independants do . the independant churches and their pastors are very wide from these thoughts and practises : for the authority of every congregation , being as that of every family , what liberty soever it has to govern it self according to its own way and humour , it is not , neither in right , nor in power , nor even in will , to set up a tribunal distinct from , and independent on that of the magistrate . after all , a prince who should endeavour to establish an arbitrary power in his kingdom , that should depend only upon god and his sword , might imagine he should be less hindred by several thousands of independant congregations , not only on him , and on his courts , but also the one independant on the other ; than by one entire body of all those churches , which should set up by their deputies an ecclesiastical tribunal distinct from , and independant on the civil : for the strengeh of all those independant congregations , would be like that of several threads , which may easily be broke one after another , whereas the strength of all those churches joyned in one body , would be like to that of all those threads twisted together , which it would be almost , if not absolutely , impossible to break , or to undo , but by the same way that alexander took to break the gordian-knot . as the independent churches do come the nearest to those of the apostles , so likewise they are further off , than any of the other reformed churches , from that thought and practise which has accomplished the mystery of inquity , which is nothing else but the empire of the clergy , and so consequently that of the pope , in the empire of the secular powers , under the mask and disguise of religion , and ecclesiastical power . as to the objection that is made against them , that in case there should be no other ecclesiastical establishment in a kingdom than theirs , the three fourths of the inhabitants would live in great negligence , and a gross ignorance of religion . to that they say , that their way does not exempt pastors from attending upon the office of their ministry , at all times and places , both within and without their particular congregations ; and to take the same pains as the presbyterian ministers do , for what repects the preaching of the word in the most publick places : also they do very much approve , that the magistrate should erect academies , and colledges ; assign tithes , and revenues , and temples ; establish persons to be imployed in the instruction of people in publick , to invite them to it , and to excite the ignorant to frequent the schools , and the lectures of the professors of arts and sciences , where they should go for the love of vertue and knowledge , without being constrained . as to the crime of schism , which is imposed on them , as their being seperate from all the visible churches of jesus christ , in the same manner as the donatists , the novatians , and the luciferians did : 't is a false accu sation . those who accuse them of schism , do not understand the nature of schism . . 't is not schism , when a particular church separates from another church , as the church of luther from that of calvin , nor the protestants from the papists : nor even one particular reformed church from some other , with which it made before but one body of a church : but true schism is formed among the members of one and the same particular church , as was that of corinth . . 't is not schism when a number of hereticks separate from the orthodox party of a particular church ▪ to make a congregation apart , to the end they may profess their heresie with greater liberty , but it is an apostasie , and an abandoning and forsaking of the orthodox faith , or church of jesus christ , which is catholick and visible : and upon this ground the church of rome is not a schismatical , but an apostate church ; although it be one for the first reason , because that what ingagement or tye soever all its members have to one head , however they are not all agreed together . schism properly is when the members of one church are at variance , as were those of the church of corinth , and upon that account there is alwayes a schism in the romish church . . there is no schism among several particular churches that differ one from the other in discipline , but that retain and keep all the same foundation and ground of faith , and who have for that point a great union , and a strict correspondence with other churches . and this being so , no more is there any schism , when the congregationals are independant on other churches , and on their synods , but when their churches are so among themselves . . there is no schism among several particular churches that agree in one and the fame faith , and discipline , as are those of metz and sedan , but do their own business apart independantly , not only on one another , but likewise on the synods . 't is with independant churches , or with several other particular churches , as with several families , or neighbourhoods , or those that are pretty distant the one from the other , who may all be good friends , and live in good intelligence together , without any thing of schism , or rupture between them , and yet every one does their own particular business by themselves . . the congregational men are no more guilty of schism , when they form to themselves congregations , distinct from parishes contrary to the command of the magistrate ; 't is a disobedience , not to a national church which jesus christ hath not instituted , much less invested with either jurisdiction or power to make laws in matters of religion ; but to the magistrate , whom to disobey is not schism , but a crime of laesoe majestaetis , or rebellion ; but yet it ceases to be that too , when it acts only from this principle of obeying god rather than men . now this clearing up of the nature of schism , which strongly establishes the independancy of the churches , and makes it altogether reasonable , does not destroy the confederation of the churches into one body , even under a national synod , when for the mutual preservation of these churches against a common enemy that persecutes them , they are constrained to make but one body of state or of churches , such as is the confederation of our churches in france . but then that necessity does not destroy the natural liberty of every particular church to be independant : 't is a confederation established with prudence , in that manner as was that of the cities of achaida , and as is at this day that of the low-countries , and of the swizers ; the conjunction , of which into one body , and under one and the same jurisdiction does not divest any town or province of their natural freedome and liberty to be independant on one another . there is however this temper , and menage to be observed in this religious confederation , that it ought to be made , not by vertue of the power of binding and loosing , and of the keys of the kingdome of heaven , which it is pretended that god hath committed to pastors , or synods ; but by vertue of a confederated discipline , which is in the place of a magistrate . also the councel of monsieur amyraule should be observed , and it is the same that the cities of achaia observed before , viz. that nothing should pass in the general assembly , but what has been first reviewed , and approved of by every particular church . and this is that wherein the prudence of our first reformers in france have been wanting , when they sat up a discipline by vertue of an ecclesiastical power distinct from that of the magistrate , and from that which has its operation upon the heart by the ministry of the word ; and of a power fastened to the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , and to that of binding and loosing : by vertue of which power , they depose and excommunicate , that is to say , as monsieur claude says , they deliver up a person to the devil : but they also deliver him to him in the name and authority of jesus christ , that so the people may not imagine this power to be that of the magistrate , or of the confederate discipline , but of jesus christ , the mediatour , and king of his church , and by vertue of the power that he exercises over it , and of which the pastors and ministers are the depositers . as to those who blame as much the separation of the independants , as that of the donatists , the novatians , and luciferians , it is ill grounded : the vice of the donatists was in that they owned no other church of jesus christ in the world than theirs : for they rebaptized those who came from the catholick church to them : the independants are far from these thoughts and practices : they do as those who having a particular care of their health , withdraw into a better place , and sounder air , but yet they do not think , but that they may do very well in places , where the air is not so good . before i go to another chapter , i shall take notice that the result of the thoughts , and of the practises of the congregationals , their churches and their pastors , do come to these two maxims . . that to establish peace and true religion in the world , and among christians ; we must go back to the materia prima of the congregational churches , which is , that every person , and every society hath the liberty to deliberate and consult about the choice of a religion , and of the way to serve god ; and to take upon that point the counsel of wise and sincere persons , provided that that counsel tends not to irreligion , and to some establishment of such maxims which shock the natural notions concerning the existence of a god , his providence , the immortality of the soul , the necessity of a divine worship ; provided also that the manner which every person , and every church hath chosen to govern it self by , doth not trouble the state in which one lives ; unless that trouble happen by accident , in the manner that jesus christ sayes of the gospel , which excites troubles , and brings wars and contentions into the world. . that this maxim of a national church in every territory , with an uniformity of doctrine , and discipline , distinct from the civil tribunals in jurisdiction and officers , hath introduced the pope into the world ; that it hath been , it is , and it will be the cause that there never will be a church in the world in its true purity , unless almighty god reserves some among the congregational churches . chap. vii . that the congregational way has been practised in all ages of the world. i could easily shew that for above this four thousand years before jesus christ , and even during the height of popery , and in the bosome of the church of rome , god hath alwayes reserved some true worshippers of jesus christ , by the way of congregational assemblies ; there were an infinite number of them in the roman empire , during the persecution that was set on foot by the arrians , and when , as st. jerome sayes , all the world were arrians . but to come more particularly to the thing ; they have had independant churches in all times , and in all places , before the law , and under the law , in the time of jesus christ , and of the apostles , and after the apostles , there were of them in the time of exos the son of seth ; for so must be understood the last verse of the fourth chapter of genesis , when men began to call upon the name of the lord : that from his time the children of god began to form themselves into particular congregations , and to separate from those that ran after the world , and its vanities , and to be called the children of god or of jehova , and to pay their adorations to him as to their creator and benefactor . the family of noah and his ark was a congregational church , which god had separated from all the rest of the world. the family of job , that of abraham , josuah , samuel , were independant churches . palestine was full of them , as maimonides tells us , and they were truly independant , because they neither had any thing to do with the national church , nor with its tribunal , nor sanhedrim . and so likewise the guides , who were called prophets , seers , and doctors were not of the tribe of levi , but of another tribe : and it is from those that the doctors of the law came , which jesus christ speaks of , the scribes , the pharisees , and the esseni . they called their societies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , colledges , houses of prayer , and synagogues , where they did not attend upon the levitical worship , but on prayer , exhortation , and the expounding of the law , and we see the first establishment of them in the first verses of the three and twentieth chapter of leviticus , they were distant one from the other the space of a sabbath day's journey , they were nearer one another whilest they stayed in the wilderness , and were then called tents , as were those of corah , dathan , and abiram , which were also independant churches . david calls the congregation that he frequented , sanctuary , where he consulted the mouth of god about his being healed from his prejudices against the dispensation of god towards the generation of good men , who were often times under the rod , and in affliction ; whilest the wicked were in prosperity : and in the psalm , he speaks of the esteem that he had for those congregations or houses of prayer which he did set forth by the tents of jacob , although that which he had for the ark , or for the gates of zion , and for his propitiatory , were greater . to conconclude , the seven thousand men , that had not bowed their knee to baal , were independant churches ; for it cannot be thought that so great a number of persons could assemble together in one place , and that too in a time of so great persecution . there were of them in the time of jesus christ ; for the apostolical colledge was an independant church , and in his time , two or three persons assembled in his name , made a church , as also sayes tertullian , ubi tres , ibi ecclesia , etiamsi laici . immediately after the ascention of jesus christ , the first assembly of christians in jerusalem was independant ; and that where cornelius and his family were assembled , was a congregational church , of which st. peter was the pastor for some days . philemon had one of them in his house . those of whom pliny the younger speaks , epist . . libr. . were others of them . affirmabant hanc fuisse summam vel erroris , vel culpae , quod soliti essent , stato die , ante lucem convenire , carmenque christo quasi deo dicere secum invicem , seque sacramento ne in scelus aliquod obstringere , sed ne furta , ne latrocinia , ne adulteria committerent , ne sidem fallerent , ne depositunt appellati abnegarent . tertullian . libr. de coron . milit. adds that it was the custome in those assemblies before day , to celebrate the holy supper . the independant churches of england , at least some of them , are formed after this model , and exact from their members , that they shall abstain from those crimes of which pliny makes mention . now that custome of the christians in the time of pliny , which exacted from the members of their churches , a life perfectly exemplary , stops the mouths of those , who turn into rallery , the independant assemblies , because they only do admit of those that are holy , and in whom they find the marks and signs of regeneration , and who oblige themselves by oath , or verbal promise , to abstain from those crimes that pliny here has reckoned up , or to undergo the penalty set , according to the discipline of the church . also that custome of the christians testifies , that besides the numerous churches , as for instance that of corinth , which consisted of several thousands , where it could not be otherwise but that there must be a good number of hereticks , and debauched and loose persons , there were established other congregational , taken out of the great church , whereof the members were more holy and more orthodox ; and who resembled those whom pliny speaks of , and those stations which tertullian mentions : where beside the publick assemblies , some families set a part by themselves one day of the week to fasting , to prayer and other exercises of piety , and also to the celebration of the holy supper : and this is what they frequently practised , and with good edification : for it is with small churches , as with small states , little republicks , families , particular synods of twenty five or thirty persons ; wherein it is much more easie to establish a good order , and to bring those who are of it unto the practise of good manners and life , than in great states , in great churches , and oecumenical synods , and such as are national , wherein ambition , envy , factions , avarice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and corruptions reign , and cannot but do so . strada sayes very judiciously . in consessu plurium senatorum , aut consitiariorum , partes su●s magis agit ambitio , quàm in paucorum . lucian , libro de artibus dolosis , in speaking of great assemblies , sayes , the greatest bawlers have the greatest advantage in such assemblies , because those who understand nothing of the matter , and to be sure , are always of the greatest number , judge of things by the outside , and so give the cause for g●i●ed , to those who are the most resolute and clamorous . these considerations do furnish me with several others , which confirm me in this opinion that the congregational way was that which god made use of , in the ancient church , to convert to the faith , those , who were not christians , but by outward profession , from a state of nature to a state of grace : and that the way which they take at this day , when one person preaches to several thousands is neither properly , nor efficaciously that which gains souls to jesus christ . and this will appear by the opposition of the government at this day in the church , to that of the antient primitive christians . i believe , there will be found but very little conformity , not onely , in the persons that attend upon the ministry , but also in the places , and manner , where , and how it is performed . heretofore the bishop alone in publick did execute the office of preaching , and the other duties of the holy ministry ; for he left those of lesser consequence to the deacons ; but at this day just the reverse is practised , and maintained . 't is now only the priest that preaches in publick in the assemblies of several thousands . and likewise as the extent of the place unto which the ministry of these at this day is confined , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so it was also heretofore that of the bishop , and he most commonly dated his letters thus ex mea paraecia . which , by the way , plainly shewes us , that the intendance and government of the bishop in the primitive church , was only over a town or villa , which they called a parish or a suburb , for also every villa and burrough had their chorepiscopum . monsieur larroque , without thinking of it , makes it clear and evident , that it was the ancient practise , for the bishop alone to have the charge of preaching in the greatest , and most numerous assemblies , because the bishops being aged and sick , they called to his help and assistance , not the priests of the bishop's presbytry , but some neighbour bishops . he tells us of one nareissus , bishop of jerusalem , who , being a hundred and sixteen years old , had for his coadjutor alexander , that had been bishop of capadocia : and of one theoctenus , bishop of caesarea , that shared the care of his episcopacy with anatolius , who , in truth , was not as yet bishop , but who ▪ was then consecrated and called bishop : which plainly shewes was that a priest could not be his coadjutor . this is also confirmed by the example of valerius bishop of hippo , who being old and decayed , took not one of those who was to continue in the presbytry for his coadjutor ; but he took saint austin , who was to be his successor , and who also was called bishop of hippo during the life of valerius . as to those of the presbytry , who were called deacons , as they were the creatures of the bishop , and wholy at his devotion , so likewise their ministry was that which is spoken of in the . of the acts , which was not that of preaching in publick . as for the priests or elders , who were not deacons , they did not ordinarily preach in publick assemblies , whence it happened , that we read of very few homilies composed and made by the priests . their ministry was concluded and bound within the apartment or paraecia of the bishop , and , as i have already said , it was less fixt , and more itinerant , for they went from house to house : there was not a day past but that the priest , or elder , visited the good families , went to prayers there ▪ expounded the word , and administred the holy sacrament of the lords supper to them : and as for baptism , it was most commonly celebrated by the deacons in great assemblies , or in great churches , at the entrance of which , the fonts were placed , or the baptisterium . 't is true , the bishops did frequently oppose those private assemblies and by their synods and canons ( so far as that the synode of gangr● anatheniatized them ) called in derision those that frequented them a●●phales ▪ and condemned even those that communicated with them . they would do the like also to persons of quality that kept in their houses priests , and oratories . 't is true also , saint chrysostome would have the lords supper to be as publick as baptism , and that both should be celebrated and performed in the eyes of the whole world. but because it would scarcely be believed , that one bishop singly , as cyril of alexandria , cyril of jerusalem , and saint chrysostome of constantinople , could preach in publick one lord's day , to above a hundred thousand auditors that were in each of their villa's ; they say , that of necessity several of the presbytry must perform the office of preachers in those other places of the city where the bishop did not preach : and this appears by the homilies of saint chrysostome , ad populum antiochenum , when he was not bishop : that is true , but also those priests had no fixt places , no cure , nor certain , parish , over which they were pastors , because the bishop himself was the curate of the parish , so that the priests were only the vicars of the bishops , in the same manner as nicholas . . called the bishop of germany , and of france , suos episcopos & vicarios . those priests were , as the deacons at the devotion of the bishop , and were entirely his creatures , and they might rather ( i am sure better ) be called the ministers of the bishop , than of jesus christ , or of the church , as it appears by the six and twentieth canon of the synod of agde , for they were like persons taken upon hire , and to whom the bishop gave salary for their pains and trouble . after all these discoveries and manifestations , there is no doubt but that the churches in the time of the apostles and for a long while after , were congregational , and independant on synodes , since that even every family of the most considerable , and better sort was a church , or , at least , they had one among them , where the exercizes of piety were regularly performed every day , and where , during their repast , the holy scripture was read , as we may learn from the first epistle to timothy , chapter the iv. verse the fifth . for every creature of god is good , and nothing to be refused , if it be received with thanksgiving : for it is sanctified by the word of god , and prayer . and where before they departed , or , indeed , rose from table , they received the communion as tertullian tells us in his book de corona militis , declaring that this practise was agreeing with the institution of jesus christ , as it was also practised much in the . age in the time of saint cyprian , as he tells us in one of his epistles , quotidie communicamus . although several families , every lord's day , made very great and numerous assemblies , where in most solemn manner they attended upon prayer , preaching , and celebration of the holy supper , yet he , who performed the action , was called primus presbyter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & episcopus . to which it seemes saint paul hath respect in his . epistle to timothy . . . let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine ; where , though , in the words , he does not speak of two kinds of pastors , or ministers , distinct in rank and dignity , nor even in office , yet notwithstanding he does insinuate in that place , that in the presbytry , and in the company of the ministers of jesus christ , named indifferently bishops , elders , and presbyters , there were some that were deacons , and whose gifts were less for praying and preaching in publick . for though i believe that the apostles did not establish diverse degrees of pastors , and that in their time , and a long while after , they were called indifferently bishops , priests , elders , sacerdotes , ministers , and deacons : and that the same deacons bore a part in the ministry of the word , with the rest , as it is seen , for example , in saint stephen , and phillip , and by what clemens alexandrinus tells us in the sixth book of his strom it es , and mr. james capel in his catechisme : yet it is most certain that from the second age , they were distinguished in names and offices , that the first priest , or bishop , attended more peculiarly upon preaching in publique , and the priests and deacons upon the functions of lesser consequence , as alms-giving &c. from whence it is , that we read so often of the first bishops of rome , that such a one created so many priests , so many deacons , and that hyggen in the year . created fifteen priests , fifteen deacons , and six bishops . that eleutherius in the year ordained priests . deacons , and bishops , not to serve in the church of rome , but in other places , where the bishop , who had ordained them , was to attend upon the preaching in publick , and the priests and deacons upon the other functions of the holy ministry ; for their ministry was less fixt ; they went to break bread from house to house , they instructed , they comforted , they confirmed christians , and those whom they called fideles in the profession of the christian religion , and in the practise of piety , and drew over jews and gentiles to them , and they baptized them , adding every day some or other to the church of jesus christ to be saved . in a word , they formed almost as many independant churches , as there were families , but which then did not constitute a communion distinct from that of the same fideles in the greater and more numerous assemblies , and where they assisted , not only at the h●aring of the word , but also at the participation of the holy supper , and all the sacred ceremonies , as mounsieur le sueur tells us . i must needs make one observation here which will be of no mean consequence , as to what i have said , about the diversity of the names of bishop , priest , elder , sacerdote , and deacon in the same ministry , against those who would fain perswade us , that not only this intendance of a bishop over the priests , but also the prerogative that they attribute to themselves of having alone the authority and the right to ordain pastors , is of divine right , and by the institution of the apostles ; i must needs observe , i say , that since the words , and the offices have been distinguished , christian antiquity never thought this intendance and prerogative to be of divine right ▪ because it was in the liberty of a bishop to abandon the order or office of bishop , without quitting the office of priest , or of minister of jesus christ , and indeed without being able to do it , unless he were constrained to it by the sentence of deposition . they did deprive themselves then of an humane , arbitrary , and mutable order , unto which they were called by men , but they could not divest themselves of that which they had received from jesus christ . that was the judgment of the councel of ancyra in the year . which having deposed some persons from the episcopacy ▪ lest them in the presbytry . this is what the sixth oecumenical councel did , canon twenty , which deposed a bishop , but did not take from him the presbytry ; so that if there was then an indelible caracter , it was not that of bishop , but that of tresbyter , and this is the farther confirmed , and more strongly , by this consideration , that , as it was an usurpation , or at least a right purely humane ▪ when one of the members of the presbytry , who was called bishop , attributed to himself alone the right and the office of preaching in publick , and not of communicating it to others , but only as far as he pleased : the same judgment ought to be made of this intendance over priests , and this prerogative to ordain ; and to conclude , that neither episcopacy , nor the power to ordaine , nor that to preach in publick which one person reserved peculiarly to himself , were of christ's institution . this is , if i am not mistaken , an observation , which has not as yet by any been thought on , but which is the unravelling of all the difficulties that those great men mounsieur daille the father , mounsieur larroque &c. on one side , and mounsieur pearson bishop of chester on the other , have formed concerning either the establishment , or the overthrow of episcopacy . and here now is the resolution of the words of saint jerome , which have put so many people on the rack , and have spent both so much pretious time and paper . quid facit episcopus , quod non facit presbyter , except● ordinatione ? which words marsillius de padoüa understands of the power that the bishop reserved alone to himself , by a right purely humane , to regulate the affairs of the church ; because it would be a thing altogether absurd , to make saint jerome say , that jesus christ had in all things equalled the priest to the bishop , except the power to ordain . and now also you may see , by all these declarations and discoveries , a very strong establishment of the congregational way . but i now will return from this digression to pursue the subject i left off for it . the conduct and government of the christians under the time of persecution , and before that of constantine , differ'd very much from the manner which was observed when the emperours were christians , and when they assembled together , both more publickly , and in greater numbers , enjoying their full liberty . as a rigorous discipline under those christian emperours could not be practised but upon a small number , in great towns , as rome , antioch , alexandria , canstantinople , &c. most of the persons , who could not be distinguished one from another , in the crowd and multitude , and on whom they could lay nothing by way of reproach , either entred into no discipline , and were neither poenitentes , nor catechumeni , or else they passed for those who were called fideles , and whom they never so much as question'd whether they were baptized or not : for saint ambrose , who was looked upon as a very good man , and one of the fideles that frequented the religious assemblies both in publick and private , was neither in orders , nor baptized , when the people of milan took him , and carried him away as a holy body to be a bishop . will they say that after he was a bishop , he passed through all the degrees of discipline , or penitence , and that he was a catechumen , and afterwards a fidelis ? which name was given only to those , who were called lay , or secular persons . and the example of constantine the great , who was baptized , at the very point and moment of his death , and that of satyrus the brother of ambrose , and of valentinian , whom that father so highly commends , and who died before they were baptized , are a very strong proof and argument for that which i here maintain . now , those of the faithful who were so , rather in reality , than the name , did not under those christian emperours , quit their good custome of converting their houses , and their families into so many little churches ; they performed there the same exercises , of piety , both during their repasts , and out of them . but i must here make one remark by the way upon the passage of saint paul to timothy , the epist chap. and verse . which i lately mentioned : that that good practise of reading the holy scriptures during their repasts , succeeded both a good and an evil custome , among the heathen of quality and condition , according to the disposition of persons , and according to their manners : for the debauchees during theirs , had , as pliny the younger tells us , their moriones , and their cynaedos , qui inerrabant mensis , to pass away the time , and please the company . but those who were serious and more composed , as cicero , cratippus , seneca , pliny the elder , euphrates , and spurinna , had their anagnostes , who read to them the golden sentences of pythagoras , and of the other sages of greece ▪ it doubtless therefore thus came , that the heathen families which were of the disposition of these latter , being come over to christianity , as was that of cornelius the centurion , publius the proconsul , philemon , and lydia , took this good custome , not only to have a church in their house , but to practise there all the religious duties as well during their repasts as out of them . this comes very near to the idea of the congregational way , which is to be considered in two respects , either when their pastors , and their people retire and withdraw from the crowd of the world , i mean , from the worldlings , to live continually in the contemplation , and meditation of the works of creation , of providence , and of redemption , in the devotion , and elevation of the soul to god : or else , when those same persons do form to themselves religious assemblies , distinct from the national church , and parochial assemblies ; in a word , when they are distinct from the ecclesiastical government , which is of the same extent , as that of the civil , that is establish'd by lawes ; though , in this last respect , their separation be not an absolute and intire abandoning of the profession of the doctrine , and life of those who follow the religion of their country ; but of those who condemn that carriage , that doctrine and discipline , which retained the most of the apostolical . 't is a separating of the good seed from the chaff , whereof there is but too much in parochial assemblies , where one is as much , if not more , a christian , by the chance of birth , of place , and of custome , than by any inward principle , or design fratned : for otherwise the people of the independant church , and their pastors , are no more backward , than the episcopal men or the presbyterians , to participate with them in the ministry of the parochial churches , provided they do not force them there to practise such things as they do really believe from their consciences , to be contrary to the word of god , and provided also that they permit them to believe , that if the churches reformed from popery , where all sorts of persons are received , are the true churches of jesus christ , in which salvation may be had , they ought to have no less good and charitable opinion of the independant churches which are come out from them . for these reasons , all disinteressed persons , that have a zeal for all the true worshippers of jesus christ indifferently , in what way of communion soever , whither episcopal , or presbyterian , or congregational , may easily be perswaded , that this last retains more of the apostolick , because it is not only the cream and best of the others , and a part of that good seed that has the least of chaff in it ; but also because it hath more goodness , love , and charity , in the esteem of those who follow it , for the way of communion with others , and of those who are of it , then the others have for the congregational way . 't is very rarely seen that any one of the congregation does not love all good men , of what communion soever they be , and that they do not speak of them as of the true churches of jesus christ ; whereas even the more sober , and honester party of the episcopal men , and some of the presbyterians , are so strongly prepossessed with prejudices against those of congregations , that they are in their account no better than hypocrites , schismaticks , and men of strange enthusiasms . a learned lawyer having cast his eye upon the matter contained in this chapter , assured me , that one mr. hubbart a grave barrester , in a cause between colt and glover plaintiffs on the one part , and the bishop of gloucester defendant on the other , makes it out , that the assemblies in the primitive church were congregational . he hath also acquainted me with an ordinance of canutus king of england , in the year one thousand and sixteen , which began thus , hae sunt sanctiones ▪ for the establishment of peace and justice , where it is clear that beside the ecclesiastical national government , established according to the model of the civil , the towns were full of little private congregations , which assembled together voluntarily in the towns , and which the king permitted , whilest neither justice , nor the publick peace , were interrupted . he prest me likewise mightily to insist upon the definition which the church of england made of the church in its confession of faith made in the year , . article the xix . because it is absolutely conformable to that which the congregational churches give of theirs , to be , as i have already a little touched , an assembly of persons together in one place , to attend upon the hearing of the word of god , and upon the administration of the sacraments . chap. viii . of the great benefits and advantages that come from the establishment of the congregational way in the world. thus you see we are insensibly fallen upon the conformity of the carriage and government of the congregational assemblies , with that of the primitive christians , for their smalness of number , and for the way and manner of gaining souls to jesus christ , by prayer , by exhortation , and by preaching , which they do to a few persons , or a few families ; as when their elders inculcated into them every day , and line upon line , the necessity of leading holy and exemplary lives : so that the christian people made far greater progress in sanctification , by the means and helps of those elders , than when they assisted at publick assemblies , where the severities of discipline , and the degrees of penitence , through which but very few persons went , seem'd to retain more of the affected devotion , of pride , and of worldly pomp , than of sincerity , and where the fruit of the bishop's preaching , was like to that , of which s. chrisostome speaks in one of his homilies , which resembles the water that is thrown in buckets upon a great number of bottles , which have a strait neck , and where there goes in but a few drops , whereas the fruit of the exhortations which are made in private to a few , is the effect of him , who having taken the bottles , wil fill them by degrees one after another . beside that , it is impossible , that a bishop , or other person , who shares out all his time between his chamber-studies , and preaching in publick , and who hath some thousands of persons under charge , it is impossible , i say , that he can suffice , and attend upon the instruction of all those auditors , and of every one of them in particular , which is most easy to be done by the way that the pastors of independant churches take , whereof every congregation is not , at the most , above two hundred persons , and who are also eased and help'd by their coadjutors in the work of the holy ministry , so that this kind of congregational way , seems to be the accomplishment of the prophesy concerning the covenant of grace which god was to make in the lest times with his people , where there shall be no more need to have recourse to the bishop , or to his curate for receiving instruction , because every person , who is in the covenant of grace ( as the greatest number of those who compose those congregations do belong to that covenant , ) shall be filled with the knowledge of the lord , and the pastor himself shall go to visit his sheep and take a particular care of them : so likewise this is the way of the pastors of the little flock of jesus christ to whom he will give the kingdom . there are also other considerations which confirm me absolutely in this opinion that god , in a more especial manner , approves of the congregational way : one is , that , most an end , in all others , the ministers are influenced by worldly interest , by ambition , and the desire of ruling , that its establishment could never be made without noise , and without the opposition of the magistrate and the people : for they have been always against this erection of a national tribunal independant on the magistrates , who never had given their consent to it , till after the advocates and pleaders for this national tribunal had been indefatigably buzzing into their ears these fair and specious remonstrances ; that it was the voice of god , and of jesus chri●t that the world should be governed by two collaterall powers . this is what the decretals made the kings and the people to believe in the ninth age , and they strongly insisted that the bishop of rome was to be at the head of the ecclesiastical power , and to prescribe laws to them by the ministry of his clergy for the regulating of religion , and for the affaires of the church . and this is what calvin also made those to believe , who left the church of rome , when he erected a tribunal for the matters of religion , in which the magistrates should not be seen in the quality of magistrates , but only as members of the consistory : but yet a tribunal that should be as much invested with incontestability , and with a power not to appeal from it , as that of rome is with infallibility and this is what calvin carryed by main force , not only against the will of the magistrate , and of the people of geneva , but against the practise of all churches , and against the judgment of all the divines of his time . but it hath not been so with the establishment of the congregational way , to which the people have had as great an inclination , and natural forwardness as the pastors themselves . which has been seen in england for above this forty years . for of more than sixscore persons , who made up the assembly of ministers , there was above a hundred of them for the presbyterian government , and about eight or ten for the congregational way , and two only , coleman , and lightfoot , for the opinion of erastus , yet nevertheless , when it came to the execution and practise , there was not one of ten thousand people that would submit to the presbyterian government . and one of them , who was the most eminent , confessed to me , that being pastor of the greatest parish in london , he was never able to establish in it a consistory , nor find any that would be of it but a pitiful scotch taylor . this difficulty was not seen as to the congregational way , for whereas only the pastors were for the presbyterian way , there were proportionably , as many people as ministers , who joined in the assemblies of the congregational way . which they did with more heat and fervour than the parliament would have had them ; in so much that they were forced to publish a declaration , by which they exhorted the people to put off the gathering of churches , till the parliament had made a more publick regulation thereof . as to the opinion of erastus , though it was not approved in the assembly but by two divines , it had notwithstanding the applause of most of the magistrates , of the learned and more illuminated , who were not of the gowne ; which discovers . . that interest is the toole , and engine that moves most men in the world ; and that , if the magistrates were for an intendance , which the presbyterians would take away from them ; these were no less in love with , and eager of it . . that it is very probable , that the advocates of the congregational way were sincere , whilest their number had a just proportion of ministers , magistrates , and people that were much for it . i proved in the sixt chapter of my jugulum causae , that of these two truths , the first was put beyond all peradventure , that totus mundus exercet histrionem , that the greatest men do oft times mix some grain of wordly interest with that of heaven , adding not the vtile to the honestum , but the honestum to the vtile ; espousing , or quitting their opinion according as they are actuated by the moving principle of sua cuique vtilitas , as tacitus speaks . for they resemble pope pius ii d. who , being a cardinal submited the pope to the council , but he changed his opinion , as soon as ever he came to be pope himself . much about twenty years since , the learned dr. stillingfleet preferred the presbyterian government to the episcopal ; but now he has had several fat benefices bestowed upon him , and he is advanced to the deanry of s. paul , episcopacy is most excellent , both in his esteem and opinion , and in his writings . this way is so much the more excellent , just , and reasonable , as it hath a compatibility with the government of a national church , which makes but one entire body with that of the republick , as under the legal oeconomy ; whereas the government of a national church , distinct and independant upon that of the republick , is not compatible with any government , neither with that of the magistrate , nor with that of the congregational churches ; though the government of this latter might be compatible with all kinds of government , if it would be suffered ; for a multitude of small congregational churches is as much compatible with the civil state , as is a multitude of families ; because neither the one nor the other do form to themselves a body by their deputies which establishes a tribunal distinct from , and independant on that of the civil state ; whereas the popish , episcopal , and presbyterian government , erects a tribunal in every territory independant on all others . calvin gave the first model of it in geneva ; volui , sayes he , ut judicium ecclesiasticum disticium esset à civili : and he makes these two tribunals so independant , one on the other , as hotly to maintain , that he would rather suffer death or banishment , than permit the appeals of consistorial sentences to the magistrate . to be short , the congregational way hath this advantage over all the other establishments of religion , both the national , popish , episcopal and presbyterian church : these cannot subsist but with a subordination of consistories , colloquies , provincial and national synods ; things which are not practicable , but under secular powers , either which may approve them , or else may tolerate them ; whereas the congregational way subsists not only under good emperours , as were constantine the great , and theodosius the first , but also under the pagan dioclesians , and under an arrian constantius : for what persecution soever may be raised against this way , nothing hinders , but that a minister who watches over a small flock , may go to visit the members from house to house , to administer spiritual pasture , and food to them , for their nourishment and growth in grace . to conclude , the excellence of this way appears in this , that it is far less exposed to persecution than any other , and that the presbyterian , and the episcopal , do fall into it when the magistrate is contrary to them . chap. ix . that the most judicious divines of france and other places , without any thoughts of it , do naturally fall into the hypotheses of the congregational churches . of the judgment which ought to be made of their confession of faith , of their discipline , and conduct . i could also streng hen all that i have said by the testimony of our new doctors , by that of mounsieur rivet , mounsieur mestr●zat , monsieur pajon , monsieur claude , and others , showing that they undesignedly fall into the opinion and judgment of the independants in laying down . . that there is no other visible church ▪ of divine right , than that which is assembled together in one place , to attend upon the preaching , and hearing of the word , upon prayer , and the participation of the sacraments : and it is in this manner that the confession of the church of england , article xix , defines the church . . that such a church is independant either on other churches , or on synods ; that it may very well take from one or other , advice and counsel , but it ought not to submit to their commands . . that no person can be forced to be a christian , nor to joyn with one church , rather than with another . . that this church hath liberty to do its own business its self ; or to connect into one body , in the same manner as the churches of france have done ; that it hath the liberty to retire from that connection , or confederacy , as the churches of metz and sedan have done . . that this church to which the christian is joyned , is obliged to seek , and to preserve a strict communion of faith and charity with the other churches , but yet hath a liberty of having a separate discipline . . that this church ought to receive the fraternal admonitions of the other churches , and of their synods , in the same manner as a synod of africk acted upon the dissention which hapned between innocent the first , bishop of rome , and the church of alexandria , as barlaam recites it . i could also find these maxims in the writings of the english divines , and show that in treating of the nature of the church , or of any other matter of divinity , they have kept the language of the independants , or at least have approved of their practices . the learned jackson , chap. . of the church , sayes , that for these two causes one may lawfully frame congregations distinct from others , to have a separate communion . . when they impose such practises as are contrary to faith and charity . . when they forbid wayes that are apparently most edifying , and tend more to the increase and strength of piety and salvation , than those which are now in use . dr. stillingfleet assures us in pag. . of his ireni●u●n , that when in one and the same territory , judgments and churches are different the one from the other , a christian ought to joyn to that which retains most of the evangelical purity . he is bound to adhere to that church that retaineth most of the evangelical purity . and in pag. . he sayes that a christian is obliged to separate from churches , although orthodox in the essential matters , in case they retain some mixture of corruption in the practise . his words are , a mixture of corruption as to the practise . i could find the opinion of this learned doctour in several places up and down monsieur claude his book , where having laid down to us for a principle , that the power of the keyes , and that of binding and loosing , only is reposed in the faithful people of god , he draws this conclusion from it , that private churches ought to get to themselves such members as they know to be more particularly the faithful , and to remove from it the worldly persons to whom god hath not affixed that power of binding and loosing , nor committed the management of the keys of the kingdome of heaven . i could ascend as far as luther and melancton to justifie the separation , even from churches that have not any errour in their doctrine . luther , in cap. . geneseos . etiamsi praeterea nihil peccatum esset in doctrina pontificia , justas tamen fuisse causas cur ab ecclesiá romanâ nos sejungeremus . but the independants have reasonably outvied luther , and the other doctors , for they hold though the church of rome should not have any defects either in doctrine or discipline , yet they were not to be condemned for separating from rome , and for being independent on the romish church and her synods , more then to find fault with the church of sedan , which is separate from that of metz , in regard of any dependance one upon the others , or upon the synods that were common with them . in a word , it is a thing as natural , and as reasonable , for a church to divide it self into two other churches , which may each do their own business , separately , as for one family to be divided into two others , whereof each hath the liberty to govern themselves according to their own way and fancy . thus you have in all this discourse , if i am not much mistaken , the justification of the carriage and government of the congregational way , and very clear and full proofs of their conformity with the ancient christians : as also their confession does evidence that which they have with the apostolical , in a more plain , free , expressive , and incontestable manner than any of the confessions that are collected in the corpus , or syntagma confessianum , so far are they from being the work of persons distracted , and enthusiasts , as some of our divines have fancied , that you might altogether , with as much reason , put among the productions of fools and mad men , the three most excellent and consummated pieces according to the judgment that alexander more has made of them , the epistle of calvin before his institutions , that of thuanus before his history , and the preface of casaubon in his edition of polybius . 't will , no doubt , be expected that i should add the order which is observed and practised in the independant churches to their confession which ought to follow : but as they profess a perfect harmony among themselves : so likewise they do not believe this same absolute necessity , as to that which concerns discipline : for excepting some few apostolical , and perpetual rules which admit no change according to times and places , concerning the equality of pastors ▪ that choice that every church is to make of its pastor ( in which monsieur mestrezat and monsieur claude make the true ordination to consist ) the solemn benediction of that pastor by fasting and prayers , and the refusal they make of their ministries and of their members , which some call excommunication , and deposition ; excepting , i say , these acts , their order is to do all things decently , and in order , in the church , as saint paul requires . but they are governed as all other societies ; and as they explain themselves in the first chapter of their confession of faith , article vii . in these words . there are some circumstances in the government of the church , and in divine worship ▪ which are common with all the actions of men , which are practised in all societies , and which might ●o be regulated by natural light , and christian prudence , according to the general rules of the word of god , which are always to be observed . this is all the discipline which the independ●nts practise ▪ then government is that of well order d r●publicks , that cannot possibly be too exact for the regulating of manners ; but which have but very few lawes for that of polity : they are far from that maxim ▪ in p●ssima republicà pluri ne leges . but how ●ise soever their carriage and government be , how sound and orthodox their doctrine , and how exact and scrupulous their ●ives ; yet they cannot escape the tyr●●ny of those little sincere judgements , which the most learned and grave persons have made of them : so that it need be no surprize at all , if the doctors of rome , how illuminated soever and sincere they have seem'd to be , have had for so many ages , and have still to this day so great an aversion for our religion , how holy soever it is , and have passed judgments so little favourable of it , as to draw , from our morals , consequences , that are as far from purity and truth , as they are from our intention ; this , i say , need be no surprize at all to us , since that amyrauld , daillé , and so many others of their gown have not passed any less sinister judgment of a generation of men as holy as any in the world , i mean , of the independants , no more than of their carriage , government and doctrine . as to their carriage and government , whether in private , or in the church , i do not believe there are any better regulated , more wise , more prudent , more illuminated , nor more religious . as to their doctrine , their confession of faith shall witness what it is , since that of all those that have appeared in the world of that nature , it is a peice the most perfect pure , and orthodox : and in which it may well nigh be said the christian religion may be found compleat , though there should onely be remaining that single piece in all the booksellers shops in the world. chap. x. of the wise and prudent carriage of the independants , and of their way to get further off the church of rome than any other , and to condemn all the wayes of reconciliation with it , and the churches that hold any communion with rome , that the indeavour to come near it is damnable and pernicious , as is sufficiently seen in the present posture of the affairs of england . those , who shall approve of the wise conduct of the congregational churches , in the composing of a confession that hath so much conformity with the purest churches of jesus christ , will be easily perswaded that neither wisdome , nor prudence have been wanting to them , when with that conformity of faith , that there is between them and the churches that are at greatest distance from popery , they have preserved to themselves their liberty , as to matter of discipline , to do their business a part independantly one on the other , and on all other authority beside that of jesus christ , without making use of that way of reconciliation which hath been practised in all ages by the means of conferences and synods , which have rather sharp'ned and exasperated spirits , and perpetuated quarrels , than any ways appeased and hushed them ; and whereof all the advantage that can be hoped , is at most to make such an accord , as it may be , dissembles , or disguises , or else suppresses the truth . this is no more than what appeared in the colloquy of poissy , where the greatest defenders of transubstantiation , and those who combated and opposed it as a vile monster of rome , concurred together upon the article of the real presence in the eucharist . and this is what appear'd also in the overture of reconciliation which was made in the year . in the synod of saincte foy with the lutherans by the means of a formulary or president of such a profession of faith as should be general and common with all churches as they proposed to draw up : but that overture could only tend to a reconciliation as difficult as that of finding a medium between transubstantiation , and the opinion of our churches which is contrary to it . certainly our churches were never able to draw back from the purity of our doctrine , nor from the sincerity with which they express it without being at the same time guilty of great prevarication : and moreover , the lutherans would never have yielded to go off from their ingagement to luther , and his consubstantiation . if both had complied , and met at half way , it would have been a most wretched peace , quae , as saint austin speaks ▪ fit dispenaio veritatis . the present posture of the affairs of england is a very clear and convincing proof , that the indeavour of those reconcilers , how good soever their designs were , is ruinous both to church and state. there has been an attempt for above this last age to get into a neighbourhood , and vicinity with rome , thinking to sweeten the spirits and tempers of those of its communion , to draw them over to ours , or at at least to make but one communion of two . in the beginning of the reformation there were several of the ceremonies retained , and fifty years afterwards others of them were introduced , they have attempted to bring in images , and so to pass from thence to worshipping of them . every where the altars are new set up on purpose , no doubt , to make there the sacrifice of the mass to smoak ; which is apparent by the bowings and cringings to those altars , or at least to the places where they are set , ( or as some will have it be ) to the east . the ordination of romish pastors is held for good , and for that of the true church of jesus christ ; and on the other hand , that of the other reformed churches , because they were not episcopal is rendred void and null , and because they had not the ●ark of the beast upon their fore-head , whereat monsieur claude is extreamly offended : nay , they have gone to that extremity , that one henry dodwell hath newly published a large book , where he labours to prove , and establish this maxim , that there where there is no episcopal ordination , there is no true church , no minister of jesus christ , no sacrament , and no salvation . they have lest out those expressions that are a shock and offence to rome , that the pope is the antichrist , the man of sin , and the son of perdition , the doctors of the church of england , as thorndike , tailor , bramhal , patrick , sherelock , &c. have sweetned the doctrines of rome , to make them rellish and go down the better with the protestants . in a word , to compleat the design they had to testifie their kindness for rome , they have persecuted them most who are got at greatest distance from it . they have made the image of their persons , and of their devotion to tread the stage , to render them both odious , and ridiculous . they have loaden them with calumnies , in the same manner as the pagans of old cloathed the christians with bears skins and lyons skins to stir up the rage of mastiff dogs against them ; they have treated them with the appellations of schismaticks and rebels , who have been concerned deep in the late conspiracy , a thing that gives one a horrour to think of : and the mildness and most gentle treatment is that of fanaticks , enthusiasts , and medlars that perpetuate the division between the english , and the romish church , and hinderers of their coming together . to conclude , as tacitus sayes , proximorum odia sunt acerrima , their aversion and hatred are so great against the presbyterian , puritan , and independant party , that these words are very frequently in their mouths , and it is their discourse both as they walke along the streets , and set at their tables , that they would rather be papists than presbyterians . 't is then a thing much to be wondred at , that whilest the prelatical party have so much love and kindnsss for rome , and so much aversion for calvin ▪ and our churches in france , as to rase them out of the number of the churches of jesus christ , to reject the ordination of their pastors as null , and to tear in pieces with calumnies the puritanical party only for this reason , because it hath a veneration for our churches , and for the memory of calvin ; 't is , i say , a very suprising thing , and much to be wondred at , that our pastors in france . ( at least the greatest part ) should make their court to that episcopal party , and call those faithful people in england , enthusiasts , fanaticks , and hypocrites , who separate from the doctrines , customes , practises , and lives of those that persecute them . but yet a people , who , by the purity of their doctrine , the holyness of their lives , and their conformity with calvin , and his disciples , keep off , and retard the introduction of paganisme in england , and the judgements of god upon the nation . certainly it , is a very surprising thing , that the fat of the prelates kitching , and the lustre of their hierarchy should so dazle the eyes of our great men in france , as to postpone in their esteem , the best , the most holy , and the most numerous party of the people of england , to that which glitters and dazles most , and which now have the uppermost seats in the synagogues . but that church which will have all or nothing , shews more heat and vehemency against these reconcilers , than against those that protest against all reconciliation with rome : which imitates the lyon in the apologue that devoured the asse for desiring to share with him . the church of rome , which is said to be infallible , is an immoveable rock ; the reformed , at least the english church , is a floating boat upon the water which is fastened to that rock by a rope ; now he that thinks to draw it to him , will be much deceived , for he will but pullhimself nearer to the rock . 't is true , that neither the whole body of the clergy of england , which set at the helm of affairs , nor any of them has been concerned in the late attempt upon the life of our most gracious king , but it is true also , that the papists had never been brought or tempted to think of such a thing , if they had not been strongly perswaded , that the life of the king was the only impediment , why those , who had already come over three parts of four of the way to rome , had not finished the rest of their journey to them . chap. xi . a continuance of the same matter concerning the wise carriage of those churches that are for their way congregational , when they condemn all manner of speaking like to rome , and all practises , that do any whit savour of theirs : and the six maxims on which the pope and his church are founded : a confirmation of that by a history taken out of the life of joseph hall. t is then with good reason that the independants condemn all the overtures of peace and reconciliation , and believe that they have been attempted in vain from time to time between the catholicks , and the arrians ; the greeks , and the latins ; the protestants and the papists ; the lutherans , and the calvinists , the episcopal , and the presbyterians ; and these from the congregational men : they condemn , i say , all these overtures of peace and reconciliation , unless the two parties that are both under error , and that are both at an equal distance from the truth , be reduced to a medium that may bring them to some establishment : without this , they are very much perswaded that to compose all the differences which are in matters of religion , there is no other method than theirs , which is that every christian makes himself of that assembly which is according to his opinion ; and that the church of which he is a member do not persecute those who are otherwise perswaded . they are not then led by any extravagancy of reason , when they put among the ideas of plato these six maxims , with which the world is so strongly possest . . that a civil state ought to tolerate but one religion . . that all the churches collected in that state ought to associate and joyn themselves into one body , which may be of the same extent as the civil state. . that that body ecclesiastical is distinct in jurisdiction , and independant on that of the republick , and that there ought to be no appeal from consistories , and synods to the magistrate . . that this ecclesiastical jurisdiction is exercised by vertue of a divine right positive and perpetual , and by the power of the keys , and of that of binding and loosing given by jesus christ , either to the church ▪ or to its pastors . . that the churches ought to be all united by the same bond of faith and discipline under the same ecclesiastical governnours , and to be obedient to their laws , their commands and their censures , . that to compass this union , every party of different perswasion and judgement in matters of faith and discipline ought to abate something of their rigour , and their right , and come one part of the way to a reconciliation : that is to say , that every party ought to recover an insidious peace , to abandon the truth he believes he has on his side , or to enervate the force of it . these maxims , which are those of rome , have been and will be the cause why there will never be in the world , neither church , nor reformation without some mixture of corruption . the felicity of being freed from these , is only to be found in the independant church . above all , they find the th . maxim to be unreasonable , wicked , and tyrannical● principally when they press to an uniformity of discipline all the inhabitants of a territory or kingdom , under one and the same soveraign , about which both the greatest number of people , and the most illuminated are divided , and do not find one clear , constant , and perpetual truth , in the sacred scriptures to press the uniformity of it , nor the necessity of that way that they find as to what concerns faith. theodosius the ii. had his reason better grounded , when he commanded all his subjects to believe according to the faith of damasus of rome , and peter of alexandria , then if he had commanded them an uniformity in discipline , which he did not do , and which he could not execute : for he could not be ignorant that as there was but one faith , to which every faithful soul ought to adhere ▪ and to be verily perswaded that his was the true , it was not without reason that he rather commanded the belief of that faith , than the practise of a discipline , since that the one was expresly laid down in the holy scripture , and the other was not . 't is after this manner the independant churches argue . they believe , with theodosius , that the subjects of an empire are obliged to embrace the same faith , supposing it be that of jesus christ , but they are not obliged to practise one certain discipline , which is not found in the holy scripture . the first maxim was that of dioclesian , who alone did shed more christian bloud than his predecessors all together had done . it cannot be practised without fire and sword , and it is as full of impiety and of paganism as excommunication . titus livius lib. . tit . puts among the roman laws , ne qui romani dei , neque alio more quam patrio colerentur : & ne quis in publico sacrove loco novo aut externo ritu sacrificaret . the scythians caused anacharsis to be put to death for having a worship a part , which he had learnt in greece . and mecaenas exhorted augustus to punish those who would not conform themselves to the religion of the countrey . dio. lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but yet this maxim was not so much practised when the government was more popular , and when altars were erected to strange gods , and to some unknown : for , after they had subdued nations , they also brought their gods in triumph . i met with the defeat and overthrow of the fifth maxim , in a discourse at the beginning of a treatise of that excellent knight , to whom i dedicated my fasciculus , as an answer to some questions that were put to him , by thoughts much agreeing with mine , before ever we had any communication of them together ▪ which he also confirms by those of a learned divine , whose name is chillingworth , and whose authority is so much the more considerable , and weighty , as being a church of england man. there are , say they , but two wayes to make all christians to enter into one and the same communion ; either in taking away the diversity of opinions that divide them , which is impossible without a miracle and unless god had established and set up a visible judge to whom their differences should be referred ; or else being all perswaded that this diversity of opinions ought not to hinder their communion , and their union , in things wherein they do agree , and where charity , complaisance and condescention ought to have place , without any ones being deprived of their opinion , or that one should persecute the other that differs from his . doctor jeremy tailor , who was a strong man for the english hierarchy , by reason whereof he was made a bishop in ireland , and who was extroardinarily illuminated and learned , agreed in the same sentiment with dr. chillingworth , and hath published a great book , whose title is , the liberty of prophecying against the wicked and unreasonable carriage of those who rigorously impose set forms of faith to others , and who persecute and ill-use those who are not of their opinion in matters of religion . also the independants have indeavoured not so much to establish the goodness of the congregational way in sound clear minds , because they are soon convinced of it by the description they make of it , as to disabuse them of those maxims which are but so many illusions , though most commonly it is easier to refute errours , than to establish truth ; as cicero very well says . vtinam tàm facile possem vera probare , quàm falsa convincere . now the tyranny of these maxims , which are as much that of the protestants as of the papists , is the cause why the transition of the romish religion to the reformed is but imperfectly done in france , germany , england , and elsewhere , how little complaisance soever we have had for rome , and for an affinity with her , it has cost us very dear : we have thought we ought not to go from one extremity to another at one leap . as we fell from the impanation to transubstantiation so likewise have we gone from transubstantiation , to consubstantiation its neighbour ; then we have retained the real presence in the sacramental supper , which has some agreement , and is conciliable with those three illusions of words . 't is said indeed , that this presence was spiritual , but at the same time it was clothed with the flesh , when they kept at the beginning of the reformation such wayes of expressing themselves which have been a great shock to bullinger ▪ and many other great men of his time : that we were nourished in this sacrament with the substance of the flesh , and with the blood of jesus christ . which has given occasion to the bishop of candom , to mounsieur arnauld , and to father maimbourge to put this interrogatory to us , if you speak as we do , why do you not believe as we do ? especially the bishop of condom has made use of it , and they have given him reason to triumph over us as much in that , as he hath done as to the eminent authority that is established in our churches with as much incontestability as if it were infallible . the missionary pean sayes , that it is a gallimauphrey of the protestants to speak of being nourished with the substance of jesus christ , and with his flesh , and not to believe transubstantiation . a learned english dr. named john hales hath written a learned treatise upon this subject , where he condemns this way of reconciliation that sayes one thing , and believes another , and that turns again to rome , and he exhorts his brethren to condemn rather the use of it than to justifie it . he sayes also that martyn bucer was the first of the reformed that made use of this way of speaking . it must be confessed , that as the weakness of those great lights of reformation bucer , calvin , and reza , was very great , when they explained those scriptures concerning the lords supper , by a comment that was more obscure than the text , nor hath it been less great in those that have come after them , when they have explained the words of jesus christ in s. john vi. concerning the fleshly eating , to the sacramental and spiritual eating , and when they have made long comments upon the words of calvin to sweeten and smooth the harshness of them , instead of condemning them : this obstinacy in adhering to errors , hath brought in the pretended infallibility into the church of rome , and the incontestability into the reformed churches . inter caetera mortalitatis incommoda hoe est , errandi necessitas , & erroris amor , seneca . now these ways of speaking which simbolize with those of rome , and which give it occasion to insult , and triumph over us , makes me remember what i have read in the memoirs and specialties that joseph hall hath made of his life , and absolutely convinces me of this truth , that it has been so unlikely that they , who have believed they might gain upon rome , by retaining some of their ways and modes of speaking , or their practises , should have succeeded therein , that on the contrary she has been so much the more set and hardened against us , and have gone so far in it , as to make us , and their religion far more reasonable than ours . he sayes , that in his journey to the spadan waters for his health , he had before a great company of persons of quality , both papists and protestants , a very hot dispute with a sorbonist , a prior of the carmelites , who maintained that the kneeling practised in the church of england , at the receiving of the eucharist , strongly shewed that she believed transubstantion ; for that kneeling and the belief of transubstantiation were things inseparable , and always went hand in hand together ; and since the one had never been believed in the church without the practise of the other ; and since it was a distraction of reason , and a wicked practise to carry their adorations to elements that were only bread and wine , this kneeling of necessity must be a natural consequence of the belief of transubstantiation : bishop hall adds , that as the company was divided in their judgments and that several of them joyned with those of rome , in condemning this kneeling , unless it was a consequence of transubstantiation , more than two thirds of the company were so heated against the poor bishop , that he had not the liberty to speak , nor to stand up in defence of the church's opinion : for if they had given him time to speak , he had alleadged the rubrick of the church of england , which undeceives the communicants from the thoughts that they might possibly have that that kneeling or adoration is carried out to the bread and the wine : but beside , that there is not of a hundred communicants one who reads the rubrick , it might have happened that those who were so violent against bishop hall , would have pleasantly stopt his mouth with the apologue which beza writ in a letter to the good arch-bishop edmund grindal , who seeing that he was offended at this kneeling , after transubstantiation was banished , endeavoured to cure him of the scandal he had taken , making him to know that the rubrick of the church of england , would give him enough wherewith to be satisfied : upon which beza returned him this story . a lord having built his house near to the high way , where he left a great stone that he had no occasion for just in the road , several persons coming by in the night stumbled at it , and did hurt themselves , and often complaints being made to him about it , and intreaties that he would take it out of the way , he was very obstinate a long while , and was resolved not to meddle with it ; but being wearied by the continual solicitations that were made to him , he bethought himself to set over the stone a lanthorn with a light candle in it , to warn people of it ; but that admonition proving troublesome too , one of his friends came and gave him this good counsel ; sir , if you would be at quiet , take away both stone and lanthorn together . the stone of stumbling is this kneeling at the sacrament , and the rubrick is for a light and declaration , to signifie to the communicants , that this kneeling is not done to the bread and wine , but to jesus christ . if you take away both , you will take away the scandal , and the remedy to the scandall : you will bring back the way with which jesus christ instituted the holy supper , who gave it not kneeling , but in the posture of those who take their ordinary repasts at their tables , so that jesus christ never required any genuflexion either at the time or place . these two stories hit ( as we generally say ) two birds with one stone . for they may relate to that neerness of assinity with rome , which i have already spoken of above , and which i have showed has rather sharpened and embittered the spirits and tempers of those of that communion , to plot against the sacred person of the king , and against his government , than it has any wayes sweetned them : and moreover , they discover that those who go furthest off from the doctrines and practises of rome , who renounce all reconciliation with her , as the people of the congregational way do , have most conformity with the blessed peace-makers of whom jesus christ speakes , and whereof the character of the children of god which he gives them upon this respect , carryes them so much the farther from all thoughts of rebellion . chap. xii . an apology for the author of the conformity of the congregational churches with that of the antient primitive christians : that a disinteressed person , such as he , is the most sit to write about these matters . of the obligation he hath to the bishop of condom for the light he hath given him . i think my self here obliged to add an apology as to my own account , for what i have said as to the independant churches . i do imagine i shall be accused at first for having made the description of the congregational way , not according as it is in effect , but in that manner as xenophon did the cyropaedia to be the perfect model of a prince . they will say that any other interest than that of the inward knowledge i have of the goodness , truth and holiness of the congregational way , ought to have excited me to commend it so as i have done . that i commend what i do not approve in the bottome of my heart , since i do not joyn my self to it . they will say likewise that i have had no other design than to gain my own sentiments credit , with which they say i am most fondly in love , in adjusting them to those of the independants ; and because i condemn ecclesiastical power , and excommunication , which i have undertook to possess the world with the belief of , that so they should banish the use of it . to which , i answer , that though i should joyn my self to their assemblies , it would be no argument that i should approve of all the things they did , and all they believed , as they cannot conclude by my not joyning to their congregations , that i have not the congregational way in greater and higher esteem than any other . as i am a frenchman , and by the grace of god of the reformed church , i joyn to the church of my own nation , to which i am so much the more strongly invited by the holiness of the doctrines , and lives of our excellent pastors , monsieur mussard , and monsieur primerose ; and because they administer the sacrament of the lord's supper in the same manner as jesus christ did it with his disciples ; not having any thing to give me offence in their conduct , unless that they are not absolutely undeceived of the practise of our pastors in france , of excommunicating in the name and authority of jesus christ , and of interposing the same sacred name , and the same sacred authority to excommunicate as st. paul made use of to deliver the incestuous person over to satan ; though they cannot find this authority of excommunicating in all the bible , nor justifie it , unless they elude that harshness of expression by this way of sweetning , that their only intention is to declare that those sinners of whom they make the number , take the lord's supper to their condemnation , if they do not repent before-hand . as for other accusations , although i believe that of all establishments of religion , that of the independant churches is the most apostolical , yet i do not believe it is infallible , and i cannot approve of all they say , nor all they practise concerning discipline nor concerning the use of the ecclesiastical power , and excommunication ; though this usage be not in all the same , nor in all the churches ; because some among them do retain it jure societatis , & vi , & virtute paoti & federis eniti . however it is , both of them make use of ecclesiastical power and excommunication very innocently , for they do not set up a national tribunal , independant on the magistrate , and they attribute to their synods no other authority , than that of perswasion , both from wise and experienced persons . moreover , from the manner that they express themselves in the vii . article of the first chapter of their confession of faith , one may conclude , that beside the jurisdiction which works upon hearts by the word , they acknowledge no other than that which is taken by a natural right , and that wisdom and prudence has not been wanting to them , by their having in a joynt consent agreed in one and the same doctrine , because it is of divine and perpetual right , but in not having established any thing determinatively to be a perpetual rule upon an arbitrary and changeable matter , and of humane right , as is the discipline of the churches , and the authority of the pastors in their conduct and government . but although they should have retained some usage of the ecclesiastical power and excommunication , which are so many reliques of rome that have accomplished the mystery of iniquity , and brought the pope into the world , they would be no less priviledged than st. paul , and the other apostles , who , after they had received the holy ghost in greater measure than all the holy men that had been before them , yet they alwayes retained some leven of affection to the mosaical ceremonies . if the christians that came from paganisme , have alwayes kept some pollution of it , it ought not to be any great surprise to see the purest churches in the world , yet not throughly cleansed from all the impurities of rome . for these considerations , i feed my self with the hopes that the ministers of the independant churches , who are too much illuminated long to remain in the belief and use of this illusion of ecclesiastical power , which hath brought episcopacy , that is the first step of ascention to the papacy , and after that excommunication and infallibility ; and that they would put in practise instead of excommunication , that denuntiation which s. paul recommended to his disciple and son timothy , it is that in case any disorderly , or wicked person of the congregation , cannot be perswaded to change his opinion , and life , and voluntarily to leave the communion of the church , it should be published aloud in the face of the church , and the faithful should be exhorted to shun his company : and in case that he persevere in such refractoriness , he ought to be expelled by force , as well from the table of the lord , as from the church . and this is what may be practised by a natural right , & de jure societatis without any need of making such expulsion of credit by the keys of the kingdome of heaven , and by the power of binding and loosing . in short , i hope they will be perswaded by this consideration that the benefit which comes by the ecclesiastical power and excommunication will never recompence the pernitious effects that they have produced . now i believe that these three considerations , that i am a physician , that i am a frenchman , and that i do not joyn to any one certain congregational assembly as a member of it , will give more authority and credit to the relation i have made of their government and conduct , and make it less the suspected , than if i were of their number , of their nation , and a divine by profession : for if i were qualified in three wayes , i could not speak as a person disinteressed , but as having a personal inclination to the way i should have espoused : and that is the weakness of all those who plead for their own cause , as we learn from s. austin , and optatus milevitanus , who were of this opinion , that a sincere pagan or heathen , whether a physitian , a sophister , a philosopher , or belonging to the magistracy , were more competent judges in matters of divinity , and differences among christians , than persons of the priesthood , and sacerdotal function . as s. paul could not elect a more disinteressed person to gain the christian religion credit , in the minds of men , and to write his gospel , as he calls it , and the acts of the apostles , than s. luke the physitian , to whom the world is more obliged than to a thousand s. chrysostomes , and s. austins , and to all the persons of the sacred order , without so much as excepting the very apostles themselves : i believe that the same judgment ought to be made of me , and that my quality of a physitian ought to give stronger impressions of the goodness of the congregational way in the minds of men , than would that of a divine , of a minister of the gospel , or any other person ingaged by profession either to the episcopal , presbyterian , or even to the congregational way . as reason and grace in the hopes of glory are the three ressorts or principles which have alwayes moved and governed me in all the course of my life , and in all my writings : so have they been always less violent by the prejudices and interests in the profession i make of a physician , than if i had been either a divine , or a lawyer . i ought here also to acknowledg my obligation to the bishop of condom ; not only for the first hints of this truth ; that the congregational way is of all the establishments of discipline and government the most conformable to reason , to the holy scripture , and to the practise of the apostles , and the primitive christians : but for having absolutely confirmed me in this truth : though the design of that bishop has not been to put the congregational way above the romish ; but only to discover , ( and this he hath done by arguments that come very near to demonstration ) that going upon the hypothesis of the necessity of seting up a tribunal in the church , and of the submission of the people to that tribunal , as being the only rampi●r of the orthodox faith , and the only means of uniting christians , preserving peace and good order among them ; it is incomparably more reasonable that such submission should be made to an infallible tribunal , than to one that is subject to error ; and that upon this ground , of all the ecclesiastical ways in the world which acknowledg that every ecclesiastical tribunal , either supreme , or subordinate , that every councel , either oecumenical , or topical , is fallible and subject to errour , the congregational way which refuses all manner of submission to a tribunal subject to errour is the most reasonable and the most just . chap. xiii . the explication of one difficulty which runs throughout the whole precedent discourse . as it was in my thoughts to finish this discourse by the word finis , a learned presbyterian coming in , and having apprehended my design , put one objection to me against the defeat and overthrow i pretend to make of the necessity of a tribunal in the church ▪ he said that since that tribunal which requires the people to submit themselves to it is as much set up in an independant church , as in a national , and since both presuppose that that tribunal is subject to errour , the submission of the people is altogether as reasonable to the tribunal of a national church , as to that of a congregational . i confess there is some weight in this objection , which monsieur jurieu has not thought of , but which nevertheless is easie to be answered according to the principles i lay down . . that all manner of government , presbyterian , congregational , national , episcopal , hierarchical , papal , is of the same nature with that of the magistrate . . that the submission required , and given to all manner of ecclesiastical government is of the same nature with that which is required and given to a civil and political government , the ressorts of which are not the keys of the kingdom of heaven , nor the power of binding and loosing , but the will of the strongest , and most numerous that hath so ordain'd it . . and consequently that the censures of excommunication and deposition , being of the same nature with the law of the magistrate , the validity of which is not in the justice , nor equity of the thing , but in the will of those that decree and ordain it , they ought to be accounted as a civil punishment . these three considerations destroy that erection of an ecclesiastical tribunal , which is equal with the civil in one and the same territory , since both being of the same nature , it would be a pure piece of gallimaufrey and hotchpot to offer to establish two civil governments in one and the same dominion or territory , which should be independant one on the other . also this difficulty is easie to be overcome according to the principles of the independants . the inconvenience of an excommunicated or deposed person unjustly by his congregation is not great , so long as it does not extend beyond his jurisdiction , and that of a hundred congregations in one territory , it is impossible but that at least there might be one to recompence the justice of his cause ; which is not a thing feasible , if he be struck by a national judgement , unless he leaves his country . and since the person oppressed is in the liberty of framing to himself a congregation independant on all the churches of the world , though it be but of seven or eight persons , his innocence and legitimate right will easily furnish him with the means to do it . i add further , that a person who is sensible he is guilty of disorders ; can easily conceal them in the crowd of a national church , ( which he cannot so well do in a small number of persons , ) and commonly prevent the censure of his congregation , and not expect that they should excommunicate him and drive him out of it which is done in that manner as st. jerome , and bishop godeau would have the heretick ▪ of whom s. paul speaks in the of titus . knowing that he that is such , ( i. e. an heretick ) is subverted and sinneth , being condemned of himself : ) to do , when he excommunicated himself ▪ and saved his church that trouble . it must not be forgot that tho there is no government so perfect wherein one cannot find some faults , and some inconvenience , yet it is certain there is found less in the congregational way , whereas you may find almost an infinity in that of the national , whereof a thousand persons that deserve the censure of the church , there is not one of them that undergoes its because its discipline is like to spiders webs , where the fly 's are taken , but the birds pass through ; and where it is impossible in a town or a church of many thousands of christians , that one bishop or pastor can possibly have an exact inspection over them : whereas in a congregational church composed but of a few persons , and those all cull'd out of the multitude who fun after vanitics and vices , one has but little or no use of excommunication and deposition , and where avarice , ambition , heresies , and quarrels do not enter as in national churches . these considerations give me to hope that the learned and illuminated of the congregational way will agree and joyn with my principles or hypotheses , to establish the true nature of their jurisdiction , and to undo with case the difficulty of the objection : although according to their principles it resembles the foils , which touch the person , but do not wound it : for in case of a wound , they have a thousand remedies to heal it presently ; whereas there is no remedy either against infallibity in the church of rome , or against incontestability in a national church . chap. xiv . remarks upon the fault that some may find in the title of this discourse . i will finish these conderations by the discussion and explication of the title of this discourse , to which some have excepted , because they find there is not one ecclesiastical government , even of those which differ most from one another , that do not pretend to this conformity , as indeed they have either more or less : for there is not one of them , no not even of those that are the farthest off from the doctrines and government of the ancient christians , and that have but very little agreement one with the other , there is not one , i say , but what hath in something a conformity with them . every way of government boasts of their retaining this conformity with the ancient christians : i my self pretend to this glory in favour of the congregational way . not long since a learned minister of roüen published a book intituled , the conformity of the discipline of the churches of france to that of the ancient christians : beside , though the discipline of the church of england hath not any agreement with that of the churches of france ; and it is impossible that two disciplines so disagreeing to each other , should have both of them much conformity to the discipline of the ancient christians yet it hath so happened that a famous divine in his preface to his english translation of the novelty of popery , maintains very zealously the same thing in favour of the discipline of the church of england , as monsieur larroque has done in favour of those of france . if i were , sayes he , to speak to frenchmen , i would indeavour to convince them fully , that we retain in england more of the primitive and apostolick government than all the other churches in the world . dr. floyd , and dr. tillotson say the same thing . but i believe that this conformity is much what like to that which is between jesus christ , and st. francis. for i do openly maintain that of all the establishments of religion , that of the church of england is widest from the discipline and practise of the ancient christians . but he is not the only person hath spoke after this manner , england is full of books upon the subject of the conformity of its hierarchy , and of its episcopal government to that of the ancient christians . the bishops bilson , andrews , hall , morton , and pearson , find it in clemens romanus , and in ignatius ; some of the doctors of rome , meet with it in denis the areopagite : but unless this conformity be restrained to the times of the apostles , to which i find more footsteps in the congregational way , than in any other , i believe we are all in an error as to what concerns our conformity to the doctrine , discipline and life of the ancient christians . above all , the disagreement is found in the life , which was heretofore much more exact and exemplary , than in these last times it is ; the devotion of our days is but cold and languishing in comparison of theirs . it was in that , that their glory did consist , whereas ours is in having a greater knowledg , and a more full and ample illumination into the mysteries of faith , than the first christians had ; also to be better versed at this day in the knowledg of the apostolical conduct , of the nature and government of the church , of its authority , and of that of its pastors , who were the christians that immediately succeeded the apostles : i will finish where i began ; and that shall be by the force of those prejudices , wherewith all christians , as well protestants as papists are anticipated and prepossest , when they generally imagine that the primitive church was more orthodox , and pure in doctrine , than that of the following ages , because of their nearness with the times of the apostles : but i am as much perswaded of the contary , as of any thing in the world . 't is said that god never built a temple , near to which the enemy of our salvation has not built a chappel , but than it was a chappel both greater and more spacious than the temple it self : for during the time whilest god built a little temple wherein he had circumscribed the twelve apostles , and a small flock of faithful people who conformed themselves to the purity their doctrine , and the holiness of their lives , a number incomparably greater of false apostles , false doctors and false brethren , separated from them . for even in the first three hundred years of christianity , all or the most part of sincere persons , and also of fathers , had a great deal of false allay mixt among their gold . this is what we learn from eutychius , who lived in the first ages of christianity , from whom we have the history of the church in arabyck published by mr. selden , and mr. pocock , and whom they recommend for an author of an irreprochable fidelity . there he tells us , that constantine the great sent to all the churches of his empire letters to let them understand that they were to make choice of the most religious bishops , and those that were most learned in the mysteries of the christian faith ; and that they then immediately set themselves to obey the orders of the emperour , and that two thousand and forty eight bishops came to the town of nice , whereof near two thousand , how pious and sincere soever otherwise they were , were either most ignorant , or most erronious in the knowledg of the christian religion . for they were either manichees , or murcionites , or montanists , or valentinians , or samosatenians , or arrians ; and in that great number of bishops , there were but three hundred and eighteen who had an affection for , and ingaged themselves to , the orthodox faith , which was that of alexander bishop of alexandria . this relation according to eutychius is much more probable than after that manner as it is reported by eusebius , by socrates , by baronius , and by monsieur claude : for what likelihood is there that that number of bishops convoked from all places of europe a great part of africa , and also of asia , phaenicia , greece , maceaonia , thessalia , palestine , arabia , pamphilia , bythinia , capadocia , thrace , cilicia , pontus , persia , and scythia , should amount but to three hundred and eighteen bishops ? there is also less likelihood that those three hundred and eighteen bishops should appear so sharp and so divided among themselves , as to put out libels of accusation one against another , and that during their session , they made a cruel war within themselves . these accusations might be true as to the other bishops , who were as much divided in affections , as in judgments , but not of these three hundred and eighteen , who because they were all orthodox , and children of peace , and well united in their affections , such as were alexander , spiridion , and paphnutius , were chosen by constantine , and alexander out of the multitude of hereticks , factious , and contentious persons . beside , the unanimity of these three hundred and eighteen bishops in the composing of the faith of the council , having but four bishops that refused subscribing to it , plainly shews that their spirit was not that of contention nor animosity one against another , but of peace and concord . if the book of that excellent author eutychius the patriarch of alexandria had appeared with all its truths , and had been seen by all those that had eyes and would use them , during the lives of monsieur salmasius , monsieur blundel , &c. they had been yet more strongly perswaded than they were , that all those circumstances so distant from , the relation that eutychius makes of them , savours as much of romance , as those three crosses , which helena , mother of constantine , found , or as the donation of that emperour to silvester . certainly the providence of god did clearly appear in the choise of those three hundred and eighteen bishops . 't was an act of god , and not man , when he raised up the good bishop of alexandria to recommend them to constantine , and when he inclined the heart of that prince to hearken to his counsel . for if the emperour had let himself been overruled at the beginning of that counsel by any other bishop , as he did at the end of his life , the first establishment of faith and religion , had been that of arrianisme ; whereas the orthodox faith taking the first possession , under the first christian emperour , this served most powerfully to gain it credit , and to make it pass , and transmit it to posterity . i would ask here by the way those that deprive the soveraign magistrate of the intendance , of regulating by a soveraign authority in all places , either of an empire , or a territory , the matters of religion , and give him no other authority than that of a private person , i would ask those , i say , what expedient a good bishop , such as this of alexandria could be able to find out to authorize the faith that was contrary to that of arrius , in case god had not inclined the heart of constantine to establish it by his commands in all the places of his empire ? i ought not to forget here one circumstance in our author that extreamly fortifies the right of the magistrate , especially if he be orthodox , to the soveraign intendance in the government of the church , and which moreover strongly proves that the rules , canons , censures , and anathemas of councils , are only councils , and the declarations of wise and experienced men , before the magistrate hath given them authority by his sanction . in short , this passage of eutychius is the accomplishment of the prophesie of s. paul , cor. . . know you not that the saints shall judge the world ? that is to say , know you not that god will one day establish faithful magistrates , who shall be governours in chief of the church ; he says than that the choice of three hundred and eighteen bishops being made , constantine entred into their assembly , and after he had saluted and harrangued to them , he laid his scepter upon the table , his ring , and his sword and said to them , i give you the power of regulating the affairs of the church ; that done , the fathers humbly thanked him for the authority which he was pleased to fortifie them with , and rendered him his scepter , his ring , and his sword. 't is true , if constantine had been an arrian , his erronious opinion had done as much mischief , as the contrary opinion to that of arrius , and wherewith he was possessed , did good by its establishment : but it is true also , that if the soveraign of an empire hath no other authority in the church than that of a private person , it will never be possible , and it can never happen , that an orthodox prince will be able to establish the true religion by his commandments in all the places of his empire . 't is true , by this soveraign authority of the magistrate , errour and impiety may as well be established by lawes , as truth and piety : but it is true also , that when the soveraign magistrate , either hath no part , nor is interessed in the affairs of religion , as during the three first ages of the church , nothing could keep the bishops , as were those two thousand and forty eight of whom eutychius speaks , from divinding into many erronious parties , and the orthodox party to be always the least in number , and this cannot happen , when god gives to the church , such princes as resemble constantine the great , theodosius , and martian . it happens notwithstanding that during such disorders , and such confusions of diverse opinions , as were those of the two thousand and forty , that god reserves always a small number of good pastors , as were those three hundred and eighteen , who form in a great empire , such as was the roman , several little congregations , all like to those of our independants , whom god makes use of , amidst the greater corruption and confusion , to keep and perpetuate to himself an orthodox and faithful people in the world . 't is true then , that whither god gives a christian magistrate , but a heretick ; or whether he does not give any , if he be not possibly a heathen , as during the three first ages , the inconvenience is great ; but it is otherwise certain , that when god blesses his church with a magistrate that favours the orthodox and true worshippers of jesus christ , the condition of the church of god is incomparably more happy , than under any other establishment of religion or of the state. for although persecution ought to unite christians by a holy , and the same faith , and by a life correspondent to it , yet it hath not that efficacy nor that vertue to produce those two good effects which commonly follow under the reign of good princes , as david , hezekiah , josiah , constantine , theodosius , &c. under whom the people are united well otherwise , and kept in good order , and in the profession of one and the same , and a good religion , which they are not under persecution . for even the church is not without disorders , and violent shakings under the best and most orthodox princes , which happens by their indulgence , who keep not up that authority they ought to take in the government of the church , and who delegate it to the clergy , and permit them to exercise by a pretended power derived from jesus christ , independant on the magistrate , and who , in short , raise up bishops to such a greatness and wealth , as to have credit enough to partake and share the soveraignty , and to dispute the moiety of it with him , who of right is the soveraign of the whole , leaving him the temporal soveraignty , and reserving to themselves the spiritual as they call it . but these matters i discourse of in my book , not yet printed , intituled , an essay towards a true ecclesiastical history . one theophilus of alexandria ▪ and his successor cyrillus , were equal , and went check by jole in authority with the emperour , and had built an empire in that of their soveraign . for even those and their successours had built several of them , when a pope was set up among them , who subjugated them all , and made them all agree , to set up but one catholick church ; for before there were in the same empire many catholick churches which mutually destroyed each other . donatus acknowledged no other church in the world than his own : that made theophilus also of alexandria do so , who persecuted st. chrysostome to the uttermost , and who treated him as an heretick , a schismatick , and calling all those that adhered to him , johannites . the same may be said of the concurrence of meletius , of flavian , and paulinus , for the bishoprick of antioch , who shared the empire and the church into two catholick churches . i leave sincere persons to judge , what integrity of faith those prelates could preserve during not only the three first ages , but also those following . all the christian antiquity , put aside that of the holy scripture , cannot produce such peices that may come in competition with the institutions of calvin , or with the confession of the congregational faith ; the first centuries of the christian church swarmed with heresie and hereticks ; the most orthodox as irenaeus , justin martyr , tertullian , clement , denis of alexandria , origen , cyprian , eusebius , arnobius , lactantius , &c. who opposed those heresies , were not themselves exempt , and they had all some touch or other of one of the heresies of montanus , of s●b●llius , samorzites , pelagius , apollinaris , and eutiches . st. austin , that miracle of nature and of grace , had also his errors . however he was the first that well established the doctrine of free grace ▪ for those who preceded him , have spoke of it most an end , as pelagius has done , without any ones taking particular heed to it , or opposing it , because they never treated of that matter throughly , and searched into the bottom of it , and have not made any express and particular book about it : this is what st. austin says . in lib. . in julianum , cap. . tali quaestione nullus pulsabatur , pelagianis nondum ligantibus securius loqucbantur . they have all consecrated their errors to immortality , because of their ancientness ; but as cyprian tells us , dist . . c. . consuetudo sine veritate est vetust is erroris . it appears than by all i have here said , that if interest , custome , obstinacy , the love that every one has for their own particular opinions , govern the greatest part of mankind in matters of religion ; we may say of prejudices , that those are they which tyrannize over them ; such as in our dayes is that of every sort of the reformed , who imagine that their reformation , their doctrine , and their discipline , come the nearest to the primitive church . this is what monsieur claude maintains most confidently of our reformation in france : but as i agree with him , that it is the purest in the world , i do not agree with him that it hath any conformity with the ancient primitive church , except he means the apostolical , and not that which was immediately after the apostles . for even so the conformity of the congregational way with the christians after the apostles is not as to the doctrine , but only as to the outward discipline and way of government . finis . the reader is desired to take notice , that the author for some reasons , since the printing of the contents , hath thought good to leave out the last chapter there mentioned . advertisement there is lately published of this authors , a book entituled moral reflections on the number of the elect , &c. price d. faults escaped . page . line . dele the father . p. . l. . read confederate discipline . p. . l. . r. there being but the first nicene council . p. . l. . r. heretical . p. . l. penul . r. inconvenience . p. . l. . r. nor , l. . r. the romish church . p. . l. . r. that it is not of so long duration . p. . l , . justice , r. justesse . p. . l. . r. with as much rigour and severity to submit to a tribunal subject to errour , as those of rome to one that is infallible . p. . l. . r. sent the plantif . p. . l. . r. veneration . p. . l. . government r. conduct . p. l. . have r. hath . a proposall humbly offered for the farming of liberty of conscience butler, samuel, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a proposall humbly offered for the farming of liberty of conscience butler, samuel, - . b. g. [ ], p. [s.n.], [london?] printed : . signed at end: b.g. attributed to butler by wing and nuc pre- imprints. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within 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be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -- anecdotes - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proposall humbly offered , for the farming of liberty of conscience . printed in the year , . a proposall humbly offered for the farming of liberty of conscience . since nothing can be dearer unto poor christians , then liberty , for the free exercise of their iudgments and conscience , which hath kindled that fire in the bowels of the three kingdoms which all the pretious blood that hath been shed , during these late troubles , hath not been able totally to extinguish : and since many of us , whose names are affixed , were so profitably instrumental in these late combustions , as appears all along in our sermons before the honorable house of parliament , in the years , , , , , . in exciting the good people of this nation , to seek and maintain their christian liberty , against all prelatical and antichristian imposition whatsoever . and considering , that the little finger of apostacie , from our first love , would be a greater burden upon our tender consciences then the loyns of episcopacy , we being more bound in honour then conscience , cannot totally desist ; neither need any man fear , or so much as suspect , lest any inconvenience , or alteration should happen in religion by the great diversity of opinions , tongues and languages , tolerated amongst us , unless in the great babel of episcopacy that may possibly be pull'd down and destroyed by this our notable confusion : for if the gospel was wonderfully disseminated and spread abroad by every mans speaking in his own language , and the very enemies thereof astonished and miraculously wrought into a belief of it ; how is it likely to be now obstructed , in the free exercise of our spiritual gifts with these our cloven and divided tongues ? and since many worthy persons ( from whom we might little expect it , but far lesse deserve it ) out of their goodnesse and clemency , are pleased to incline to some libertie , did not some persons , aliens and strangers to the commonwealth of israel take up a reproach against us , as persons reprobated into an impossibility of submission ●o principles of concord , peace , and order in church or state , never being able hitherto to come to any consistency amongst our selves the ark of god having for twenty years together been exposed to high-wayes streets and worse places , for want of an agreement amongst our own brethren , where to rest it , or how to entertain it . if this be our case , and could we be sure of so much favour as saul once desired of samuel , that the bishops would but honour us before the people , we would in a private christian way lay our hands upon our hearts , and acknowledg the hand of god and the iustice thereof , in turning us out of his uineyard as wicked and unprofitable servants , and to suffer the iniquity of our heels to overtake us , crying out with reverend mr. calamy , the ark of god is iustly departed from us : but being not yet thus assured , do hope the people will yet believe these to be only bears skins lappt about us by episcopal hands : and therefore , to the end that a consistencie and onenesse of iudgment of the whole separating brethren , and their moderation may be known unto all men , and that the world may know , there is a spirit of rule and government resting in us , it is humbly proposed , that the sole power of granting licenses and indulgences for liberty of conscience within the kingdome of england , dominion of wales , and town of barwick , may be vested in the persons under-named , for the term of seven years , under the farm rent of an hundred thousand pound per annum , to commence from the th day of march next , under such rates and qualifications as are hereafter specified . the names of the grand commissioners and farmers of liberty of conscience ; proposed on munday , march . . mr. edmond calamy mr. tilham , late of colchester mr. philip nye mr. feake . mr. stanley gower of dorchester . george fox , executor of the last will and testament of iames nailor deceased . doctor lazarus seaman mr. dell , late of cambridge . doctor owen mr. bryan , late of coventry . mr. matthew mead mr. iohn coppin doctor manton mr. kiffen mr. william ienkins mr. fisher , late of kent . doctor thomas goodwin mr. hammond , late of newcastle . mr. peter sterry mr. bridges , late of yarmouth . mr. ioseph carryll mr. tombes , late of lemster . mr. leigh , late of lumbard-street . the executor of mr. venner lately executed . mr. thomas case mr. reynor , late of lincoln . mr. raph venning mr. rogers mr. benn , late of dorchester . mr. george griffith , late of charterhouse . the executor of hugh peters lately executed . mr. george newton , late of taunton . mr. dan dyke , late of hertford-shire . mr. may● , late of kingston . mr. ioshua sprigg . mr. henry iessey . mr. newcomen of dedham in essex . doctor tuckney of cambridge . doctor cornelius burges . mr. zachary crofton doctor holmes . mr. iohn cann mr. thomas brooks . that the persons aforesaid , may be constituted grand commissioners , and farmers of liberty of conscience within the kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and town of berwick , and may be impowred to set up one publique office within the city of london , and to nominate and elect a convenient number of registers , clerk , and other officers : and for the more certainty of all certificates to be granted as is hereafter appointed , the said grand commissioners and farmers may form a common seal to be kn●wn , and called by the name of the publique seal of the grand commissioners and farmers of liberty of conscience engraven . an ass without ears , braying , with this motto incircled stat pro ratione libertas : and the said grand commissioners and farmers or any of them in the said office assembled , may from time to time compound and agree for liberty of conscience , with any person or persons , under such rates and qualifications , as are hereafter specified . that the said grand commissioners and farmers , or any of them , may constitute and appoint , under the publique seal of the office , sub-commissioners , and other officers , for every countie within the said kingdom , not exceeding the number of . for each county , whereof to be a quorum , who may compound and agree for liberty of conscience , with any person or persons , select congregations , ca●ed , towns corporate , parishes hamlets , and uillages , by the great , or otherwise , within their respective countries , not exceeding the rates hereafter mentioned . rates to be observed in all compositions for liberty of conscience .   per annum . a presbyterian minister a ruling elder a deacon a heater male or female in fellowship to all ordinances a common hearer only an independant pastor a preaching elder a helper in government a deacon a hearer male or female in fellowship to all ordinances a common hearer only a baptist admitted to the administration of all ordinances a preaching assistant an elder in office a ●eacon a hearer in fellowship male or female to all ordinances a common hearer only a fifth monarcher admitted to hold forth an elder under the same administration a deacon under the same administration a hearer male or female in fellowship according to the value of his or her estate s. per l. per annum       a common hearer male or female according to the value of his or her estate d. per l. per annum .       a speaking male quaker a speaking female quaker a common quaker male or female a confessor a seminary or mass-priest at large a private mass-priest a roman catholick in any other order a roman catholick not in order male or female an officer under any administration not mentioned in the rates aforesaid being a native of england , such only excepted as stand conformable to the church of england a common person under any administration not mentioned in the rates aforesaid being a native of england , such only excepted as stand conformable to the church of england an officer under any administration whatsoever not a native of england , except conformable to the church of england a private person under any administration whatsoever not a native of england , except conformable to the church of england rates to be observed in compounding for liberty of conscience in the particulars following , viz. for liberty to assert the popes supremacy for liberty to write , speak , or preach against the government as they shall be inwardly moved for liberty to keep on their hats before magistrates , or in courts of judicature for liberty to rail publickly against the bishops and common prayer for liberty to refuse all manner of oaths , of allegiance and supremacy , or in cases civil or criminal for liberty to deny tythes and other church duties for liberty to expound the revelations and the book of daniel for liberty to disturb any congregation after sermon for liberty to assert the solemn league and covenant for liberty to instruct youth in the short catechism set forth by the assembly of divines that any person or persons gifted for any the particulars abovesaid , may have liberty therein either as an itinerate , in private or publique , at the rates abovesaid . that no person or persons , be admitted to compound for liberty of conscience , until he or they have first taken and subscribed , the solemn protestation following , before the said grand commissioners and farmers , or their sub-commissioners respectively . i a. b. do here solemnly protest , that i judg my self still bound by the solemn league and covenant , by the engagement , by private church-covenant , or by any other oath which i have taken ever since the year . and that so far as with safety to my person and estate i may , i will endeavour the utter extirpation of episcopacy , and to the utmost of my power , will abet and promote all schism , faction , and discord , both in church and state , according to the best form and manner , prescribed and laid open in the sermons of many of the grand-commissioners and farmers , before the parliament , appointed to be printed , and now called the homilies of the separated churches . and that i will never by what conviction or authority soever , whether legall or episcopall , ever consent to the establisht doctrine and discipline of the church of england . and i do likewise believe , that liberty of conscience was a mysterious , yet profitable talent committed to the churches , and that it may be lawfully farmed out for advantage and improvement . that no person within the kingdom of england , dominion of wales , or town of barwick , may , from , and after the day of march next , use or exercise any manner of liberty of conscience , except persons standing conformable to the church of england , untill such person or persons shall first take the solemn protestation , and shall compound with the said grand commissioners and farmers for liberty of conscience , nor shall he be admitted or permitted to be a speaker or hearer , in any meeting or assemblies whatsoever . that the said grand commissioners and farmers of liberty of conscience , may have power to constitute under the publique seal of the said office , a convenient number of spiritual gagers , who may have and exercise all such powers , priviledges , & authorities , as the gagers for excize of beer and ale , have , or ought to have and enjoy , and may at any time , in case of suspition , enter into any house or place , publike or private , to gage and try the spirits and affections of any person or persons ; and by praying , preaching , or other good exhortation , disswade from episcopacie , and the common-prayer , the better to fit and prepare them to compound for liberty of conscience . that the said grand commissioners and farmers of liberty of conscience , may have power to fine any person or persons ( not exceeding the sum of l for every offence , who shall , after composition for liberty of conscience , and subscribing the solemn protestation , be present in any church or chappel , within the kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and town of berwick , in the time of any part of divine service , unless at the funeral of his father , or some other like occasion : or , if being present at any such occasion , he shall either respond , be uncovered , or carry himself reverently , in the time of divine service aforesaid . that the said grand commissioners and farmers of liberty of conscience , or any of them assembled at the office aforesaid , may have and exercise a iurisdiction of appeal in all matters relating to liberty of conscience , within the said kingdom of england , and shall have a conclusive power in all matters brought before them , by way of appeal as aforesaid . that for the better management of all such matters as shall be brought judicially before the said grand commissioners and farmers of liberty of conscience , by way of appeal , the said grand commissioners and farmers shall have power to constitute and appoint mr. oliver st. johns , and such others , as they judge fit for their said service , to be of standing-councel with the said grand commissioners and farmers : and the said mr. oliver st. johns , being so constituted and appointed under the publick seal of the said office , shall , and may be exempted and discharged from being in any publike office , or place of trust or profit , for the said term of years , any thing to the contrary notwithstanding . that if any person or persons shall happen to be proceeded against in any of the ecclesiastical courts of the bishops of this kingdome for contumacy , for non-conformity , for non-payment of tythes , and other church-duties , for publick rayling against the bishops , the common-prayer , or the government of the church of england , or shall speak oprobriously or scandalously against the doctrine or discipline thereof , as antichristian , or shall maintain any positions or doctrines contrary thereunto : every such person producing a certificate from the said grand commissioners and farmers under the publike seal of the said office , that such person or persons are under composition for liberty of conscience , shall actually be discharged , and all further proceedings stayed ; any thing to the contrary notwithstanding . that if any persons shall happen to be indicted or criminally proceeded against in any of his majesties courts at westminster , or elsewhere within the kingdom of england , either for treasonable speeches or practises , for publike raysing at the government , or for scandalous words against either or both houses of parliament , or for transgressing any of the penal laws and statutes of this kingdom ; every such person or persons producing a certificate from the said grand commissioners and farmers under the publike seal of the said office , that such person or persons are under composition for liberty of conscience ; and that such words or practises were not spoken or acted malitiose , but were only the natural and proper effects and product of liberty of conscience , shall be discharged , and all further proceedings stayed , any thing to the contrary notwithstanding . that the said grand commissioners and farmers of liberty of conscience , may have power from time to time to ordain pastors , elders , and deacons , or any other officers under any administration whatsoever , by the laying on of the publique seal of the office : which said imposition of the said publique seal being received with a certificate ; shall be as lawful an ordination , as if every such person had received imposition from the hands of the presbytery , any late usage or custome to the contrary notwithstanding . that the said grand commissioners and farmers may have power from time to time , to set apart dayes for publique fastings , and humiliation and thanksgiving ; on which dayes it may be lawful for any person or persons appointed to officiate before the said grand commissioners and farmers , to stir up the people to a holy indignation against themselves , for having by their want of zeal and brotherly kindnesse one towards another , lost many pretious enjoyments ; and above all , the never to be forgotten losse of the late power and dominion , which with the expence of so much blood and rapine , was put into the hands of the saints . and to take up for a lamentation and great thoughts of heart , the divisions of ruben , that having our sacks full , such an evill spirit should be found in the midst of us , as to fall out by the way ; might it have beén with those that abode by the stuff , as with those that went out to the battel , it had not beén with us as at this day . some starting aside , like a broken bow , in the year ; others continuing to bear the burthen and heat of the day untill , being harness'd , did then turn their backs in the day of battel . that the twentieth day of april next , commonly called easter-monday , be kept as a day of solemn fasting and humiliation , for a blessing upon these gospel — undertakings , and that mr. edmond calamy , mr. peter sterry , doctor lazarus seaman , and mr. feake , be desired to carry on the work of the day in prayer and preaching , before the said grand farmers , and that the particulars following , be recommended to their consideration in the work of the day . . to bewail , . all our court sins . . our bishops sins . . our monk sins . . our common-prayer sins . . to divert , . westminster-hall iudgments . . our old-bayly iudgments . . our tower-hill iudgments . . our charing-cross iudgments . . our tyburn iudgments . lastly , for deliverance from the hand of dun , that uncercumcised philistine . that the said grand commissioners , and farmers of liberty of conscience , may have power to build churches and chappels in any place or places , except upon such ground only where churches or chappels do already stand , in regard of the inconvenience of setting up altar against altar ; and forasmuch as the custom of reading some part of the holy bible before sermon , commonly called first and second lessons , hath been found fruitless , that therefore the said grand commissioners & farmers may have power to appoint instead thereof , the annual reading of those sermons preached by many of the said grand commissioners and farmers , before the parliament , upon special occasions of thanksgiving and humiliation , from the year , to the year : which said sermons may be called , the homilies of the separating churches . that the said grand commissioners and farmers may have power to require mr. gilbert millington , and mr. luke robinson , the lame evangelist , to deliver up all such articles , orders , books , papers , and other writings , as were transacted before the late committee for plundered ministers ; and likewise , all such as were passed and transacted before mr. philip ney , and some others of the now grand commissioners and farmers , and heretofore called commissioners or spiritual tryers , to the end , the said articles , orders , books , and other papers may be printed and published , and may be kept at the said office upon record for ever , and appointed to be the book of canons of the separated churches . all this being done , we may upon scripture grounds expect , that the door of hope may yet be open to us , and our children after us , to see the travell of our souls , and to lett us into the promised land , and to reap some of those clusters of the grapes of canaan , which with so much labour and toyl of body and mind were planted , especially in the years of , , , , . by many of us , and other precious saints and ministers of the gospel , who are since fallen asleép , and have , we hope , reaped the fruits of those labours , the lord having in that day put a mighty spirit into us , & set us as watchmen upon the towers of israel , to cry mightily , curse ye meroze , curse ye bitterly ; the lord grant , that those heart-breaking labours of ours , those king-destroying labours , these kingdom-ruining labours , those gospel-scandalizing labours , those church-subverting labours , those soul-confounding labors of ours , may never be forgotten , but may be written as with the point of a diamond , upon the heart of the king , upon the hearts of the bishops , upon the heart of the parliament , and upon the hearts of all the people from dan to beersheba , that so in gods good time we may receive our reward seven fold-into our own bosomes ; and that the genera●ions to come may hear and fear , and do no more so wickedly . so prayes , b. g.